Statistics on Women in National Governments
Around the Globe
Updated April 12, 2023
Congressional Research Service
https://crsreports.congress.gov
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Introduction
Women and girls make up half of the world’s population; however, in most countries, women are
underrepresented in the political process at the national level. Possible causes include
discriminatory laws and practices, gender stereotypes, low levels of education, lack of access to
health care, and the disproportionate effect of poverty on women. Many experts have found that
women’s political participation, including representation in elected governments, contributes to
the overall well-being of women and their communities.1
As this report shows, women currently hold 26.4% of legislative seats around the world, an
increase from 15.0% of such seats in 2002 (see Figure 1). As of December 1, 2022, women held
50% or more of the legislative seats in five countries: Rwanda, Cuba, Nicaragua, New Zealand,
and the United Arab Emirates (see Table 3). At the national executive level, 35 countries
currently have a female chief of state or head of government who won an election or was selected
by elected bodies (see Table 6).
This report provides a snapshot of women’s political participation in national governments
worldwide by compiling statistics and other information from a variety of sources, including the
annual Global Gender Gap Report issued by the World Economic Forum, the Inter-Parliamentary
Union (IPU), the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, the CIA World
Factbook, news reports, and other sources.2
Selected Congressional Action
Members of Congress have enacted legislation that, either directly or indirectly, addresses
women’s political participation around the world. For example, from FY2014 through FY2023, a
provision in Department of State, Foreign Operations, and Related Programs (SFOPS)
Appropriations Acts appropriated funds for women’s leadership. Most recently, the FY2023
SFOPS Appropriations Act states:
Of the funds appropriated under title III of this Act, not less than $50,000,000 shall be
made available for programs specifically designed to increase leadership opportunities for
women in countries where women and girls suffer discrimination due to law, policy, or
practice, by strengthening protections for women’s political status, expanding women’s
participation in political parties and elections, and increasing women’s opportunities for
leadership positions in the public and private sectors at the local, provincial, and national
levels.3

1 For example, see U.N. document, A/RES/66/130, Women and Political Participation, adopted December 19, 2011;
UN Women, “In Brief: Women’s Leadership and Political Participation,” at https://www.unwomen.org/en/what-we-do/
leadership-and-political-participation; U.S. Department of State, Office of Global Women’s Issues, “Cross-Cutting
Issues, Women’s Leadership,” at https://www.state.gov/cross-cutting-issues/#wl; Aaron Reeves, Chris Brown, and
Johanna Hanefeld, “Female Political Representation and the Gender Health Gap: A Cross-National Analysis of 49
European Countries,” European Journal of Public Health, vol. 32, no. 5 (October 2022): pp. 684-689; and
Niharika Rustagi and Sonia Akter, “The Impact of Women’s Political Representation on Child Health Outcomes during
1990-2020: Evidence from a Global Dataset,” Social Science & Medicine, vol. 312 (November 2022).
2 For information on global women’s issues more broadly, see CRS In Focus IF11804, Global Women’s Issues:
Background and Selected U.S. Efforts.
3 See Section 7059 of Division K of the Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2023 (P.L. 117-328). The act states that such
[women’s leadership] programs shall hereafter be collectively named the ‘‘Madeleine K. Albright Women’s Leadership
Program.”
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Members have also enacted laws that address aspects and issues related to women’s political
participation. For example, the Women, Peace, and Security Act of 2017, among other things,
aims to increase the participation of women in conflict prevention and conflict resolution
processes as a means to build more inclusive societies and to help stabilize countries and regions.
The act expresses the sense of Congress that “the political participation, and leadership of women
in fragile environments, particularly during democratic transitions, is critical to sustaining lasting
democratic institutions.”4
Statistics on Selected Issues
Voting Rights
The right to vote is a primary step toward involving a populace in the political decisions of a
government. In many countries, voting rights were originally granted only to adult men who
owned property, then were eventually expanded to include all adult male citizens regardless of
property ownership, then to women, and finally to other underrepresented groups. Definitions of
what constituted a “citizen” may also have changed over time, as they did in the United States,
and become more inclusive of minority groups and Indigenous peoples.
Table 1 and Table 2, respectively, list the first and latest countries to extend the right and duty of
voting to women according to the IPU. Although subnational regions (e.g., states, provinces) may
have granted the right to vote earlier, the years in the tables below indicate when suffrage was
extended for national elections to female adult citizens.
Table 1. First Countries to Allow Women to Vote
Year
Country/Countries
Year
Country/Countries
1893
New Zealand
1917
Canada*
Austria, Estonia, Georgia,
Germany, Hungary,
Ireland,* Kyrgyz Republic,
Latvia, Lithuania, Poland,
1902
Australia*
1918
Russia, United Kingdom*
Belarus, Belgium,*
Luxembourg,
Netherlands, Sweden,*
1906
Finland
1919
Ukraine
Albania, Czech Republic,
Iceland,** Slovak Republic,
1913
Norway
1920
United States
Armenia, Azerbaijan,
1915
Denmark, Iceland*
1921
Sweden**
Source: Compiled by the Congressional Research Service (CRS) using information from IPU.
Notes: Some countries granted suffrage in stages, at first denying the right to women of certain racial, ethnic, or
economic groups. One asterisk (*) indicates the first year female citizens were allowed to vote in national
elections with limitations; two asterisks (**) indicate when those limitations were removed. No asterisk indicates
all female adult citizens were granted the right to vote without restrictions.

4 P.L. 115-68, Section 3, Sense of Congress. For more information, see CRS In Focus IF12346, Women, Peace, and
Security: Global Context and U.S. Policy.
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Table 2. Most Recent Countries to Allow Women to Vote
Year
Country(ies)
2003
Indonesia, Qatar
2005
Kuwait, United Arab Emirates
2006
Montenegro
2008
Bhutan
2011
Saudi Arabia
Sources: Compiled by CRS using information from the IPU, “Compare data on parliaments,” accessed January
5, 2023; Pamela Paxton and Melanie M. Hughes, Women, Politics, and Power: A Global Perspective, 2nd ed., SAGE
Publications, 2014, p. 50-51; CIA World Factbook, “Suffrage,” accessed January 5, 2023; and Ahmed al Omran,
“‘Surprise and Excitement’: Saudi Women React to Voting Rights Decision,” National Public Radio, September
26, 2011.
Note: Newly independent countries (e.g., Kosovo, South Sudan) would be included only if women had not been
granted suffrage under the preceding country. For example, because Sudan granted women the right to vote in
1964, South Sudan is not included in this list, even though it did not gain independence until 2011.
Legislative Representation
The following tables highlight women’s representation based in national legislatures, including
data on quotas (described below). Several countries and political parties have instituted quotas to
ensure that women are represented on the ballot or in the legislature, which may affect the
statistics on women’s representation in national governments. Some governments also may use
quotas to ensure ethnic or religious diversity in their national legislatures (e.g., Bosnia and
Herzegovina, Iraq).
Gender Quotas
The Atlas of Electoral Gender Quotas explains that “[g]ender quotas are numerical targets that
stipulate the number or percentage of women that must be included in a candidate list or the
number of seats to be allocated to women in a legislature. They aim to reverse discrimination in
law and practice and to level the playing field for women and men in politics.”
Three main types of gender quotas are generally recognized, and they may be used at the national
or subnational level, or both:
 Legislated candidate quotas. These quotas are mandated through national
constitutions or legislation to regulate the gender composition of the ballot.
 Legislated “reserved seats.” These quotas reserve a specific number or
percentage of seats in the legislature for women members. The quotas are
mandated through national constitutions or legislation and are implemented
through special electoral procedures.
 Party quotas (also known as voluntary party quotas). Individual political
parties may adopt these quotas through the party’s statutes and rules. Such
adoption is the prerogative of each party, and some parties in a country may
adopt quotas while other parties choose not to do so.
Table 3 lists the countries where women hold 40% or more of the total seats of the national
legislative chamber body according to the IPU.
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Table 3. National Legislatures with Women Holding 40% or More of Total Seats
As of December 1, 2022
IPU Rank
National
by % of
Level
Total Seats
Type of
Gender
Total
Total Seats
% of Total
Held by
Legislative
Quota
Legislative
Held by
Seats Held
Womena
Country
System
Codesb
Seats
Women
by Women
#1
Rwanda
Bicameral
RS
106
58
54.7%
#2
Cuba
Unicameral
No Quota
586
313
53.4%
#3
Nicaragua
Unicameral
CQ
91
47
51.7%
#4
New Zealand
Unicameral
PQ
119
60
50.4%
United Arab
#5
Unicameral
RS
40
20
50.0%
Emirates
#6
Mexico
Bicameral
CQ
628
313
49.8%
#7
Bolivia
Bicameral
CQ
166
80
48.2%
#8
Iceland
Unicameral
PQ
63
30
47.6%
#9
Costa Rica
Unicameral
CQ, PQ
57
27
47.4%
#10
Andorra
Unicameral
PQ
28
13
46.4%
#11
Sweden
Unicameral
PQ
349
162
46.4%
#12
Finland
Unicameral
No Quota
200
91
45.5%
#13
South Africa
Bicameral
PQ
454
206
45.4%
#14
Norway
Unicameral
PQ
169
76
45.0%
#15
Australia
Bicameral
PQ
227
101
44.5%
#16
Argentina
Bicameral
CQ, PQ
329
146
44.4%
#17
Belgium
Bicameral
CQ
210
93
44.3%
#18
Senegal
Unicameral
CQ
165
73
44.2%
#19
Denmark
Unicameral
No Quota
179
78
43.6%
#20
Mozambique
Unicameral
PQ
250
106
42.4%
North
#21
Unicameral
CQ, PQ
120
50
41.7%
Macedonia
#22
Spain
Bicameral
CQ, PQ
614
254
41.4%
#23
Austria
Bicameral
PQ
244
100
41.0%
#24
Moldova
Unicameral
CQ
101
41
40.6%
#25
Peru
Unicameral
CQ
130
52
40.0%
#26
Timor-Leste
Unicameral
CQ
65
26
40.0%
Sources: Compiled by CRS using data from the IPU and the Gender Quotas Database, published by the
International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, accessed January 17, 2023.
Notes: The countries listed here include those identified by the IPU where women hold 40% or more of the
total seats in the national legislative chamber(s).
a. The rankings by percentage of total seats held by women are based on the 193 countries listed in the
complete IPU list of Percentage of Women in National Parliaments. Data was available for only 188
countries. Three countries (Equatorial Guinea, Eritrea, and Venezuela) had no values recorded and three
countries (Afghanistan, Myanmar, and Sudan) had suspended legislatures recorded.
b. Four codes indicate the type of gender quota used in the country: CQ=legislated quotas for candidates on
the ballot level; RS=legal quotas for reserved seats, whether legislated or mandated by the executive
branch; PQ=voluntary party quotas; Sub only=quotas at the subnational level only, as identified by the
Gender Quotas Database.
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Table 4 shows the number of seats held by women in the national legislative chambers of the 19
members of the “Group of 20” (G-20), a forum for advancing international economic cooperation
and coordination among certain countries.5 According to the IPU, women hold 40% or more of
the total seats in the national legislatures of three G-20 countries (Mexico, South Africa, and
Argentina), and these countries appear in both Table 3 and Table 4.
Table 4. Women in National Legislatures of G-20 Countries
As of December 1, 2022
IPU Rank
National
by % of
Level
Total Seats
Type of
Gender
Total
Total Seats
% of Total
Held by
Legislative
Quota
Legislative
Held by
Seats Held
Womena
Country
System
Codesb
Seats
Women
by Women
#6
Mexico
Bicameral
CQ
628
313
49.8%
#13
South Africa
Bicameral
PQ
454
206
45.4%
#15
Australia
Bicameral
PQ
227
101
44.5%
#16
Argentina
Bicameral
CQ, PQ
329
146
44.4%
#36
France
Bicameral
CQ, PQ
925
337
36.4%
#41
Canada
Bicameral
PQ
431
151
35.0%
#53
Italy
Bicameral
CQ, PQ
606
200
33.0%
#60
United
Bicameral
PQ
1,424
446
31.3%
Kingdom
#75
United States
Bicameral
No Quota
531
149
28.1%
#94
China
Unicameral
RS
2,975
742
24.9%
#107
Indonesia
Unicameral
CQ
575
126
21.9%
#120
Saudi Arabia
Unicameral
RS
151
30
19.9%
#128
South Korea
Unicameral
CQ, PQ
295
55
18.6%
#132
Russia
Bicameral
No Quota
619
110
17.8%
#136
Brazil
Bicameral
CQ, PQ
594
104
17.5%
#137
Türkiye
Unicameral
PQ
582
101
17.4%
#146
Japan
Bicameral
No Quota
712
110
15.5%
#149
India
Bicameral
Sub only
779
114
14.6%

TOTAL 193 COUNTRIES




Sources: Compiled by CRS using data from the IPU and the Gender Quotas Database, published by the
International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, accessed January 17, 2023.
Notes: This list includes the 19 member nations of the G-20 and excludes the European Union.
a. The rankings by percentage of total seats held by women are based on the 193 countries listed in the
complete IPU list of Percentage of Women in National Parliaments. Data was available for only 187
countries. Three countries (Equatorial Guinea, Eritrea, and Venezuela) had no values recorded and three
countries (Afghanistan, Myanmar, and Sudan) had suspended legislatures.
b. Four codes indicate the type of gender quota used in the country: CQ=legislated quotas for candidates on
the ballot level; RS=legal quotas for reserved seats, whether legislated or mandated by the executive
branch; PQ=voluntary party quotas; sub only=quotas at the subnational level only, as identified by the
Gender Quotas Database.

5 The European Union, which is a member of the G-20, is excluded from the table. For more information on the G-20,
see CRS Report R40977, International Economic Policy Coordination at the G-7 and the G-20.
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Table 5 lists countries where women hold 7% or less of the total legislative seats according to the
IPU.
Table 5. Countries Where Women Hold 7% or Less of Total Legislative Seats
As of December 1, 2022
IPU Rank
National
by % of
Level
Total Seats
Type of
Gender
Total
Total Seats
% of Total
Held by
Legislative
Quota
Legislative
Held by
Seats Held
Womena
Country
System
Codesb
Seats
Women
by Women
#171
Algeria
Bicameral
CQ, PQ
571
40
7.0%
#172
Palau
Bicameral
No Quota
29
2
6.9%
#173
Kiribati
Unicameral
No Quota
45
3
6.7%
#174
Kuwait
Unicameral
No Quota
64
4
6.3%
#175
Lebanon
Unicameral
No Quota
128
8
6.3%
#176
Tuvalu
Unicameral
No Quota
16
1
6.3%
Marshall
#177
Islands
Unicameral
No Quota
33
2
6.1%
#178
Iran
Unicameral
No Quota
286
16
5.6%
#179
Sri Lanka
Unicameral
Sub only
225
12
5.3%
#180
Maldives
Unicameral
Sub only
87
4
4.6%
#181
Nigeria
Bicameral
No Quota
469
21
4.5%
#182
Qatar
Unicameral
No Quota
45
2
4.4%
#183
Tonga
Unicameral
No Quota
27
1
3.7%
#184
Vanuatu
Unicameral
Sub only
52
1
1.9%
#185
Papua New
Unicameral
No Quota
115
2
1.7%
Guinea
#186
Yemen
Bicameral
No Quota
340
1
0.3%
#187
Haiti
Bicameral
RS
10
0
0.0%
Sources: Compiled by CRS using data from the IPU and the Gender Quotas Database, published by the
International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, accessed December 1, 2022.
a. The rankings by percentage of total seats held by women is based on the 193 countries listed in the
complete IPU list of Percentage of Women in National Parliaments. Data was available for only 187
countries. Three countries (Equatorial Guinea, Eritrea, and Venezuela) had no values recorded and three
countries (Afghanistan, Myanmar, and Sudan) had suspended legislatures.
b. Four codes indicate the type of gender quota used in the country: C=legislated quotas for candidates on the
ballot level; RS=legislated quotas for reserved seats; P=voluntary party quotas; sub only=quotas at the
subnational level only, as identified by the Gender Quotas Database.
According to the IPU, over a 20-year period, the percentage of seats held by women in national
legislatures has risen worldwide from 15.0% in December 2002 to 26.4% in December 2022 (see
Figure 1).
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Statistics on Women in National Governments Around the Globe

Figure 1. Worldwide Percentage of Seats Held
by Women in National Legislatures
2002-2022

Source: Created by CRS using data from the IPU.
According to the IPU, in December 2002, Europe and the Americas were the only regions where
women held 16% or more of legislative seats at the national level as shown in Figure 2. In 2022,
women legislators in five regions hold more than 20% of the legislative seats. The Middle
East/Northern Africa is the only region with less than 20% of legislative seats held by women,
although women have increased their representation since 2002 by 11.4%.
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Figure 2. Regional Percentages of Seats Held by Women in National Legislatures
2002-2022

Source: Created by CRS using data from the IPU.
Executive Representation
Voters in at least 70 countries have chosen a woman as their executive since 1960, when Sri
Lanka selected Sirima Bandaranaike as the world’s first female prime minister. Executives may
be selected through various methods: directly elected from a ballot dedicated to the executive
office; indirectly elected by the legislature; appointed, following legislative elections, as the
leader of the majority political party or majority coalition; or through other means.
The term “executive” refers to persons identified as either the chief of state or head of
government of a country. The CIA World Factbook defines the chief of state as “the titular leader
of the country who represents the state at official and ceremonial functions but may not be
involved with the day-to-day activities of the government.” The head of government is “the top
executive designated to manage the executive branch of the government.” In some countries, a
monarch is identified as the “chief of state,” whereas an elected official (such as the prime
minister, premier, or administrator) is the “head of government.” Other countries, such as the
United States, have one person, the President, filling both positions. Many countries have a “chief
of state,” such as a president, and another person as “head of government,” such as a prime
minister, who won their office through different processes.6
Women Leaders in the 21st Century
Table 6 lists women who are currently the chief of state or head of government of their country,
excluding monarchs.

6 Drawn from CIA World Factbook, executive branch field listing, https://www.cia.gov/the-world-factbook/field/
executive-branch/, accessed on November 20, 2022.
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Table 6. Current Women Executives
As of December 8, 2022
Country
Name
Title
Dates in Office
Aruba
Evelyn Wever-Croesa
Prime Minister
Nov. 17, 2017–present
Bangladesh
Sheikh Hasina Wazed
Prime Minister
1996-2001; Jan. 6, 2009–
present
Barbados
Mia Mottleya
Prime Minister
May 25, 2018–present
Barbados
Sandra Masona
President
Nov. 30, 2021–present
Bosnia and Herzegovina
Željka Cvijanović
Chair of the Presidency
Nov. 16, 2022–present
and President (Serb seat)b
Denmark
Mette Frederiksen
Prime Minister
June 26, 2019–present
Estonia
Kaja Kallasa
Prime Minister
Jan. 26, 2021–present
Ethiopia
Sahle-Work Zewdea
President
Oct. 25, 2018–present
Finland
Sanna Mirella Marin
Prime Minister
Dec. 10, 2019–present
France
Élisabeth Borne
Prime Minister
May 16, 2022–present
Gabon
Rose Christiane Ossouka
Prime Minister
July 16, 2020–present
Rapondaa
Georgia
Salome Zourabichvilia
President
Dec. 16, 2018–present
Greece
Ekaterina
President
Mar. 13, 2020–present
Sakellaropouloua
Honduras
Xiomara Castro de
President
Jan. 27, 2022–present
Zelayaa
Hungary
Katalin Novaka
President
May 10, 2022–present
Iceland
Katrin Jakobsdóttir
Prime Minister
Nov. 30, 2017–present
Italy
Giorgia Melonia
Prime Minister
Oct. 22, 2022–present
Kosovo
Vjosa Osmani-Sadriu
President
Apr. 4, 2021–present
Lithuania
Ingrida Simonyte
Prime Minister
Nov. 24, 2020–present
Moldova
Maia Sandua
President
Dec. 24, 2020–present
Moldova
Natalia Gavrilita
Prime Minister
Aug. 6, 2021–present
Namibia
Saara Kuugongelwa-
Prime Minister
Mar. 21, 2015–present
Amadhilaa
Nepal
Bidhya Devi Bandharia
President
Oct. 29, 2015–present
New Zealand
Jacinda Ardern
Prime Minister
Oct. 26, 2017–present
Peru
Dina Boluartea
Presidentc
Dec. 7, 2022–present
Samoa
Fiame Naomi Mata’afaa
Prime Minister
May 24, 2021–present
Serbia
Ana Brnabića
Prime Minister
June 29, 2017–present
Singapore
Halimah Yacoba
President
Sept. 14, 2017–present
Sint Maarten
Silveria Jacobs
Prime Minister
Mar. 28, 2020–present
Slovakia
Zuzana Čaputováa
President
June 15, 2019–present
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Country
Name
Title
Dates in Office
Slovenia
Natasa Pirc Musara
President-Elect
December 22, 2022-
present
Taiwand
Tsai Ing-wena
President
May 20, 2016–present
Tanzania
Samia Suluhu Hassana
President
Mar. 19, 2021–present
Trinidad and Tobago
Paula-Mae Weeksa
President
Mar. 19, 2018–present
Togo
Victoire Tomegah
Prime Minister
Sept. 28, 2020–present
Dogbea
Tunisia
Najla Bouden
Prime Minister
Oct. 11, 2021–present
Romdhanea
Uganda
Robinah Nabbanjaa
Prime Minister
June 21, 2021–present
Sources: Compiled by CRS using information from the CIA World Factbook, the World Economic Forum’s
Global Gender Gap 2022, and government websites.
Notes: Surnames appear in bold face.
a. Evelyn Wever-Croes is the first female to hold this position in her country.
b. Bosnia and Herzegovina has a rotating three-member presidency. President Cvijanović is serving as the
Chair of the Presidency and as President (Serb seat).
c. President Boluarte took office December 7, 2022, after the Peruvian Congress removed the former
president Pedro Castil o from office. She had been serving as First Vice President.
d. Taiwan officially calls itself the Republic of China (ROC). For information on the status of Taiwan, see CRS
In Focus IF10275, Taiwan: Political and Security Issues, by Susan V. Lawrence and Caitlin Campbell.
Table 7 lists selected women who formerly served as the executive of their country since 2000.
Table 7. Selected Women Who Served as Chief of State or Head of Government
(Executives) from 2000-Present
Executives are listed in alphabetical order by country.
Country
Name
Title
Years in Office
Argentina
Cristina Fernandez De
President
2007-2015
Kirchner
Austria
Brigitte Bierlein
Chancellor
2019-2020
Bangladesh
Khaleda Zia
Prime Minister
1991-1996 and 2001-2006
Brazil
Dilma Rousseff
President
2011-2016
Burma
Aung San Suu Kyi
State Counsellor
2016-2021
Chile
Michelle Bachelet
President
2006-2010 and 2014-2018
Croatia
Kolinda Grabar-Kitarovic
President
2015-2020
Estonia
Kersti Kaljulaid
President
2016-2021
Germany
Angela Merkel
Chancellor
2005–2021
India
Pratibha Patil
President
2007-2012
Indonesia
Megawati Sukarnoputri
President
2001-2004
Jamaica
Portia Simpson-Miller
Prime Minister
2006-2007 and 2012-2016
Liberia
El en Johnson Sirleaf
President
2006-2018
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Country
Name
Title
Years in Office
Lithuania
Dalia Grybauskaite
President
2009-2019
Malawi
Joyce Banda
President
2012-2014
Malta
Marie-Louise Coleiro Preca
President
2014-2019
New Zealand
Helen Clark
Prime Minister
1999-2008
Norway
Erna Solberg
Prime Minister
2013-2021
Panama
Mireya Moscoso
President
1999-2004
Philippines
Gloria Macapagal Arroyo
President
2001-2010
South Korea
Park Geun-hye
President
2013-2017
Sweden
Magdalena Anderssona
Prime Minister
Nov. 30, 2021–Oct. 18,
2022
Thailand
Yingluck Shinawatra
Prime Minister
2011-2014
Turks and Caicos Islands Sharlene Cartwright-
Premier
2016-2021
Robinson
United Kingdom
Theresa May
Prime Minister
2016-2019
United Kingdom
Mary Elizabeth “Liz” Truss
Prime Minister
September 6–October 25,
2022
Source: Compiled by CRS using media reports and Encyclopedia Britannica.
Notes: Surnames appear in bold face. Hong Kong, although not a country, had female Chief Executive named
Carrie Lam from July 1, 2017, through June 30, 2022.
a. Magdalena Andersson is the first female to hold this position in her country.
Women Leaders of the 20th Century
Table 8 identifies several notable female executives who held office in the 20th century.
Table 8. Selected Women Executives from 1960 to 2000
Executives are listed chronologically by their years in office.
Country
Name
Title
Years in Office
Sri Lanka
Sirimavo Bandaranaike
Prime Minister
1960-1965; 1970-1977;
1994-2000
Bandaranaike was the world’s first female Prime Minister.
India
Indira Gandhi
Prime Minister
1966-1977 and 1980-1984
Gandhi was assassinated while in office; she was succeeded by her son, Rajiv.
Israel
Golda Meir
Prime Minister
1969-1974
Meir and her husband immigrated to then Palestine in 1921. She was a founder of the State of Israel and the fourth
prime minister.
Argentina
Isabel Martinez de Perón
President
1974-1976
Perón was world’s first female president when, as vice president, she succeeded her husband, President Juan
Perón, upon his death.
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Country
Name
Title
Years in Office
United Kingdom
Margaret Thatcher
Prime Minister
1979-1990
Thatcher became the first woman prime minister in Europe and was the only British prime minister in the 20th
century to be elected to three consecutive terms.
Iceland
Vigdis Finnbogadottir
President
1980-1996
Finnbogadottir was the first woman in the world to be elected head of state in a national election.
Philippines
Corazon Aquino
President
1986-1992
Aquino restored democratic rule after the dictatorship of Ferdinand Marcos.
Pakistan
Benazir Bhutto
Prime Minister
1988-1990 and 1993-1996
Bhutto was first female prime minister of a majority-Muslim country.
Source: Compiled by CRS using news and other sources, such as the Encyclopedia Britannica and Gale Biography
in Context.
Note: Surnames appear in bold face.
Violence Against Women in Politics
Some experts and observers have found that, while any candidate or elected politician may
experience violence, women politicians can be targeted because of their gender and subjected to
sexist threats, sexual harassment, and violence.7 Violence may occur during the registration and
voting processes, while campaigning and running for office, and/or while serving in a
government.8 Perpetrators may include both state and non-state actors, such as members of
political parties, other parliamentarians, members of the public, media representatives, and
religious or community leaders.9
Underreporting incidents of violence against women in politics makes addressing the issue
particularly challenging. Information about the problem tends to be anecdotal rather than
statistical, making it difficult to determine the extent and prevalence of the problem. In addition,
many women may be reluctant to report violence out of the belief that doing so may limit a
woman’s political aspirations, and out of fear of reprisals, threats, and possible increased
harassment.10 According to a 2018 United Nations report, “women of color appear to be
disproportionately affected, and risks are likely higher for women of marginalized
communities.”11

7 An article in the Journal of Democracy noted that actions to threaten, intimidate, or harass women who are
participating in the political process are attempts to “deter women’s electoral participation, and reinforce prevailing
gender norms.” Such activities “should thus be seen as a serious threat and affront to democracy.” See Mona Lena
Krook, “Violence Against Women in Politics,” Journal of Democracy, January 2017, p. 74-75. The Kofi Annan
Foundation cited research that determined “general political violence occurred against both men and women,” but that
women were “much more likely to experience sexualized forms of violence.” See Carmen Alanis, Violence Against
Women in Politics, Kofi Annan Foundation, November 2020, p. 31.
8 United Nations Special Rapporteur on violence against women, Violence against Women in Politics, August 6, 2018,
p. 9.
9 United Nations, Violence against Women in Politics, August 6, 2018, p. 6.
10 UN Women, Data and Violence against Women in Politics: Expert Group Meeting Report and Recommendations,
December 4-5, 2019, pp. 9-13.
11 United Nations, Violence against Women in Politics Expert Group Meeting Report and Recommendations, New
York, NY, March 8-9, 2018, p. 6.
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Figure 3 indicates the prevalence of attacks of “political violence targeting women” (PVTW)
who participate in various functions in the political process according to the Armed Conflict
Location & Event Data Project. Trends in Figure 3 reflect data gathered periodically from
women in 190 countries from January 1997 to January 2020. Globally, women candidates for
office, whether for local, regional, or national government, experience up to 8% of PVTW
attacks, while female politicians, those women currently serving in an elected governmental
position, experience 12% of PVTW attacks. Political party supporters, such as women who
campaign and actively support a political party or candidate, face 24% of PVTW attacks, while
women voters undergo 2% of PVTW attacks. Government officials, women who work in
nonelected government positions, including public and civil servants, experience up to 16% of
PVTW attacks. The largest group of women in public life, who experience 38% of PVTW
attacks, includes activists, human rights defenders, and social leaders.12
Figure 3. Trends in Political Violence Targeting Women, by Role in Political Process

Source: Created by CRS, based on aggregate data from Violence Targeting Women in Politics: Trends in Targets,
Types, and Perpetrators of Political Violence, the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data (ACLED) Project,
December 2021, pp. 4-7.
Notes: Data on violence targeting women in politics are restricted to acts of physical violence that take place in
a public setting on women who engage in the political process. This does not include acts of bul ying or
intimidation, cases of domestic violence, or virtual aggressive actions.
Figure 3 summarizes the aggregate of all data compiled and analyzed by the ACLED Project through December
2021. ACLED began col ecting data on 48 African counties in 1997 and has since added more than 200 countries
and territories.
In October 2016, the IPU published the results of a survey of 55 women legislators from 39
countries on their experiences of harassment, intimidation, or violence based on their gender.13
Tables 9 to 12 illustrate the findings of this survey. Broadly, almost 82% of the women surveyed
reported they had personally experienced psychological violence, almost 22% reported incidents

12 Kishi Roudabeh, Violence Targeting Women in Politics: Trends in Targets, Types, and Perpetrators of Political
Violence, the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project, December 2021, pp. 4-7.
13 IPU, Sexism, Harassment and Violence against Women Parliamentarians, IPU, October 2016. Survey participants
included 18 from Africa, 15 from Europe, 10 from the Asia-Pacific region, 8 from the Americas, and 4 from Arab
countries.
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of sexual violence, 25.5% reported experiencing physical violence, and almost 33% had been
subjected to economic violence.
Table 9. Prevalence of Various Forms of Violence Against Women Legislators
2016 IPU survey of 55 women legislators from 39 countries

% of Respondents Answering “Yes”
“Have you witnessed
“Have you been
acts of this violence
subject to one or
committed against
more acts of this
one or more of your
Type of Violence
kind of violence?”
female colleagues?”
Psychological violence (see Table 10 for details)
81.8%
78.1%
Sexual violence (e.g., sexual harassment; efforts to force sexual
21.8%
32.7%
relations inappropriate and unwanted gestures or physical
contact; requests for sexual relations in exchange for material or
political advantages
Physical violence (e.g., actions that inflict or attempt to inflict
25.5%
20.0%
bodily injury to a legislator, or to friends or members of her
family)
Economic violence (e.g., denied funds and other resources that
32.7%
30.9%
legislators are entitled to such as salary, offices, computers, staff,
security; damage to or destruction of personal property)
Source: IPU, Sexism, Harassment and Violence against Women Parliamentarians, October 2016.
Note: Definitions of the various kinds of violence are included in the report.
The 81.8% of respondents in Table 9 who reported they had experienced psychological violence
identified the manifestations of this violence in Table 10.
Table 10. Psychological Violence: Prevalence of Specific Behaviors
Behaviors described by the 81.8% of 2016 IPU survey respondents who reported they had experienced
psychological violence
% of Respondents Who Had
Actions of Psychological Violence
Experienced These Actions
Humiliating sexual or sexist remarks
65.5%
Images or disrespectful comments with sexual connotations about you in the
27.3%
traditional media
Extremely humiliating or sexual images of you distributed through social
41.8%
media
Threats of death, rape, beatings, or abduction
44.4%
Harassment (e.g. exposure to insistent and uninvited behavior, including
32.7%
unwanted attention, unwelcome verbal contact, or interaction that may have
frightened you)
Source: IPU, Sexism, Harassment and Violence against Women Parliamentarians, October 2016, p. 3.
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Table 11 lists several factors identified in the IPU study that may make some women legislators a
likely target for gender-based intolerance.
Table 11. Risk Factors for Women Legislators
2016 IPU survey of 55 women legislators from 39 countries
Reasons for Violence, as reported by women legislators subjected to
% of Survey
gender-based violent acts and behavior
Respondents
Intention to dissuade them and other women from participating in politics
61.5%
Political rivalry
41.7%
Positions of women legislators on specific issues
60.5%
Source: Inter-Parliamentary Union, Sexism, Harassment and Violence against Women Parliamentarians, October
2016, p. 6.
Additional risk factors that appear to lead to violence against women in legislatures include being
a member of the political minority, being under the age of 40, and belonging to a minority ethnic,
religious, or other marginalized social group.14 Table 12 identifies how women legislators have
reacted to the acts of violence they experienced.
Table 12. Effects of Violence Against Women in Politics
2016 IPU survey of 55 women legislators from 39 countries
% of Survey
Reactions of Women in Politics Subjected to Violent Acts
Respondents
Distressed over the experience
66.7%
Concerned for the security of themselves, their friends, and family members
46.7%
Felt weakened in their ability to complete their mandates and to express their
38.7%
opinions
Reported incidents to the legislative security services or the police
51.7%
Strengthened their determination as a legislator
80.0%
Source: IPU, Sexism, Harassment and Violence against Women Parliamentarians, October 2016, p. 7.
The IPU released regional updates on sexism, harassment, and violence against women in
parliaments for Europe (2018) and for Africa (2021). IPU’s 2018 Europe regional update is based
on the results of one-on-one conversations with 123 women from 45 European countries. Eighty-
one participants were members of parliament (MPs) and 42 were members of the parliamentary
staff.15 According to the Europe update, of the female MP respondents,
 85.2% said that they had suffered psychological violence during their term of
office;
 46.9% had received death threats or threats of rape or beating;
 58.2% had been the target of online sexist attacks on social networks;
 67.9% had been the target of comments relating to their physical appearance or
based on gender stereotypes;
 24.7% had experience sexual violence16; and

14 IPU, Sexism, Harassment and Violence against Women Parliamentarians, October 2016, p. 6.
15 IPU, Sexism, Harassment and Violence against Women Parliamentarians in Europe, October 2018, p. 1.
16 Ibid., p. 4. This report identified two types of sexual violence: sexual harassment (“words or behavior of a degrading
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 14.8% had experienced physical violence.17
More broadly, female MPs in Europe under 40 experienced higher rates of psychological and
sexual harassment. Female MPs who actively supported gender equality and condemned violence
against women were often singled out for attack.18
IPU’s 2021 Africa regional update is based on the results of confidential interviews conducted
with 224 women from 50 countries. Of the participants, 137 were women parliamentarians and 87
were members of the parliamentary staff.19 The Africa update found that of the women
parliamentarian respondents,
 80% have experienced psychological violence. Of this 80%:
 67% have experienced sexist behavior or remarks;
 46% have been the target of sexist attacks online;
 42% have received death threats, rape threats, or threats of beating or
abduction directed at them or their loved ones;
 39% have faced intimidation or psychological harassment;
 39% have experienced sexual violence. Of this 39%:
 40% have been sexually harassed.
 9% have been affected by sextortion (requests for sexual favors).
 29% have been exposed to economic violence20; and
 23% have experienced physical violence.21


Author Information

Travis A. Ferrell

Research Librarian


or humiliating sexual nature, sexual advances and/or demands for sexual favors”) and sexual assault (being forced
“engage in sexual acts, have sexual intercourse or carry out something of a sexual nature.”)
17 IPU, Sexism, Harassment and Violence against Women Parliamentarians in Europe, October 2018, p. 4. This report
defines physical violence as being slapped, pushed, hit, having something thrown at you; being threatened with a
firearm, knife, or another weapon; or being confined, beaten, or abducted.
18 Ibid., p. 1.
19 IPU, Sexism, Harassment and Violence against Women Parliamentarians in Africa, November 2021, p. 2.
20 Ibid., p. 27. In the report, economic violence is defined as using “economic barriers and deprivation as a means of
control, most often by destroying a person’s property or putting in jeopardy their livelihood as a form of intimidation.”
21 Ibid.
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Acknowledgments
Susan G. Chesser, former CRS Information Research Specialist, was the previous author of this report.


Disclaimer
This document was prepared by the Congressional Research Service (CRS). CRS serves as nonpartisan
shared staff to congressional committees and Members of Congress. It operates solely at the behest of and
under the direction of Congress. Information in a CRS Report should not be relied upon for purposes other
than public understanding of information that has been provided by CRS to Members of Congress in
connection with CRS’s institutional role. CRS Reports, as a work of the United States Government, are not
subject to copyright protection in the United States. Any CRS Report may be reproduced and distributed in
its entirety without permission from CRS. However, as a CRS Report may include copyrighted images or
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copy or otherwise use copyrighted material.

Congressional Research Service
R45483 · VERSION 13 · UPDATED
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