Contents

• Introduction
• Congressional Interest
• Voting Rights
• Legislative Representation
• Gender Quotas
• Gender-Sensitive Parliaments
• Executive Representation
• Women Leaders in the 21^st Century
• Women Leaders of the 20^th Century
• Violence Against Women in Politics
• Europe
• Africa
• Asia-Pacific

Summary

Women and girls make up half of the world's population. However, in most countries, women are underrepresented in the political process at the national level. As this report shows, on April 1, 2026, women held 27.4% of legislative seats around the world, an increase from 16.6% of legislative seats in April 31, 2006 (see Figure 1). As of April 1, 2026, women held 50% or more of the legislative seats in eight countries: Rwanda, Cuba, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, Bolivia, Mexico, Andorra, and the United Arab Emirates (see Table 3). At the executive level, 37 women in 33 countries were elected or selected by elected bodies to serve as heads of state and/or heads of government as of May 1, 2026 (see Table 6).

This report provides an overview of women's roles in national governments and looks at suffrage, representation at the legislative and executive levels, gender quotas, and violence against women in elections.

Introduction

Women and girls make up half of the world's population. However, in most countries, women are underrepresented in the political process at the national level. Possible causes include discriminatory laws and practices, gender stereotypes, low levels of education, and the disproportionate effect of poverty on women. Many experts have found that women's political participation, including representation in elected governments, contributes to the overall well-being of women and their communities.¹

As this report shows, on April 1, 2026, women held an average of 27.4% of legislative seats around the world, an increase from 16.6% in April 31, 2006 (see Figure 1). The percentage of women holding seats in 181 national legislatures worldwide ranged from 59.4% (Rwanda) to 0.0% (Tuvalu). As of April 1, 2026, women held 50% or more of the legislative seats in eight countries: Rwanda, Cuba, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, Bolivia, Mexico, Andorra, and the United Arab Emirates (see Table 3).

A United Nations 2025 report notes that by the end of 2024, parliamentary elections for 73 chambers were held in 59 countries, during which women held 27.2% of the seats—up from 26.9% at the beginning of the year, "the slowest rate of progress since 2017."² UN Women calculates that at the current rate of progress, "gender parity in national legislative bodies will not be achieved before 2063."³ At the national executive level, 37 women in 33 countries were elected or selected by elected bodies to serve as heads of state and/or heads of government as of May 1, 2026 (see Table 6).⁴

This report provides a snapshot of women's political participation in national governments worldwide by compiling statistics and other information from a variety of sources, including the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU), the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, news reports, and other sources.

Congressional Interest

Congress has long been interested in legislation that either directly or indirectly addresses women's political participation around the world. For example, from FY2014 through FY2024, a provision in the Department of State, Foreign Operations, and Related Programs appropriations acts appropriated funds for women's leadership. Most recently, Section 7059(c) of the Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2026 (Division F of P.L. 119-75), appropriated $37.5 million for the Madeleine K. Albright Women's Leadership Program.

Members have also enacted laws that address women's political participation. For example, Section 7059(e) of the Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2026 (Division F of P.L. 119-75), stated:

Women, Peace, and Security [WPS]—Of the funds appropriated by this Act under the headings "National Security Investment Programs" and "International Narcotics Control and Law Enforcement", $112,500,000 should be made available to support a multi-year strategy to expand, and improve coordination of, United States Government efforts to empower women as equal partners in conflict prevention, peace building, transitional processes, and reconstruction efforts in countries affected by conflict or in political transition, and to ensure the equal provision of relief and recovery assistance to women and girls.⁵

Congressional hearings involving WPS have been held since the 111^th Congress (2009-2010).⁶

P.L. 115-68, the Women, Peace, and Security Act of 2017, stressed the importance of "the participation of women in conflict prevention, management, and resolution and post-conflict relief and recovery efforts." This legislation directed the U.S. Department of State, the U.S. Department of Defense (DOD),⁷ and the U.S. Agency for International Development to promote WPS and urged the President to "promote women's participation in conflict prevention."

U.S. Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth⁸ announced the end of WPS within DOD on April 29, 2025.⁹ Several bills have been introduced expressing support for WPS programs since that date.¹⁰

In 2016, the IPU published a report about discrimination, harassment and violence against women parliamentarians and women parliamentary staff. Since 2016, the IPU has published regional updates for Europe, Africa, and the Asia-Pacific.¹¹

In the United States, the House Committee on Ethics released a press release stating that the committee

is dedicated to maintaining a congressional workplace free from sexual misconduct and ensuring that any individuals responsible for misconduct are held responsible for their behavior. There should be zero tolerance for sexual misconduct, harassment, or discrimination in the halls of Congress, or in any employment setting…. Regardless of whether a claim is brought through formal channels, individuals who have been the victim of or who are otherwise aware of any sexual misconduct, regardless of whether they are a House employee, can submit a complaint with the Committee at any time through the Committee's website (here).¹²

The House Committee on Ethics also released a "Historical Chart of Sexual Misconduct Matters," dealing with "publicly disclosed investigative matters involving alleged sexual misconduct by member[s.]"¹³ It provides the subject, allegations, and the outcome of each investigation. These include sexual harassment of congressional staff and other forms of misconduct.

Voting Rights

The right to vote is a primary step toward involving a populace in the political decisions of a government. In many countries, voting rights for citizens have been restricted by gender and "other demographic factors such as race, age, education level or marital status."¹⁴ Definitions of what constituted a "citizen" may also have changed over time, for example, by including minority groups and Indigenous peoples, as was done in the United States.

Table 1 and Table 2 list the first and latest countries, respectively, to extend voting rights to women at the national level, according to the IPU. Subnational regions (e.g., states, provinces) may have granted women the right to vote earlier than at the national level.¹⁵ The right to vote does not remove social barriers that may limit women's ability to vote, but it ensures that women are no longer legally barred from voting. In the United States, for example, many Black women could not vote until the Voting Rights Act of 1965, even though women were granted the right to vote in federal elections in 1920.¹⁶

Some countries granted women the right to vote in stages. For example, in Canada in 1917, "women who served in the military or who had a close male relative serving in the military (i.e., a father, husband or son) were granted the right to vote." By 1918, the restrictions related to non-military service were removed, although Indigenous women still could not vote.¹⁷

Legislative Representation

Tables 3-5 highlight women's representation in national legislatures. Several countries and political parties have gender quotas that mandate women's representation on a ballot or in the legislature. Some governments may also use quotas to ensure ethnic or religious diversity in their national legislatures (e.g., Bosnia and Herzegovina, Iraq).¹⁸ Although women may benefit from these quotas, only gender quotas are included in the tables.

Gender Quotas

The Atlas of Electoral Gender Quotas explains that "[g]ender quotas are numerical targets that stipulate the number or percentage of women that must be included in a candidate list or the number of seats to be allocated to women in a legislature. They aim to reverse discrimination in law and practice and to level the playing field for women and men in politics."¹⁹

Three main types of gender quotas are generally recognized, and they may be used at the national and subnational levels:

• 1. Legislated candidate quotas. These quotas are mandated through national constitutions or laws to regulate the gender composition of the ballot.
• 2. Legislated "reserved seats." These quotas reserve specific numbers or percentages of seats in legislatures for women. The quotas are mandated through national constitutions or laws and are implemented through special electoral procedures.
• 3. Party quotas (also known as voluntary party quotas). Political parties may adopt these quotas through party statutes and rules. Such adoption is the prerogative of each party, and some parties in a country may adopt quotas while others may not.²⁰

A 2026 report from the IPU notes that quotas were "a significant driver of women's representation in parliament in 2025. In the 36 chambers that had some form of quotas, the average share of elected or appointed seats held by women reached 30.9%, versus an average of 23.3% in chambers with no quotas. The average share of women elected was the highest (37.3%) in chambers that had both legislated and voluntary quotas."²¹

The percentage of women holding seats in 181 national legislatures worldwide ranged from 59.4% (Rwanda) to 0.0% (Tuvalu). Table 3 lists the countries where women hold 40% or more of the total seats of the national legislative chamber body according to the IPU.

Table 4 shows the number of seats held by women in the national legislative chambers of the 19 member countries of the "Group of 20" (G-20), a forum for advancing international economic cooperation and coordination among certain countries.²² According to the IPU, women hold 40% or more of the total seats in the national legislatures of four G-20 countries (Mexico, Australia, South Africa, and Argentina). These countries appear in both Table 3 and Table 4.

Table 5 lists countries where women hold 10% or less of the total legislative seats, according to the IPU.

According to the IPU, over a 20-year period, the percentage of seats held by women in national legislatures has increased 10.8% worldwide from 16.6% in April 2006 to 27.4% in April 2026 (see Figure 1).

Figure 1. Average Percentage of Seats Held by Women in National Legislatures Worldwide April 2006 Through April 2026

Source: Created by CRS using data from Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU), "Archived Data: World and Region Averages," http://archive.ipu.org/wmn-e/world-arc.htm; and IPU, "Global and Regional Averages of Women in National Parliaments," https://data.ipu.org/women-averages/.

According to the IPU, in April 2006, Europe and the Americas were the only regions where the average percentage of women holding legislative seats at the national level exceeded 18%, as shown in Figure 2. By 2026, all regions except the Middle East and North Africa had an average of 18% or more women holding seats in national legislatures. On average, women holding legislative seats in the Middle East and North Africa increased from 8.8% in 2006 to 16.2% in 2026.

Figure 2. Change in Comparative Regional Percentages of Seats Held by Women in National Legislatures April 2006 compared to April 2026

Source: Created by CRS using data from Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU), "Archived Data: World and Region Averages," http://archive.ipu.org/wmn-e/world-arc.htm; and IPU, "Global and Regional Averages of Women in National Parliaments," https://data.ipu.org/women-averages/.

Gender-Sensitive Parliaments

The IPU defines gender-sensitive parliament as "one that responds to the needs and interests of both men and women in its structures, operations, methods, and work."²³ IPU research focuses on ways that parliaments can "create the mechanisms required to mainstream gender equality concerns throughout their legislative, oversight and administrative work."²⁴

In 2012 and again in 2017, the IPU published its "Plan of Action for Gender-Sensitive Parliaments," which includes the following action areas:

• Increasing the number of women in parliament and achieving equality in participation
• Strengthening gender equality legislation and policy
• Mainstreaming gender equality throughout all parliamentary work
• Instituting or improving gender-sensitive infrastructure and parliamentary culture
• Ensuring that responsibility for gender equality is shared by all parliamentarians—men and women
• Encouraging political parties to be champions of gender equality
• Enhancing the gender sensitivity of, and gender equality among, parliamentary staff²⁵

In October 2022, the 145^th IPU Assembly in Kigali, Rwanda, adopted the Kigali Declaration, titled "Gender Equality and Gender-Sensitive Parliaments as Drivers of Change for a More Resilient and Peaceful World." It made the following recommendations:

Achieve parity in political decision-making, including by using electoral gender quotas and ensuring that other electoral quotas always have a gender parity provision.

Ensure our law-making, law-enforcement, and budgeting are gender-responsive across all policy fields.

Put vulnerable populations at the centre of our parliamentary functions of legislation, oversight, resource allocation and representation.

End gender-based discrimination, violence and other harmful practices, and ensure access to sexual and reproductive health, rights and justice for all women and girls.

Advance equality in caring responsibilities among men and women and set an example in our societies by undertaking 50% of the daily care work for our families, regardless of whether we are male or female MPs.²⁶

Hybrid work—that is, a combination of remote work and in-person work—is being examined as a gender-sensitive mechanism. According to a 2024 IPU report, "over two thirds of parliaments (68%) now have multi-year digital strategies and 73% have formal modernization programmes" to promote hybrid work.²⁷ A 2023 IPU report noted that these changes were considered "gender-responsive" and that parliaments were "considering to what extent hybrid working makes parliaments more modern, gender-sensitive and family-friendly workplaces."²⁸ The 2024 IPU report stated that "as digital technology becomes increasingly strategic to parliaments, gender balance and gender-responsive digital initiatives are likely to become increasingly important aspects of inclusive governance."²⁹

Another 2024 IPU report discussed the "Women in Politics: To Stay or Not to Stay" session at the 147^th IPU Assembly in October 2023. The panel discussion emphasized peer-to-peer support and building "more solidarity among women across party lines."³⁰

Various international organizations have published additional research and guidelines to assist parliaments in achieving gender sensitivity.³¹

Executive Representation

The term executive refers to a person identified as either the head of state or head of government of a country. The EBSCO Advantage Politics and Government database defines head of state as the person "who represents the government symbolically, but does not manage the country's daily activities. A head of state advances national pride and identity, hosts foreign ambassadors, and serves as a symbol of the country. The head of state does not pass any legislation."³² The head of government is the "chief officer of the executive branch of a government. They are responsible for overseeing the daily executive and legislative activities in their country. Typically, the head of government appoints members of the government, oversees governmental agencies, and oversees the operations of the civil service."³³

Executives may be selected through various methods: directly elected from a ballot dedicated to the executive office; indirectly elected by the legislature; appointed, following legislative elections, as the leader of the majority political party or majority coalition; or through other means.

According to a 2026 analysis from the Pew Research Center, 63 out of 193 United Nations member states (32.6%) have had female heads of government since 1960, when Sri Lankan Sirima Bandaranaike was elected the world's first female prime minister.³⁴

Women Leaders in the 21^st Century

Table 6 lists alphabetically countries with heads of state and/or heads of government, excluding monarchs, who are women.

Women Leaders of the 20^th Century

Table 7 identifies several notable female executives who held office in the 20^th century with explanatory notes.

Violence Against Women in Politics

Some experts and observers have found that, while any candidate or elected politician may experience violence, women politicians can be targeted because of their gender and subjected to sexist threats, sexual harassment, and violence.³⁵ Violence may occur during the registration and voting processes, while campaigning and running for office, and/or while serving in a government.³⁶ Perpetrators may include both state and non-state actors, such as members of political parties, other parliamentarians, members of the public, media representatives, and religious or community leaders.³⁷

Information about violence against women in politics tends to be based on anecdotal evidence, making it difficult to determine the extent and prevalence of the problem. In addition, some women may be reluctant to report violence out of fear that doing so may limit their political aspirations and lead to reprisals, threats, and possible increased harassment.³⁸ According to a 2018 United Nations report, "women of color appear to be disproportionately affected, and risks are likely higher for women of marginalized communities."³⁹

In October 2016, the IPU published the results of a survey of 55 women legislators from 39 countries on their experiences of harassment, intimidation, or violence based on their gender.⁴⁰ Tables 9-12 illustrate the findings of this survey. Broadly, almost 82% of the women surveyed reported psychological violence, almost 22% reported incidents of sexual violence, 26% reported experiencing physical violence, and almost 33% had been subjected to economic violence.⁴¹

Figure 3. Prevalence of Various Forms of Violence Against Women Legislators, 2016

Source: Inter-Parliamentary Union, "Sexism, Harassment and Violence Against Women Parliamentarians," October 2016, https://www.ipu.org/file/2425/download. Note: The report defines various kinds of violence.

The 81.8% of respondents in Figure 3 who reported psychological violence identified the manifestations of this violence in Table 8.

Table 9 lists several factors identified in the IPU study that may make some women legislators likely targets for gender-based violence.

Additional risk factors that appear to lead to violence against women in legislatures include being a member of the political minority; being under the age of 40; and belonging to a minority ethnic, religious, or other marginalized social group.⁴² Table 10 identifies how women legislators have reacted to the acts of violence they experienced.

The IPU released regional updates on sexism, harassment and violence against women in parliaments for Europe (2018), Africa (2021), and the Asia-Pacific (2025).

Europe

The IPU's 2018 Europe regional update is based on the results of one-on-one conversations with 123 women from 45 European countries. Eighty-one participants were members of parliament (MPs), and 42 were members of the parliamentary staff.⁴³ Figure 4 identifies the prevalence of various forms of violence against European women legislators.

Figure 4. Prevalence of Various Forms of Violence Against European Women Legislators, 2018

Source: Inter-Parliamentary Union, "Sexism, Harassment and Violence Against Women Parliamentarians in Europe," October 2018, p. 4, https://www.ipu.org/file/5472/download. Notes: a.This report identified two types of sexual violence: sexual harassment ("words or behavior of a degrading or humiliating sexual nature, sexual advances and/or demands for sexual favors") and sexual assault (being forced to "engage in sexual acts, have sexual intercourse or carry out something of a sexual nature"). b.This report defines physical violence as being slapped, pushed, hit, or having something thrown at you; being threatened with a firearm, knife, or another weapon; or being confined, beaten, or abducted.

More broadly, female MPs in Europe under 40 experienced higher rates of psychological and sexual harassment than did male MPs.⁴⁴

Figure 5 identifies the prevalence of forms of violence against European female parliamentary staff.

Figure 5. Prevalence of Violence Against European Women Parliamentary Staff, 2018

Source: Inter-Parliamentary Union, "Sexism, Harassment and Violence Against Women Parliamentarians in Europe," October 2018, p. 2, https://www.ipu.org/file/5472/download.

Of the 40.5% of European women parliamentary staff who suffered acts of sexual harassment, in 69.2% of such cases the perpetrators were male MPs.⁴⁵

Of the 50.0% of cases in which European women parliamentary staff received comments of a sexual nature, in 61.5% of those cases such comments were made by male MPs.⁴⁶

Africa

The IPU's 2021 Africa regional update is based on the results of confidential interviews conducted with 224 women from 50 countries. One hundred and thirty-seven participants were women MPs, and 87 were members of the parliamentary staff.⁴⁷

Figure 6 identifies the prevalence of violence against African women MPs.

Figure 6. Prevalence of Violence Against African Women Legislators, 2021

Source: Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU), "Sexism, Harassment and Violence Against Women Parliamentarians in Africa," November 2021, p. 2, https://www.ipu.org/file/12951/download. Notes: The IPU uses the following definitions: a.Psychological violence "includes all gestures, acts, words, writings and images that harm the psychological integrity of a person or group of people and that have the effect of weakening and injuring them psychologically, but also of subjugating and controlling them." b.Sexual violence includes "all acts of sexual violence perpetrated against others without consent, including sexual harassment and other unwelcome acts carried out for sexual purposes (physical contact, advances, remarks with sexual connotations, or requests for sexual acts). It includes requests for sexual favours, sexual assault and rape." Sexual harassment includes "any form of unwanted verbal, nonverbal or physical conduct carried out for sexual purposes, such as physical contact and advances, remarks with sexual connotations, or requests for sexual acts, the purpose or effect of which is to violate the dignity of a person, in particular when such conduct creates an intimidating, hostile, degrading, humiliating or offensive environment." Sexual assault is defined as "all acts of sexual violence against another person without consent, including rape, or coercing another person to engage in non-consensual sexual acts with another." c.Economic violence is defined as using "economic barriers and deprivation as a means of control, most often by destroying a person's property or putting in jeopardy their livelihood as a form of intimidation." d.In the report, physical violence "includes a wide range of physical harm that threatens the life or physical integrity of the person concerned or their loved ones."

The 80.0% of African women legislators in Figure 6 who reported psychological violence identified manifestations of this violence in Table 11.

The 39.0% of African women legislators in Figure 6 who reported sexual violence identified manifestations of this violence in Table 12.

Figure 7 identifies the prevalence of forms of violence against African women parliamentary staff.

Figure 7. Prevalence of Various Forms of Violence Against African Women Parliamentary Staff, 2021

Source: Inter-Parliamentary Union, "Sexism, Harassment and Violence Against Women Parliamentarians in Africa," November 2021, p. 3, https://www.ipu.org/file/12951/download.

The 45.0% of African women parliamentary staff in Figure 7 who reported sexual harassment at work identified types of perpetrators of this behavior in Table 13.

African women parliamentary staff reported that "18% have received requests for sexual favors from parliamentary colleagues (56% of cases) or from parliamentarians (44% of cases) in exchange for a benefit that this colleague or parliamentarian was empowered to withhold or confer."⁴⁸

The 69.0% of African women parliamentary staff in Figure 7 who reported psychological violence identified manifestations of this violence in Table 14.

In the 56.0% of African women parliamentary staff who were targets of sexist remarks, 67% of these cases were by male colleagues working in parliament, and 30% of these cases were by male MPs.⁴⁹ In the 38.0% of African women parliamentary staff who experienced psychological harassment within the context of their work in parliament, in 22.0% of those cases, the perpetrators were male MPs.⁵⁰

The 2021 Africa update also provided data on economic violence reported by women MPs, including that:

• 18% of female parliamentary staff have been threatened with losing their jobs or with having their career progression blocked, and
• 24% have been refused funds to which they were entitled, such as a salary or bonus.⁵¹

Asia-Pacific

The IPU's 2025 Asia-Pacific regional update is based on the results of confidential interviews conducted with 150 women from 33 countries.⁵² Eighty-five participants were women MPs, and 65 were members of the parliamentary staff.⁵³ Figure 8 displays forms of violence Asia-Pacific women legislators reported.

Figure 8. Prevalence of Various Forms of Violence Against Asia-Pacific Women Legislators, 2025

Source: Inter-Parliamentary Union(IPU), "Sexism, Harassment and Violence Against Women in Parliaments in the Asia-Pacific Region," March 2025, p. 2, https://www.ipu.org/file/21204/download. Notes: The IPU uses the following definitions: a.Psychological violence is defined as "all gestures, acts, words, writings and images that harm the psychological integrity of a person or group of people and that have the effect of not only weakening and injuring them psychologically, but also of subjugating and controlling them." b.Sexual harassment includes "any form of unwelcome verbal, nonverbal or physical behaviour motivated by sexual intent, such as physical contact and advances, remarks with sexual connotations or requests for sexual acts with the purpose or effect of violating a person's dignity, in particular when this behaviour creates an intimidating, hostile, degrading, humiliating or offensive environment." Sexual assault is defined as "any act of sexual violence committed against another person without consent, including rape, or coercing another person to engage in non-consensual sexual acts with a third party." c.Economic violence is defined as using "economic barriers and deprivation as a means of control, most often by destroying a person's property or putting their livelihood in jeopardy as a form of intimidation." dPhysical violence encompasses "a wide range of bodily harm that poses a threat to the life or physical integrity of the person concerned or their loved ones."

Over three-quarters of Asia-Pacific women legislators in Figure 8 who reported psychological violence identified types of this violence, found in Table 15.

Of the 25.0% of Asia-Pacific women legislators in Figure 8 who reported sexual violence, 52% stated that this violence occurred on parliamentary premises, as shown in Table 16.

Of the 24.0% of Asia-Pacific women legislators in Figure 8 who reported economic violence, 17% stated that "some of their belongings or those of loved ones had been damaged or destroyed during their term," as shown in Table 17.

Of the 25.0% of Asia-Pacific women legislators in Figure 8 who reported physical violence, 42% reported that this violence took place in parliament, as shown in Table 18.

In this study, 60.0% of Asia-Pacific women legislators reported being targets of gender-based attacks online. Table 19 provides more detail.

Figure 9 provides details about the kinds of violence reported by the 65 Asia-Pacific women parliamentary staff who took part in this study.

Figure 9. Prevalence of Various Forms of Violence Against Asia-Pacific Women Parliamentary Staff, 2025

Source: Inter-Parliamentary Union, "Sexism, Harassment and Violence Against Women in Parliaments in the Asia-Pacific Region," March 2025, p. 12, https://www.ipu.org/file/21204/download.

Table 20 provides more details about the psychological violence that 63.0% of women parliamentary staff in Figure 9 reported.

Over a third of women parliamentary staff reported they had been sexually harassed while conducting work in parliament. Table 21 provides details of whom they were sexually harassed by.

Table 22 provides more details about the psychological violence that 27.0% of women parliamentary staff in Figure 9 reported.

Table 23 provides more details about the physical violence that 5.0% of women parliamentary staff in Figure 9 reported.

Susan Chesser was the previous author of this report.

Footnotes