Congressional Research Service
https://crsreports.congress.gov
R45483
Statistics on Women in National Governments Around the World
Congressional Research Service 1
Women and girls make up half of the world’s population; however, in most countries, women are underrepresented in the political process at the national level. Possible causes include discriminatory laws and practices, gender stereotypes, low levels of education, lack of access to health care, and the disproportionate effect of poverty on women. Many experts have found that women’s political participation, including representation in elected governments, contributes to the overall well-being of women and their communities.1
As this report shows, in 2024, women hold 27.0% of legislative seats around the world, an increase from 15.6% of such seats in 2004 (see Figure 1). As of October 1, 2024, women held 50% or more of the legislative seats in six countries: Rwanda, Cuba, Nicaragua, Mexico, Andorra, and the United Arab Emirates (see Table 3).
A 2023 report noted that 66 chambers in 52 countries held elections and that women’s representation increased in 32 of these chambers.2 The same report describes a trend of women leaving politics altogether due to “burnout and fatigue”3 and the “challenge of violence and personal attacks, which are becoming increasingly widespread and virulent with the advancement of digital tools.”4
At the national executive level, 34 countries currently have a female chief of state and/or head of government who won an election or was selected by elected bodies (see Table 6).
This report provides a snapshot of women’s political participation in national governments worldwide by compiling statistics and other information from a variety of sources, including the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU), the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, the CIA World Factbook, news reports, and other sources.5
Legislation has been enacted that, either directly or indirectly, addresses women’s political participation around the world. For example, from FY2014 through FY2024, a provision in Department of State, Foreign Operations, and Related Programs (SFOPS) Appropriations Acts appropriated funds for women’s leadership. Most recently, the FY2024 SFOPS Appropriations Act states:
Of the funds appropriated under title III of this Act, not less than $50,000,000 shall be made available for the Madeleine K. Albright Women’s Leadership Program, as
1 For example, see U.N. document, A/RES/66/130, Women and Political Participation, adopted December 19, 2011; UN Women, “In Brief: Women’s Leadership and Political Participation;” U.S. Department of State, Office of Global Women’s Issues, “Cross-Cutting Issues, Women’s Leadership;” Aaron Reeves, Chris Brown, and Johanna Hanefeld, “Female Political Representation and the Gender Health Gap: A Cross-National Analysis of 49 European Countries,” European Journal of Public Health, vol. 32, no. 5 (October 2022): pp. 684-689; and Niharika Rustagi and Sonia Akter, “The Impact of Women’s Political Representation on Child Health Outcomes during 1990-2020: Evidence from a Global Dataset,” Social Science & Medicine, vol. 312 (November 2022).
2 IPU, Women in Parliament 2023, March 2024, p. 1.
3 Ibid., p. 26.
4 Ibid.
5 For information on global women’s issues more broadly, see CRS In Focus IF11804, Global Women’s Issues: Background and Selected U.S. Efforts.
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established by section 7059(b) of the Department of State, Foreign Operations, and Related Programs Appropriations Act, 2023 (division K of P.L. 117-328).6
Members have also enacted laws that address aspects and issues related to women’s political participation. For example, the Women, Peace, and Security Act of 2017 (P.L. 115-68), among other things, aims to increase the participation of women in conflict prevention and conflict resolution processes as a means to build more inclusive societies and to help stabilize countries and regions. The act expresses the sense of Congress that “the political participation, and leadership of women in fragile environments, particularly during democratic transitions, is critical to sustaining lasting democratic institutions.”7
The right to vote is a primary step toward involving a populace in the political decisions of a government. In many countries, voting rights were originally granted only to adult men who owned property, then were eventually expanded to include adult male citizens regardless of property ownership, then to women, and finally to other underrepresented groups. Definitions of what constituted a “citizen” may also have changed over time, as they did in the United States, and become more inclusive of minority groups and Indigenous peoples.
Table 1 and Table 2, respectively, list the first and latest countries to extend the right and duty of voting to women according to the IPU. Although subnational regions (e.g., states, provinces) may have granted the right to vote earlier, the years in the tables below indicate when sex as a barrier to suffrage was removed from national elections. This does not mean that all women could vote, but that sex as a barrier to voting was removed. In the United States, for example, many women of color could not vote until the Civil Rights Act of 1965, even though women were granted the right to vote in federal elections in 1920.8
6 See Section 7059 of Division F of the Further Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2024 (P.L. 118-47).
7 P.L. 115-68, Section 3, Sense of Congress. For more information, see CRS In Focus IF12346, Women, Peace, and Security: Global Context and U.S. Policy.
8 Katherine Schaeffer, “Key Facts about Women’s Sufferage around the World, a Century after U.S. Ratified 19th Amendment,” Pew Research Center, October 5, 2020.
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Table 1. First Countries to Allow Women to Vote
Year Country/Countries
1893 New Zealand
1902 Australia*
1906 Finland
1913 Norway
1915 Denmark, Iceland*
1917 Canada*
1918 Austria, Estonia, Georgia, Germany, Hungary, Ireland,* Kyrgyz Republic, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Russia, United Kingdom*
1919 Belarus, Belgium,* Luxembourg, Netherlands, Sweden,* Ukraine
1920 Albania, Czech Republic, Iceland,** Slovak Republic, United States
1921 Armenia, Azerbaijan, Sweden**
Source: Compiled by the Congressional Research Service (CRS) using information from IPU, “Women’s Sufferage,” accessed November 25, 2024. Notes: Some countries removed gender as a barrier to voting in stages. One asterisk (*) indicates the first year female citizens were allowed to vote in national elections with some limitations due to gender remaining; two asterisks (**) indicate when those limitations due to gender were removed. No asterisk indicates the year that gender as a barrier to voting was removed without stages. Note: female citizens in certain racial, ethnic, or economic groups may not have been able to vote due to legal barriers not due to gender.
Table 2. Most Recent Countries to Allow Women to Vote
Year Country/Countries
2015 Saudi Arabia
2008 Bhutan
2006 Montenegro, United Arab Emirates
2005 Kuwait
2003 Indonesia, Qatar, Oman
2002 Bahrain
Sources: Compiled by CRS using information from IPU, “Compare data on parliaments,” accessed November 25, 2024; Pamela Paxton, Melanie M. Hughes, and Tiffany D. Barnes, Women, Politics, and Power: A Global Perspective, 4th ed., Rowman & Littlefield, 2021, pp. 43-44; CIA World Factbook’s “Suffrage” website, accessed January 5, 2023; and consultation with CRS analysts. Note: Newly independent countries (e.g., Kosovo, South Sudan) would be included only if women had not been granted suffrage under the preceding country. For example, because Sudan granted women the right to vote in 1964, South Sudan is not included in this list, even though it did not gain independence until 2011.
The following tables highlight women’s representation based in national legislatures, including data on quotas (described below). Several countries and political parties have instituted quotas to ensure that women are represented on the ballot or in the legislature, which may affect the statistics on women’s representation in national governments. Some governments also may use
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quotas to ensure ethnic or religious diversity in their national legislatures (e.g., Bosnia and Herzegovina, Iraq9).
The Atlas of Electoral Gender Quotas explains that “[g]ender quotas are numerical targets that stipulate the number or percentage of women that must be included in a candidate list or the number of seats to be allocated to women in a legislature. They aim to reverse discrimination in law and practice and to level the playing field for women and men in politics.”10
Three main types of gender quotas are generally recognized, and they may be used at the national or subnational level, or both:
• Legislated candidate quotas. These quotas are mandated through national constitutions or legislation to regulate the gender composition of the ballot.
• Legislated “reserved seats.” These quotas reserve a specific number or percentage of seats in the legislature for women members. The quotas are mandated through national constitutions or legislation and are implemented through special electoral procedures.
• Party quotas (also known as voluntary party quotas). Individual political parties may adopt these quotas through the party’s statutes and rules. Such adoption is the prerogative of each party, and some parties in a country may adopt quotas while other parties choose not to do so.11
Table 3 lists the countries where women hold 40% or more of the total seats of the national legislative chamber body according to the IPU.
Table 3. National Legislatures with Women Holding 40% or More of T otal Seats
As of October 1, 2024
IPU Global
Rank by % of
Total Seats
Held by
Womena Country
Type of
Legislative
System
National
Level Gender
Quota
Codesb
Total
Legislative
Seats
Total Seats
Held by
Women
% of Total
Seats Held
by Women
#1 Rwanda Bicameral RS 106 65 61.3%
#2 Cuba Unicameral No Quota 470 262 55.7%
#3 Nicaragua Unicameral CQ 91 49 53.8%
#4 Mexico Bicameral CQ 628 315 50.2%
#5 Andorra Unicameral CQ, PQ 28 14 50.0%
#6 United Arab Emirates Unicameral RS 40 20 50.0%
#7 Costa Rica Unicameral CQ, PQ 57 28 49.1%
#8 Boliva Bicameral CQ 166 80 48.2%
#9 Iceland Unicameral PQ 63 30 47.6%
9 “Bosnia and Herzegovina,” CIA World Factbook, accessed on November 25, 2024 and “Iraq,” CIA World Factbook, accessed on November 25, 2024.
10 Drude Dahlerup et al., Atlas of Electoral Gender Quotas, International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, June 2014, p. 16.
11 Ibid.
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IPU Global
Rank by % of
Total Seats
Held by
Womena Country
Type of
Legislative
System
National
Level Gender
Quota
Codesb
Total
Legislative
Seats
Total Seats
Held by
Women
% of Total
Seats Held
by Women
#10 Sweden Unicameral PQ 349 163 46.7%
#11 Senegal Unicameral CQ 165 76 46.1%
#12 Finland Unicameral No Quota 200 92 46.0%
#13 Monaco Unicameral No Quota 24 11 45.8%
#14 New Zealand Unicameral PQ 123 56 45.5%
#15 Denmark Unicameral No Quota 179 81 45.3
#16 South Africa Bicameral PQ 444 200 45.0%
#17 Norway Unicameral PQ 169 75 44.4%
#18 Australia Bicameral PQ 226 100 44.2%
#19 Spain Bicameral CQ, PQ 615 267 43.4%
#20 Mozambique Unicameral PQ 250 108 43.2%
#21 Argentina Bicameral CQ, PQ 329 142 43.2%
#22 Ecuador Unicameral CQ 137 59 43.1%
#23 Belgium Bicameral CQ 209 90 43.1%
#24 Republic of Moldova Unicameral CQ, PQ 98 40 40.8%
Sources: Compiled by CRS using data from the IPU’s Monthly Ranking of Women in National Parliaments and the Gender Quotas Database, published by the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, accessed November 24, 2024. Notes: The table above does not include vacancies as of October 1, 2024. A given legislature could have a greater total number of seats than those shown, if seats were vacant. Also, the countries listed here include those identified by the IPU where women hold 40% or more of the total seats in the national legislative chamber(s). a. The rankings by percentage of total seats held by women are based on the 193 countries listed in the complete IPU list of Montlhy Ranking of Women in National Parliaments. Data was available for only 185 countries. Five countries (Eritrea, Haiti, Kuwait, Niger, and Venezuela) had no values recorded and three countries (Afghanistan, Myanmar, and Sudan) were recorded as having suspended legislatures.
b. Four codes indicate the type of gender quota used in the country: CQ=legislated quotas for candidates on the ballot level; RS=legal quotas for reserved seats, whether legislated or mandated by the executive branch; PQ=voluntary party quotas; Sub only=quotas at the subnational level only, as identified by the Gender Quotas Database.
Table 4 shows the number of seats held by women in the national legislative chambers of the 19 members of the “Group of 20” (G-20), a forum for advancing international economic cooperation and coordination among certain countries.12 According to the IPU, women hold 40% or more of the total seats in the national legislatures of four G-20 countries (Mexico, South Africa, Australia, and Argentina), and these countries appear in both Table 3 and Table 4.
12 The European Union and the African Union, which are members of the G-20, are excluded from the table as the IPU’s Monthly Ranking of Women in National Parliaments does not include international parliaments, such as the European Parliament and the Pan-African Parliament.
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Table 4. Women in National Legislatures of G-20 Countries
As of October 1, 2024
IPU Global
Rank by % of
Total Seats
Held by
Womena Country
Type of
Legislative
System
National
Level Gender
Quota
Codesb
Total
Legislative
Seats
Total Seats
Held by
Women
% of Total
Seats Held
by Women
#4 Mexico Bicameral CQ 628 315 50.2%
#16 South Africa Bicameral PQ 444 200 45.0%
#18 Australia Bicameral PQ 226 100 44.2%
#21 Argentina Bicameral CQ, PQ 329 142 43.2%
#41 Canada Bicameral PQ 436 158 36.2%
#42 France Bicameral CQ, PQ 925 334 36.1%
#44 Germany Bicameral PQ 805 286 35.5%
#46 United Kingdom Bicameral PQ 1,435 491 34.2%
#50 Italy Bicameral CQ, PQ 605 203 33.6%
#80 United States Bicameral No Quota 532c 151 28.4%
#92 China Unicameral RS 2,977 790 26.5%
#117 Indonesia Unicameral CQ 580 122 21.0%
#128 South Korea Unicameral CQ, PQ 300 60 20.0%
#130 Saudi Arabia Unicameral RS 151 30 19.9%
#131 Türkiye Unicameral PQ 599 119 19.9%
#139 Brazil Bicameral CQ, PQ 594 104 17.5%
#141 Russia Bicameral No Quota 619 106 17.1%
#145 Japan Bicameral PQ 712 116 16.3%
#152 India Bicameral RS 776 113 14.6%
Sources: Compiled by CRS using data from the IPU’s Montlhy Ranking of Women in National Parliaments and the Gender Quotas Database, published by the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, accessed November 24, 2024. Notes: The table above does not include vacancies as of October 1, 2024. A given legislature could have a greater total number of seats than those shown, if seats were vacant. Also, this list includes the 19 member nations of the G-20 and excludes the European Union and the African Union. a. The rankings by percentage of total seats held by women are based on the 193 countries listed in the complete IPU list of Montlhy Ranking of Women in National Parliaments. Data was available for only 185 countries. Five countries (Eritrea, Haiti, Kuwait, Niger, and Venezuela) had no values recorded and three countries (Afghanistan, Myanmar, and Sudan) were recorded as having suspended legislatures.
b. Four codes indicate the type of gender quota used in the country: CQ=legislated quotas for candidates on the ballot level; RS=legal quotas for reserved seats, whether legislated or mandated by the executive branch; PQ=voluntary party quotas; sub only=quotas at the subnational level only, as identified by the Gender Quotas Database.
c. The total number of seats in the U.S. Congress is 535. On October 1, 2024, IPU data recorded that three seats were vacant. See CRS Report R47470, Membership of the 118th Congress: A Profile, by Jennifer E. Manning.
Table 5 lists countries where women hold 10% or less of the total legislative seats according to the IPU.
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Table 5. Countries Where Women Hold 10% or Less of T otal Legislative Seats
As of October 1, 2024
IPU Global
Rank by %
of Total
Seats Held
by Womena Country
Type of
Legislative
System
National
Level
Gender
Quota
Codesb
Total
Legislative
Seats
Total Seats
Held by
Women
% of Total
Seats Held
by Women
#165 Guinea- Bissau Unicameral CQ 102 10 9.8%
#167 Syria Unicameral No Quota 250 24 9.6%
#168 Fiji Unicameral No Quota 55 5 9.1%
#169 The Gambia Unicameral No Quota 58 5 8.6%
#170 Tonga Unicameral No Quota 28 2 7.1%
#171 Bhutan Bicameral No Quota 72 5 6.9%
#172 Palau Bicameral No Quota 29 2 6.9%
#173 Algeria Bicameral CQ, PQ 577 39 6.8%
#174 Tuvalu Unicameral No Quota 16 1 6.3%
#175 Lebanon Unicameral No Quota 128 8 6.3%
#176 Solomon Islands Unicameral CQ 50 3 6.0%
#177 Sri Lanka Unicameral Sub only 225 12 5.3%
#178 Iran Unicameral No Quota 290 14 4.8%
#179 Qatar Unicameral No Quota 45 2 4.4%
#180 Nigeria Bicameral No Quota 467 18 3.9%
#181 Maldives Unicameral Sub only 93 3 3.2%
#182 Papua New Guinea Unicameral RS 111 3 2.7%
#183 Vanuatu Unicameral Sub only 51 1 2.0%
#184 Yemen Bicameral No Quota 335 1 0.3%
#185 Tuvalu Unicameral No Quota 16 0 0.0%
Sources: Compiled by CRS using data from the IPU’s Montlhy Ranking of Women in National Parliaments and the Gender Quotas Database, published by the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, accessed September 19, 2024. Notes: The table above does not include vacancies as of October 1, 2024. A given legislature could have a greater total number of seats than those shown, if seats were vacant. a. The rankings by percentage of total seats held by women are based on the 193 countries listed in the complete IPU list of Montlhy Ranking of Women in National Parliaments. Data was available for only 185 countries. Five countries (Eritrea, Haiti, Kuwait, Niger, and Venezuela) had no values recorded and three countries (Afghanistan, Myanmar, and Sudan) were recorded as having suspended legislatures.
b. Four codes indicate the type of gender quota used in the country: C=legislated quotas for candidates on the ballot level; RS=legislated quotas for reserved seats; P=voluntary party quotas; sub only=quotas at the subnational level only, as identified by the Gender Quotas Database, accessed Novmber 24, 2024.
According to the IPU, over a 20-year period, the percentage of seats held by women in national legislatures has risen worldwide from 15.6% in October 2004 to 27.0% in October 2024 (see Figure 1).
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Figure 1. Worldwide Percentage of Seats Held
by Women in National Legislatures
October 2004 - October 2024
Source: Created by CRS using data from the IPU.
According to the IPU, in October 2004, Europe and the Americas were the only regions where women held 18% or more of legislative seats at the national level as shown in Figure 2. In 2024, women legislators in five regions hold more than 20% of the legislative seats. The Middle East/Northern Africa is the only region with less than 20% of legislative seats held by women, although women have increased their representation since 2004 from 6.9% to 16.8%.
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Figure 2. Regional Percentages of Seats Held by Women in National Legislatures
October 2004 - October 2024
Source: Created by CRS using data from the IPU.
The IPU defines a gender-sensitive parliament as “one that responds to the needs and interests of both men and women in its structures, operations, methods, and work.”13 IPU research focuses on ways that parliaments can “create mechanisms required to mainstream gender equality concerns throughout their legislative, oversight and administrative work.”14
In 2012 and then in 2017, the IPU published its Plan of Action for Gender-Sensitive Parliaments, which includes the following action areas:
• increasing the number of women in parliament and achieving equality in participation;
• strengthening gender equality legislation and policy;
• mainstreaming gender equality throughout all parliamentary work;
• insituting or improving gender-sensitive infrastructure and parlimentary culture;
• ensuring that responsibility for gender equality is shared by all parliamentarians – men and women;
• encouraging political parties to be champions of gender equality; and
• enhancing the gender sensitivity of, and gender equality among, parlimentary staff.15
13 Sonia Palmieri, Gender-Sensitive Parliaments: A Global Review of Good Practice, IPU, 2011, p. v.
14 Ibid., p. v.
15 IPU, Plan of Action for Gender-Sensitive Parliaments, 2017, p. 1.
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In October 2022, at the end of the 145th IPU Assembly in Kigali, Rwanda, the Kigali Declaration, Gender Equality and Gender-Sensitive Parliaments as Drivers of Change for a More Resilient and Peaceful World, was adopted. It made the following recommendations:
• achieving parity in political decisionmaking, including by using electoral gender quotas and ensuring that other electoral quotas always have a gender parity provision;
• ensuring law-making, law-enforcement, and budgeting are gender-responsive across all policy fields;
• placing vulnerable populations at the centre of parliamentary functions of legislation, oversight, resource allocation, and representation;
• ending gender-based discrimination, violence, and other harmful practices, and ensuring access to sexual and reproductive health, rights, and justice for all women and girls; and
• advancing equality in caring responsibilities among men and women and setting an example by undertaking 50% of the daily care work for MP’s families, regardless of being male or female MPs.16
Hybrid work is being examined as a gender-sensitive mechanism. “During the pandemic, 84% of parliaments introduced new systems that were previously unplanned.”17 These changes are considered “gender-responsive,” and “parliaments are considering to what extent hybird working makes parliaments more modern, gender-sensitive and family-friendly workplaces.”18 A 2024 IPU report notes that “as digital technology becomes increasingly strategic to parliaments, gender balance and gender-responsive digital initiatives are likely to become increasingly important aspects of inclusive governance.”19
Another 2024 IPU report discussed the “Women in Politics: To Stay or Not to Stay” session a the 147th IPU Assembly in October 2023. The panel discussion emphasized peer-to-peer support and building “more solidarity among women across party lines.”20
Various international organizations have published research and guidelines to assist parliaments in achiving gender-sensitivity.21
Voters in at least 70 countries have chosen a woman as their executive since 1960, when Sri Lanka selected Sirima Bandaranaike as the world’s first female prime minister. Executives may be selected through various methods: directly elected from a ballot dedicated to the executive
16 IPU, Gender Equality and Gender-Sensitive Parliaments as Drivers of Change for a More Resilient and Peaceful World, October 2022, p. 2.
17 IPU, World e-Parliament Report 2022, 2022, p. 12.
18 IPU, Women in Parliament 2022, 2023, p. 20.
19 IPU, World e-Parliament Report 2024, 2024, p. 62.
20 IPU, Women in Parliament 2023, 2024, p. 27.
21 For examples not mentioned previously, see IPU, Equality in Politics: A Survey of Women and Men in Parliaments, 2008; IPU, Evaluating the Gender Sensitivity of Parliments: A Self-Assessment Toolkit, 2016; Commonwealth Parliamentary Association (CPA), Gender Sensitising Parliments Guidelines: Standards and a Checklist for Parliamentary Change, 2020; IPU, Guidelines for the Elimination of Sexism, Harassment, and Violence against Women in Parliament, 2019; CPA, Gender Sensitising Parliaments: A Seven-Step Field Guide, 2022; and “Chapter 4: Gender-Sensitive Practices in Parliaments” in OECD, Toolkit for Mainstreaming and Implementing Gender Equality 2023, 2023.
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office; indirectly elected by the legislature; appointed, following legislative elections, as the leader of the majority political party or majority coalition; or through other means.
The term “executive” refers to persons identified as either the chief of state or head of government of a country. The CIA World Factbook defines the chief of state as “the titular leader of the country who represents the state at official and ceremonial functions but may not be involved with the day-to-day activities of the government.” The head of government is “the person designated to manage the executive branch of the government.” In some countries, a monarch is identified as the “chief of state,” whereas an elected official (such as the prime minister, premier, or administrator) is the “head of government.” Other countries, such as the United States, have one person, the President, filling both positions. Many countries have a “chief of state,” such as a president, and another person as “head of government,” such as a prime minister, who won their offices through different processes.22
According to 2024 analysis from the Pew Research Center, 60 United Nations member states (31%) have had a female head of government, just over one-third of the 193 member states.23
Women Leaders in the 21st Century
Table 6 lists women who are currently the chief of state and/or head of government of their country, excluding monarchs, and are listed alphabetically by country.
Table 6. Current Women Executives
As of December 4, 2024
Country Name Title Dates in Office
Aruba Evelyn Wever-Croesa Prime Minister Nov. 17, 2017–present
Barbados Mia Mottleya Prime Minister May 25, 2018–present
Barbados Sandra Masona President Nov. 30, 2021–present
Bosnia and Herzegovina Željka Cvijanovića Member of the Presidencyb Nov. 16, 2022–present
Bosnia and Herzegovina Borjana Krišto Chair of the Council of Ministersc
January 25, 2023–present
Cayman Islands Julianna O'Connor- Connollyd
Premier November 15, 2023– present
Democratic Republic of the Congo
Judith Suminwa Tulukaa Prime Minister May 29, 2024–present
Denmark Mette Frederiksen Prime Minister June 27, 2019–present
Dominica Sylvanie Burtone President October 2, 2023-present
Estonia Kaja Kallasa Prime Minister Jan. 26, 2021–present
Georgia Salome Zourabichvilia President Dec. 16, 2018–present
Greece Katerina Sakellaropouloua
President Mar. 13, 2020–present
Honduras Xiomara Castro de Zelayaa
President Jan. 27, 2022–present
22 Drawn from CIA World Factbook, executive branch field listing, accessed on November 23, 2024.
23 Laura Clancy and Anna Jackson, “About a Third of UN Member States Have Ever Had a Woman Leader,” Pew Research Center, October 3, 2024.
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Country Name Title Dates in Office
India Droupadi Murmuf President July 25, 2022–present
Italy Giorgia Melonia Prime Minister Oct. 22, 2022–present
Kosovo Vjosa Osmani-Sadriu President Apr. 4, 2021–present
Latvia Evika Siliņa Prime Minister September 15, 2023– present
Lithuania Ingrida Simonyte Prime Minister Nov. 24, 2020–present
Malta Myriam Spiteri Debono President April 4, 2024–present
Marshall Islands Hilda C. Heinea President January 3, 2023–present
Mexico Claudia Sheinbaum Pardoa
President October 1, 2024–present
Moldova Maia Sandua President Dec. 24, 2020–present
Namibia Saara Kuugongelwa- Amadhilaa
Prime Minister Mar. 21, 2015–present
North Macedonia Gordana Siljanovska- Davkovaa
President May 12, 2024–present
Peru Dina Boluartea Presidenth Dec. 7, 2022–present
Samoa Fiame Naomi Mata’afaa Prime Minister May 24, 2021–present
San Marino Francesca Civerchia Captain Regenti October 1, 2024–present
Serbia Ana Brnabića Prime Minister June 29, 2017–present
Slovenia Nataša Pirc Musara President December 23, 2022– present
Sri Lanka Harini Amarasuriyaa Prime Minister September 24, 2024– present
Switzerland Viola Amherd President January 1, 2024–present
Tanzania Samia Suluhu Hassana President Mar. 19, 2021–present
Thailand Paetongtarn Shinawatra Prime Minister August 18, 2024–present
Togo Victoire Tomegah Dogbea
Prime Minister Sept. 28, 2020–present
Trinidad and Tobago Christine Kangaloo President March 20, 2023–present
Uganda Robinah Nabbanjaa Prime Minister June 21, 2021–present
Sources: Compiled by CRS using information from the CIA World Factbook, the World Economic Forum’s Global Gender Gap 2024, IPU’s Women in Parliament 2023, government websites, and consultation with CRS analysts. Notes: Surnames appear in bold face. a. This person is the first woman to hold this position in her country.
b. Bosnia and Herzegovina has a rotating three-member presidency. Željka Cvijanović is the Serb member of the presidency. Since November 16, 2024, she has been Chairperson of the Presidency.
c. The Chairman of the Council of Ministers is the head of government in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
d. Julianna O'Connor-Connolly was the first woman to hold this position from December 19, 2012, through May 29, 2013. She is also the second woman to hold this position (in a nonconsecutive term) since November 15, 2023.
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e. Sylvanie Burton is the first woman and the first member of the indigenous Kalinago community to be elected President.
f. Droupadi Murmu is the second woman and first member belonging to a tribal community to be elected President in India.
g. Netumbo Nandi-Ndaitwah was declared the winner of the Naimbian presidency December 4, 2024.
h. President Boluarte took office December 7, 2022 after the Peruvian Congress removed the former president Pedro Castillo from office. She had been serving as First Vice President.
i. San Marino has co-chiefs of state called Captains Regent. Francesca Civerchia is one of the current Captains Regent.
Table 7 lists selected women who formerly served as the executive of their country since 2000 and are listed alphabetically by country.
Table 7. Selected Women Who Served as Chief of State or Head of Government
(Executives) from 2000-Present
Country Name Title Years in Office
Argentina Cristina Fernandez De Kirchner
President 2007-2015
Austria Brigitte Bierlein Chancellor 2019-2020
Bangladesh Khaleda Zia Prime Minister 1991-1996 and 2001-2006
Brazil Dilma Rousseff President 2011-2016
Burma Aung San Suu Kyi State Counsellor 2016-2021
Chile Michelle Bachelet President 2006-2010 and 2014-2018
Croatia Kolinda Grabar-Kitarovica President 2015-2020
Estonia Kersti Kaljulaid President 2016-2021
Equatorial Guinea Manuela Roka Boteyb Prime Minister February 1, 2023–August 17, 2024
Ethiopia Sahle-Work Zewdeb President Oct. 25, 2018–October 7, 2024
Finland Sanna Mirella Marin Prime Minister Dec. 10, 2019–June 20, 2023
Gabon Rose Christiane Ossouka Rapondac
Prime Minister July 16, 2020–Jan. 9, 2023
Germany Angela Merkel Chancellor 2005–2021
Hungary Katalin Novakb President May 10, 2022–Feburary 10, 2024
Iceland Katrin Jakobsdóttir Prime Minister Nov. 30, 2017–April 9, 2024
India Pratibha Patil President 2007-2012
Indonesia Megawati Sukarnoputri President 2001-2004
Jamaica Portia Simpson-Miller Prime Minister 2006-2007 and 2012-2016
Liberia Ellen Johnson Sirleaf President 2006-2018
Lithuania Dalia Grybauskaite President 2009-2019
Malawi Joyce Banda President 2012-2014
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Country Name Title Years in Office
Malta Marie-Louise Coleiro Preca President 2014-2019
Nepal Bidhya Devi Bandhari President 2015-2023
New Zealand Helen Clark Prime Minister 1999-2008
New Zealand Jacinda Ardern Prime Minister 2017-2023
Norway Erna Solberg Prime Minister 2013-2021
Panama Mireya Moscoso President 1999-2004
Philippines Gloria Macapagal Arroyo President 2001-2010
Singapore Halimah Yacob President Sept. 14, 2017–Sept. 14, 2023
Sint Maarten Silveria Jacobs Prime Minister Mar. 28, 2020–May 3, 2024
Slovakia Zuzana Čaputováb President June 15, 2019–June 24, 2024
South Korea Park Geun-hye President 2013-2017
Sweden Magdalena Anderssonb Prime Minister Nov. 30, 2021–Oct. 18, 2022
Taiwand Tsai Ing-wenb President May 20, 2016–May 20, 2024
Thailand Yingluck Shinawatra Prime Minister 2011-2014
Trinidad and Tobago Paula-Mae Weeks President 2018-2023
Tunisia Najla Bouden Romdhane Prime Minister 2021-2023
Turks and Caicos Islands Sharlene Cartwright- Robinson
Premier 2016-2021
United Kingdom Theresa May Prime Minister 2016-2019
United Kingdom Mary Elizabeth “Liz” Truss Prime Minister September 6–October 25, 2022
Source: Compiled by CRS using media reports, government websites, and consultation with CRS analysts. Notes: Surnames appear in bold face. Hong Kong, although not a country, had female Chief Executive named Carrie Lam from July 1, 2017 through June 30, 2022. a. Kolinda Grabar-Kitarovic is the first woman to be elected President of Croatia since the first multiparty elections in 1990 and independence from Yugoslavia in 1991.
b. This person is the first woman to hold this position in her country.
c. Rose Christiane Ossouka Raponda was the first woman to hold this position in her country. From January 9, 2020, through August 30, 2023, she served as the first female Vice President of Gabon before being removed from power by a coup.
d. Taiwan officially calls itself the Republic of China (ROC), For information on the status of Taiwan, see CRS In Focus IF10275, Taiwan: Background and U.S. Relations, by Susan V. Lawrence.
Women Leaders of the 20th Century
Table 8 identifies several female executives who held office in the 20th century with notes describing notable facts.
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Table 8. Selected Notable Women Executives from 1960 to 2000
Executives are listed chronologically by their years in office.
Country Name Title Years in Office
Sri Lanka Sirimavo Bandaranaike Prime Minister 1960-1965; 1970-1977; 1994-2000
Bandaranaike was the world’s first female Prime Minister.
India Indira Gandhi Prime Minister 1966-1977 and 1980-1984
Gandhi was assassinated while in office; she was succeeded by her son, Rajiv.
Israel Golda Meir Prime Minister 1969-1974
Meir and her husband immigrated to then Palestine in 1921. She was a founder of the State of Israel and the fourth prime minister.
Argentina Isabel Martinez de Perón President 1974-1976
Perón was the world’s first female president when, as vice president, she succeeded her husband, President Juan Perón, upon his death.
United Kingdom Margaret Thatcher Prime Minister 1979-1990
Thatcher became the first female prime minister in Europe and was the only British prime minister in the 20th century to be elected to three consecutive terms.
Iceland Vigdis Finnbogadottir President 1980-1996
Finnbogadottir was the first woman in the world to be elected head of state in a national election.
Philippines Corazon Aquino President 1986-1992
Aquino restored democratic rule after the dictatorship of Ferdinand Marcos.
Pakistan Benazir Bhutto Prime Minister 1988-1990 and 1993-1996
Bhutto was first female prime minister of a majority-Muslim country.
Source: Compiled by CRS using news and research databases. Note: Surnames appear in bold face.
Some experts and observers have found that, while any candidate or elected politician may experience violence, women politicians can be targeted because of their gender and subjected to sexist threats, sexual harassment, and violence.24 Violence may occur during the registration and voting processes, while campaigning and running for office, and/or while serving in a government.25 Perpetrators may include both state and non-state actors, such as members of
24 An article in the Journal of Democracy noted that actions to threaten, intimidate, or harass women who are participating in the political process are attempts to “deter women’s electoral participation, and reinforce prevailing gender norms.” Such activities “should thus be seen as a serious threat and affront to democracy.” See Mona Lena Krook, “Violence Against Women in Politics,” Journal of Democracy, January 2017, p. 74-75. The Kofi Annan Foundation cited research that determined “general political violence occurred against both men and women,” but that women were “much more likely to experience sexualized forms of violence.” See Carmen Alanis, Violence Against Women in Politics, Kofi Annan Foundation, November 2020, p. 31.
25 United Nations Special Rapporteur on Violence against Women, A/73/301, Violence against Women in Politics, August 6, 2018, p. 9.
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political parties, other parliamentarians, members of the public, media representatives, and religious or community leaders.26
Underreporting incidents of violence against women in politics makes addressing the issue particularly challenging. Information about the problem tends to be anecdotal rather than statistical, making it difficult to determine the extent and prevalence of the problem. In addition, many women may be reluctant to report violence out of the belief that doing so may limit a woman’s political aspirations, and out of fear of reprisals, threats, and possible increased harassment.27 According to a 2018 United Nations report, “women of color appear to be disproportionately affected, and risks are likely higher for women of marginalized communities.”28
Figure 3 indicates the prevalence of attacks of “political violence targeting women in politics” (PVTWIP). PVTWIP affects those who participate in various functions in the political process according to the Political Violence Targeting Women Research Hub from Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project (ACLED). Trends in Figure 3 reflect data gathered periodically from women in 190 countries from January 2, 2021, through November 14, 2024. Globally, women candidates for office, whether for local, regional, or national government, experienced up to 117 PVTWIP attacks (9.8%), while female politicians, those women currently serving in an elected governmental position, experienced 175 PVTWIP attacks (14.7%). Political party supporters, such as women who campaign and actively support a political party or candidate, faced 162 PVTWIP attacks (13.6%), while women voters underwent 5 PVTWIP attacks (0.5%). Government officials, women who work in nonelected government positions, including public and civil servants, experienced up to 326 PVTWIP attacks (27.4%). Protestors experienced 34 PVTWIP attacks (2.9%). The largest group of women in public life, who experienced 369 PVTW attacks (31.1%), includes activists, human rights defenders, and social leaders.29
26 United Nations Special Rapporteur on Violence against Women, A/73/301, Violence against Women in Politics, August 6, 2018, p. 6.
27 UN Women, Data and Violence against Women in Politics: Expert Group Meeting Report and Recommendations, December 4-5, 2019, pp. 9-13.
28 United Nations, Violence against Women in Politics Expert Group Meeting Report and Recommendations, New York, NY, March 8-9, 2018, p. 6.
29 “Political Violence Targeting Women,” Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project, accessed November 24, 2024.
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Figure 3. Trends in Political Violence Targeting Women in Politics, by Role in
Political Process
January 2, 2021 through November 14, 2024
Source: Created by CRS, based on aggregate data from “Political Violence Targeting Women,” Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project (ACLED), accessed November 24, 2024. Notes: Data on violence targeting women in politics are restricted to acts of physical violence that take place in a public setting on women who engage in the political process. This does not include acts of bullying or intimidation, cases of domestic violence, or virtual aggressive actions.
In October 2016, the IPU published the results of a survey of 55 women legislators from 39 countries on their experiences of harassment, intimidation, or violence based on their gender.30 Tables 9 to 12 illustrate the findings of this survey. Broadly, almost 82% of the women surveyed reported they had personally experienced psychological violence, almost 22% reported incidents of sexual violence, 25.5% reported experiencing physical violence, and almost 33% had been subjected to economic violence.
Table 9. Prevalence of Various Forms of Violence Against Women Legislators
2016 IPU survey of 55 women legislators from 39 countries
% of Respondents Answering “Yes”
Type of Violence
“Have you been
subject to one or more acts of this
kind of violence?”
“Have you witnessed
acts of this violence
committed against
one or more of your
female colleagues?”
Psychological violence (see Table 10 for details) 81.8% 78.1%
Sexual violence (e.g., sexual harassment; efforts to force sexual relations inappropriate and unwanted gestures or physical contact; requests for sexual relations in exchange for material or political advantages
21.8% 32.7%
Physical violence (e.g., actions that inflict or attempt to inflict bodily injury to a legislator, or to friends or members of her family)
25.5% 20.0%
Economic violence (e.g., denied funds and other resources that legislators are entitled to such as salary, offices, computers, staff, security; damage to or destruction of personal property)
32.7% 30.9%
Source: IPU, Sexism, Harassment and Violence against Women Parliamentarians, October 2016. Note: Definitions of the various kinds of violence are included in the report.
30 IPU, Sexism, Harassment and Violence against Women Parliamentarians, October 2016. Survey participants included 18 from Africa, 15 from Europe, 10 from the Asia-Pacific region, 8 from the Americas, and 4 from Arab countries.
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The 81.8% of respondents in Table 9 who reported they had experienced psychological violence identified the manifestations of this violence in Table 10.
Table 10. Psychological Violence: Prevalence of Specific Behaviors
Behaviors described by the 81.8% of 2016 IPU survey respondents who reported they had experienced
psychological violence
Actions of Psychological Violence
% of Respondents Who Had
Experienced These Actions
Humiliating sexual or sexist remarks 65.5%
Images or disrespectful comments with sexual connotations about you in the traditional media
27.3%
Extremely humiliating or sexual images of you distributed through social media
41.8%
Threats of death, rape, beatings, or abduction 44.4%
Harassment (e.g. exposure to insistent and uninvited behavior, including unwanted attention, unwelcome verbal contact, or interaction that may have frightened you)
32.7%
Source: IPU, Sexism, Harassment and Violence against Women Parliamentarians, October 2016, p. 3.
Table 11 lists several factors identified in the IPU study that may make some women legislators a likely target for gender-based intolerance.
Table 11. Risk Factors for Women Legislators
2016 IPU survey of 55 women legislators from 39 countries
Reasons for Violence, as reported by women legislators subjected to
gender-based violent acts and behavior
% of Survey
Respondents
Intention to dissuade them and other women from participating in politics 61.5%
Political rivalry 41.7%
Positions of women legislators on specific issues 60.5%
Source: Inter-Parliamentary Union, Sexism, Harassment and Violence against Women Parliamentarians, October 2016, p. 6.
Additional risk factors that appear to lead to violence against women in legislatures include being a member of the political minority, being under the age of 40, and belonging to a minority ethnic, religious, or other marginalized social group.31 Table 12 identifies how women legislators have reacted to the acts of violence they experienced.
Table 12. Effects of Violence Against Women in Politics
2016 IPU survey of 55 women legislators from 39 countries
Reactions of Women in Politics Subjected to Violent Acts
% of Survey
Respondents
Distressed over the experience 66.7%
Concerned for the security of themselves, their friends, and family members 46.7%
31 IPU, Sexism, Harassment and Violence against Women Parliamentarians, October 2016, p. 6.
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Reactions of Women in Politics Subjected to Violent Acts
% of Survey
Respondents
Felt weakened in their ability to complete their mandates and to express their opinions
38.7%
Reported incidents to the legislative security services or the police 51.7%
Strengthened their determination as a legislator 80.0%
Source: IPU, Sexism, Harassment and Violence against Women Parliamentarians, October 2016, p. 7.
The IPU released regional updates on sexism, harassment and violence against women in parliaments for Europe (2018) and for Africa (2021).
IPU’s 2018 Europe regional update is based on the results of one-on-one conversations with 123 women from 45 European countries. Eighty-one participants were members of parliament (MPs) and 42 were members of the parliamentary staff.32 Table 13 identifies the prevalence of various forms of violence against European women legislators.
Table 13. Prevalence of Various Forms of Violence Against European Women Legislators
2018 IPU survey of 81 European women legislators
Type of Violence
% of Survey
Respondents
Suffered psychological violence during their term of office 85.2%
Received death threats or threats of rape or beating 46.9%
Been the target of online sexist attacks on social networks 58.2%
Been the target of comments relating to their physical appearance or based on gender stereotypes
67.9%
Experienced sexual violencea 24.7%
Experienced physical violenceb 14.8%
Source: IPU, Sexism, Harassment and Violence against Women Parliamentarians in Europe, October 2018, p. 4. a. IPU, Sexism, Harassment and Violence against Women Parliamentarians in Europe, October 2018, p. 4. This report identified two types of sexual violence: sexual harassment (“words or behavior of a degrading or humiliating sexual nature, sexual advances and/or demands for sexual favors”) and sexual assault (being forced “engage in sexual acts, have sexual intercourse or carry out something of a sexual nature”).
b. Ibid., p. 4. This report defines physical violence as being slapped, pushed, hit, having something thrown at you; being threatened with a firearm, knife, or another weapon; or being confined, beaten, or abducted.
More broadly, female MPs in Europe under 40 experienced higher rates of psychological and sexual harassment than male MPs. Female MPs who actively supported gender equality and condemned violence against women were often singled out for attack.33
Table 14 identifies the prevelance of forms of violence against European female parliamentary staff.
32 IPU, Sexism, Harassment and Violence against Women Parliamentarians in Europe, October 2018, p. 1.
33 Ibid., p. 1.
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Table 14. Prevalence of Various Forms of Violence Against European Women
Parliamentary Staff
2018 IPU survey of 42 European female parlimentary staff
Type of Violence
% of Survey
Respondents
Suffered acts of sexual harassment in their work 40.5%
Received comments of a sexual nature 50.0%
Suffered psychological harassment/bullying in their work in parliament from MPs and colleagues in the parliamentary staff, mostly from men but also from women
19.5%
Source: IPU, Sexism, Harassment and Violence against Women Parliamentarians in Europe, October 2018, p. 2.
Of the 40.5% of European women parliamentary staff who suffered acts of sexual harassment, in 69.2% of such cases the perpetrators were male MPs.34
Of the 50.0% of cases in which European women parliamentary staff received comments of a sexual nature, in 61.5% of those cases such comments were made by male MPs.35
IPU’s 2021 Africa regional update is based on the results of confidential interviews conducted with 224 women from 50 countries. One-hundred and thirty-seven participants were women parliamentarians and 87 were members of the parliamentary staff.36
Table 15 identifies the prevelance of forms of violence against African women parliamentarians.
Table 15. Prevalence of Various Forms of Violence Against African
Women Legislators
2021 IPU survey of 137 African women legislators
Type of Violence
% of Survey
Respondents
Experienced pyschological violence. 80.0%
Experienced sexual violence 39.0%
Exposed to economic violencea 29.0%
Experienced physical violence at work 23.0%
Source: IPU, Sexism, Harassment and Violence against Women Parliamentarians in Africa, November 2021, p. 2. a. IPU, Sexism, Harassment and Violence against Women Parliamentarians in Africa, November 2021, p. 27. In the report, economic violence is defined as using “economic barriers and deprivation as a means of control, most often by destroying a person’s property or putting in jeopardy their livelihood as a form of intimidation.”
The 80.0% of African women legislators in Table 15 who reported they had experienced pyschological violence identifed manifestations of this violence in Table 16.
34 IPU, Sexism, Harassment and Violence against Women Parliamentarians in Europe, October 2018, p. 2.
35 Ibid., p. 2.
36 IPU, Sexism, Harassment and Violence against Women Parliamentarians in Africa, November 2021, p. 2.
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Table 16. Psychological Violence Against African Women Legislators:
Prevalence of Specific Behaviors
Behaviors described by the 80.0% of 2021 IPU Africa update women legislator
respondents who reported they had experienced psychological violence
Actions of Psychological Violence
% of Respondents Who Had
Experienced These Actions
Experienced sexist behavior or remarks 67.0%
Target of sexist attacks online 46.0%
Have received death threats, rape threats, or threats of beating or abduction directed at them or their loved ones
42.0%
Have faced intimidation or psychological harassment 39.0%
Source: IPU, Sexism, Harassment and Violence against Women Parliamentarians in Africa, November 2021, p. 2.
The 39.0% of African women legislators in Table 15 who reported they had experienced sexual violence identifed manifestations of this violence in Table 17.
Table 17. Sexual Violence Against African Women Legislators:
Prevalence of Specific Behaviors
Behaviors described by the 39.0% of 2021 IPU Africa update women legislator
respondents who reported they had experienced sexual violence
Actions of Sexual Violence
% of Respondents Who Had
Experienced These Actions
Sexually harassed 40.0%
Affected by sextortion (requests for sexual favors) 9.0%
Source: IPU, Sexism, Harassment and Violence against Women Parliamentarians in Africa, November 2021, p. 2.
Table 18 identifies the prevelance of forms of violence against African women parliamentariay staff.
Table 18. Prevalence of Various Forms of Violence Against
African Women Parliamentariay Staff
2021 IPU survey of 87 African women parlimentariary staff
Type of Violence
% of Survey
Respondents
Sexual harassment at work 45.0%
Received requests for sexual favours in exchange for a benefit a colleague or parliamentarian was empowered to withhold or confer
18.0%
Psychological violence 69.0%
Source: IPU, Sexism, Harassment and Violence against Women Parliamentarians in Africa, November 2021, p. 3.
The 45.0% of African women parliamentary staff in Table 18 who reported they had experienced pyschological violence identifed types of perpetrators of this violence in Table 19.
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Table 19. Sexual Harassment Against African Women
Parliamentariay Staff: Perpetrators
Perpetrators of behaviors described by the 45.0% of 2021 IPU Africa update women
parliamentary staff respondents who reported they had experienced sexual harassment
Type of Perpetrators % of Perpetrators
Male parliamentarians 53.0%
Male colleagues or parliamentary staff 48.0%
Source: IPU, Sexism, Harassment and Violence against Women Parliamentarians in Africa, November 2021, p. 3.
African women parliamentary staff reported that “18% have received requests for sexual favours from parliamentary colleagues (56% of cases) or from parliamentarians (44% of cases) in exchange for a benefit that this colleague or parliamentarian was empowered to withhold or confer.”37
The 69.0% of African women parliamentary staff in Table 18 who reported they had experienced pyschological violence identifed manifestations of this violence in Table 20.
Table 20. Psychological Violence Against African Women
Parliamentariay Staff: Prevalence of Specific Behaviors
Behaviors described by the 69.0% of 2021 IPU Africa update women parliamentariay
staff respondents who reported they had experienced psychological violence
Actions of Psychological Violence
% of Respondents Who Had
Experienced These Actions
Were the target of sexist remarks made by male collagues and / or parliamentarians
56.0%
Experienced psychological harrassment within the context of their work in parliament
38.0%
Were attacked online 22.0%
Were threatened online 7.0%
Source: IPU, Sexism, Harassment and Violence against Women Parliamentarians in Africa, November 2021, p. 3.
In the 56.0% of African women parliamentary staff who were the target of sexist remarks, 67% of these cases were by male colleagues working in parliament and 30% of these cases were by male parliamentarians.38
In the 38.0% of African women parliamentary staff who experienced psychological harassment within the context of their work in parliament, in 72.0% of those cases the parliamentary colleagues were the perpetrators (mostly men but some women). In 22.0% of those cases, the perpetrators were male parliamentarians.39
The 2021 Africa update also includes examples of economic violence reported includes
• 18% of female parliamentary staff have been threatened with losing their job or with having their career progression blocked, and
37 IPU, Sexism, Harassment and Violence against Women Parliamentarians in Africa, November 2021, p. 3.
38 Ibid., p. 3.
39 Ibid., p. 3.
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• 24% have been refused funds to which they were entitled, such as a salary or bonus.40
Travis A. Ferrell Research Librarian
Susan Chesser was the previous author of this report.
This document was prepared by the Congressional Research Service (CRS). CRS serves as nonpartisan shared staff to congressional committees and Members of Congress. It operates solely at the behest of and under the direction of Congress. Information in a CRS Report should not be relied upon for purposes other than public understanding of information that has been provided by CRS to Members of Congress in connection with CRS’s institutional role. CRS Reports, as a work of the United States Government, are not subject to copyright protection in the United States. Any CRS Report may be reproduced and distributed in its entirety without permission from CRS. However, as a CRS Report may include copyrighted images or material from a third party, you may need to obtain the permission of the copyright holder if you wish to copy or otherwise use copyrighted material.
40 IPU, Sexism, Harassment and Violence against Women Parliamentarians in Africa, November 2021, p. 3.