Contents

• Overview and Bilateral Relations
• U.S.-Qatar Defense and Security Relations
• Arms Sales
• Al Udeid Air Base and Military Construction
• Qatari Facilities and U.S. Relocation of Evacuees from Afghanistan
• Counterterrorism Issues
• U.S. Security Assistance
• U.S.-Qatar Economic Relations
• Congress and Qatar
• Qatar and Hamas-related Legislation in the 118^th Congress
• Qatar and Iranian Funds-related Legislation in the 118^th Congress
• Qatari Politics and Government
• Human Rights
• Women's Rights
• Labor Issues and Trafficking in Persons
• Religious Freedom
• Qatar's Foreign Policy
• Qatar and Russia's War Against Ukraine
• Qatar and China
• Qatar and Afghanistan
• Qatar and Its Neighbors
• Gulf Cooperation Council and Other Arab States
• Syria
• Iran
• Israel and the Palestinians
• Fiscal, Economic, and Energy Issues
• Outlook

Summary

The State of Qatar is a small, energy-rich emirate strategically located near the center of the Persian Gulf. Defense and diplomatic cooperation have anchored close U.S.-Qatari relations: Qatar hosts thousands of U.S. troops, allows U.S. military use of Qatari facilities, and consults with U.S. officials on engagements with third parties in the Middle East region and beyond. In 2022, President Joseph Biden and Emir Tamim bin Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani reaffirmed the multifaceted partnership between the United States and Qatar, and the Biden Administration designated Qatar as a Major Non-North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) Ally.

Qatar holds the third-largest proven natural gas reserves in the world, and is a major exporter of liquefied natural gas (LNG): LNG revenues have fueled economic and social change in Qatar and enabled Qatar's active foreign policies. Qatar's fewer than 300,000 citizens enjoy one of the world's highest per capita income levels, and, as in other Gulf states, a large expatriate population is critical to Qatar's domestic economy. Since the mid-1990s, Qatari leaders have overseen rapid, expansive economic growth; transformed the global media environment through the founding of the Al Jazeera satellite networks; engaged in complex and at times controversial diplomacy with U.S. partners and adversaries; and pursued a course of limited domestic political liberalization.

While Qatar supports many U.S. priorities, its leaders' pursuit of Qatar's sovereign interests and initiatives have presented both opportunities and challenges. Successive U.S. Administrations have sought to expand military, security, diplomatic, and economic cooperation with Qatar. Issues of immediate priority for the United States include coordinating with Qatar on negotiations to sustain a ceasefire and continue hostage-prisoner exchanges in the Israel-Hamas war, maintaining U.S.-Qatari defense cooperation, encouraging stability in Qatar's relationships with fellow members of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) and other Arab states, and leveraging Qatar's diplomatic engagement with the Taliban government in Afghanistan, new leaders in Syria, and with neighboring Iran. Prior to the Hamas attacks of October 7, 2023, Qatar had not joined the Abraham Accords between some Arab states and Israel but had instead conditioned normalization of relations with Israel on substantial progress toward resolving Israel-Palestinian disputes.

Qatar voted to condemn Russia's invasion of Ukraine at the United Nations; stated its "respect for Ukraine's sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity"; and called for a ceasefire and a peaceful resolution to the conflict in accordance with international law. Emir Tamim met Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in Qatar in June 2024. The Emir met Russian President Vladimir Putin in July 2024 in conjunction with the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) summit in Kazakhstan; Qatar joined the SCO as a Dialogue Partner in 2023. Emir Tamim and People's Republic of China (PRC) leader Xi Jinping met in Saudi Arabia in December 2022 in conjunction with the Arab States-China Summit and the GCC-China Summit. PRC state-owned firms have provided infrastructure and construction services for some major projects in Qatar. Qatar exports oil products and LNG to China.

Since 2012, successive Administrations have proposed several major U.S. arms sales to Qatar, including items for air defense and missile defense. Qatar is investing in its military facilities to meet current and potential future needs, with planned Qatar-funded development projects at Al Udeid Air Base valued at $8.4 billion through 2033.

Qatar's constitution had provided for elections to a consultative Shura Council, but in November 2024, Qataris adopted amendments proposed by the Emir to end legislative elections and return to an appointed national consultative body. The government limits freedom of assembly, expression, religion, the press, and association. Labor and migrants' rights concerns have long drawn public and official attention as Qatar builds out physical infrastructure. The U.S. State Department notes reports of human rights violations in Qatar and credits Qatar with taking some steps to improve human rights and labor conditions.

In Congress, foreign affairs, defense, and intelligence committees monitor Qatar's foreign and domestic policies, while Qatar's resources, sovereign wealth, and associated geo-economic clout fuel congressional interest in Qatar's energy and investment policies and in U.S.-Qatari trade and investment ties. In the 119^th Congress, a Congressional Caucus on Qatari-American Strategic Relationships is active. Various Members of Congress and congressional staff frequently visit Qatar to attend conferences, consult with U.S. civilian and military personnel, and conduct oversight of U.S. regional policy and U.S. military operations.

Overview and Bilateral Relations

The State of Qatar is a small, energy-rich monarchy, strategically located near the center of the Persian Gulf (see Figure 1); its natural resources and active foreign policy give it global influence. Qatar holds the third-largest proven natural gas reserves in the world, and is a major exporter of liquefied natural gas (LNG).¹ From 2000 to 2021, Qatar's gross domestic product (GDP) increased tenfold from $17 billion to an estimated $179 billion.

The country's population, including expatriates, more than quadrupled between 2000 and 2023, growing to over 2.9 million in 2023.² One-tenth of those are citizens. Qatar's fewer-than-300,000 citizens enjoy one of the world's highest per capita income levels, and, as in other Gulf states, a large expatriate population is critical to Qatar's domestic economy. Since the mid-1990s, Qatari leaders have overseen rapid, expansive economic growth; transformed the global media environment through the founding of the Al Jazeera satellite networks; engaged in complex and at times controversial diplomacy with U.S. partners and adversaries; and introduced constitutional changes to formalize succession and limited consultative governance. International attention focuses on Qatar's roles as an energy exporter and diplomatic catalyst.

U.S. officials recognized Qatar's independence in September 1971 and established diplomatic relations in 1972. Since the 1990s, successive U.S. Administrations have sought to expand military, security, diplomatic, and economic cooperation with Qatar. Qatari leaders' pursuit of Qatar's sovereign interests and initiatives have presented both opportunities and challenges over time. Past U.S. Administrations have scrutinized Qatari policy with regard to some armed conflicts and political unrest in the Middle East and North Africa region and some Qataris' relationships with Islamist groups: at present Qatar supports many U.S. priorities and U.S. officials have welcomed Qatar's partnership (see below).

Biden Administration officials thanked Qatar in 2023 and 2024 for its role as an intermediary to Hamas in the wake of the group's October 7, 2023, terrorist attacks and taking of hostages in Israel. U.S. officials engaged with Qatari, Egyptian, and Israeli counterparts in efforts to achieve a ceasefire and free remaining hostages held in Gaza, leading to the ceasefire reached in January 2025. President Donald Trump's Special Envoy for the Middle East Steve Witkoff travelled to Qatar and met with Qatari leaders in support of U.S. negotiations prior to the President's inauguration. In January 2025, he called Qatar "enormously helpful" and said that Qatari Prime Minister Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Al Thani's "communication skills with Hamas were indispensable."³ In February 2025, Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth called Qatar's Deputy Prime Minister and "thanked Qatar for hosting U.S. and coalition forces at Al Udeid Air Base and urged continued support for Trump Administration efforts to secure the release of the hostages from Gaza."⁴

The U.S. government continues to engage with Qatar on negotiations to sustain a ceasefire and continue hostage-prisoner exchanges in the Israel-Hamas war. U.S. officials also have sought to leverage Qatar's diplomatic engagement with neighboring Iran and actors in Lebanon and Syria. Prior to the October 2023 Hamas attacks on Israel, Qatar had not joined the Abraham Accords that some other Arab states had signed with Israel beginning in 2020, but has instead conditioned normalization of relations with Israel on substantial progress toward resolving Israel-Palestinian disputes.

Figure 1. Qatar at-a-Glance

Qatar continues to host a political office of the Palestinian Islamist armed group Hamas (a U.S.-designated Foreign Terrorist Organization [FTO]), though Hamas representatives have at times left Qatar for extended periods, possibly as a means of avoiding Qatari-facilitated engagement on issues of dispute with Israel and other countries.⁵ On October 13, 2023, then-Secretary of State Antony Blinken said while in Qatar that "there can be no more business as usual with Hamas," and press reports citing unidentified diplomats suggested that month that the United States and Qatar "agreed to revisit the Persian Gulf state's association with Hamas" following the resolution of the Hamas hostage crisis.⁶ More than 100 Members of Congress wrote to President Biden in October 2023 urging him to "put significant pressure on Qatar and Türkiye to cease their support for Hamas and expel Hamas leadership that they host."⁷ Qatar condemned the July 2024 killing in Iran of Hamas political leader Ismail Haniyeh.⁸ Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar reportedly contacted officials in Qatar shortly before being killed by Israeli forces in Gaza in October 2024.⁹

In September 2024, Qatar's Emir Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani and Prime Minister met with President Donald Trump in Florida during their visit to the United States for the United Nations General Assembly. President Trump praised the Emir as "someone also who strongly wants peace in the Middle East, and all over the world," writing in a social media post, "We had a great relationship during my years in the White House, and it will be even stronger this time around!"¹⁰

Through 2024, U.S. priorities in the bilateral relationship have included sustaining and strengthening U.S.-Qatari defense cooperation, sustaining and strengthening U.S.-Qatari defense cooperation, and encouraging stability in Qatar's relationships with fellow members of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) and other Arab states.

U.S.-Qatar Defense and Security Relations

Qatar hosts U.S. military forces under the terms of a defense cooperation agreement, including the forward headquarters of U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM). U.S.-Qatar security ties deepened from the mid-1990s onward, and, in 2022, the Biden Administration designated Qatar as a Major Non-North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) Ally.

In the late 1980s, the United States and Qatar engaged in a years-long diplomatic dispute regarding Qatar's black market procurement of U.S.-made Stinger anti-aircraft missiles.¹¹ The dispute froze then-planned economic and military cooperation, and Congress approved a ban on arms sales to Qatar (§566(d), P.L. 100-461) that lasted until the months leading up to the 1991 Persian Gulf War, when Qatar allowed coalition forces to operate from Qatari territory and agreed to destroy the missiles in question.¹² In January 1991, Qatari armored forces helped coalition troops repel an Iraqi attack on the Saudi Arabian town of Kafji, on the coastal road leading south from Kuwait into Saudi Arabia's oil-rich Eastern Province.¹³

Deep U.S. defense and security relations with Qatar did not begin until after the 1991 war. In 1992, Qatar signed a defense cooperation agreement with the United States, opening a period of close coordination in military affairs that has continued to the present. In 1995, Shaykh Hamad bin Khalifa deposed his father and became Emir. The United States promptly recognized Shaykh Hamad's assumption of power, and welcomed his decision to subsequently expand U.S.-Qatar defense cooperation. Shaykh Hamad faced a counter-coup attempt in 1996.

With its small territory and narrow citizen population base, Qatar relies to a large degree on external cooperation and support for its security. With 16,500 personnel, Qatar's armed forces are the second smallest in the Middle East.¹⁴ Since 2013, the government has imposed mandatory short-term (3-4 month) military training and service for Qatari males.

Qatari-U.S. defense relations have expanded since 2001 to include cooperative defense exercises, equipment pre-positioning, and base access agreements. Qatar hosts the forward headquarters for U.S. Central Command. In 2013, U.S. Secretary of Defense Chuck Hagel visited Doha, met with Emir Tamim, and signed a 10-year bilateral defense cooperation agreement. The text of the agreement is classified.¹⁵ Unnamed U.S. defense officials told CNN in January 2024 that Qatar and the United States have renewed the agreement for a further 10 years.¹⁶ Qatar is a member of the Combined Maritime Forces coalition, which operates Combined Task Forces (CTF) 150 (maritime security and counterterrorism), CTF 151 (counter piracy), CTF 152 (Gulf security and cooperation), and CTF 153 (Red Sea security). The Qatari military and the West Virginia National Guard cooperate under the U.S. National Guard Bureau's State Partnership Program.

Qatar's 2022 designation as a Major Non-NATO Ally qualifies Qatar to purchase certain U.S. arms, receive excess defense articles (EDA), and engage in defense research cooperation with the United States, for which it would not otherwise be eligible.

Over the past several years, the number of U.S. military personnel who are deployed at the various facilities in Qatar, including Al Udeid Air Base (see below), has ranged from about 6,500 to more than 10,000.¹⁷

Arms Sales

Since 2012, successive Administrations have proposed several major U.S. arms sales to Qatar, marking a shift in Qatar's defense planning toward the use of advanced U.S. attack and transport helicopters and other weapons systems, including items for air defense and missile defense (see Table A-1 in the Appendix). France previously had provided approximately 80% of Qatar's arms inventory. Qatar collaborates with Italy and Turkey in support of its naval development efforts.¹⁸ Qatar's purchase of U.S. weapons systems, including U.S. air and missile defense systems, corresponds to increased interest in such systems from some other governments in the region, ostensibly to defend against and respond to potential attacks from Iran. In 2022, the State Department reported

Qatar has over $26 billion in active government-to-government cases under the Foreign Military Sales (FMS) system making Qatar the United States' third largest FMS partner in the world. Recent and significant FMS sales focused on integrated air and missile defense and include the PATRIOT long-range air missile system, the National Advanced Surface to Air Missile System, and the AN/FPS-132 Early Warning Radar; F-15QA fighter aircraft—the most advanced F-15 in production; and AH-64E Apache attack helicopters. Each of these programs includes facility construction and extended munitions, logistics, and training support.¹⁹

Al Udeid Air Base and Military Construction

Qatar invested over $1 billion to construct the Al Udeid Air Base southwest of Doha during the 1990s. The U.S. Army Corps of Engineers also awarded over $100 million in Military Construction Air Force contracts for the initial construction of U.S. storage, housing, service, command, and communication facilities. Qatar's financing and construction of the runways and most of the facilities at Al Udeid and its granting of permission for the construction of U.S.-funded facilities underpinned gradually deeper cooperation with U.S. military forces.

In 2003, the U.S. military moved its Combat Air Operations Center for the Middle East from Prince Sultan Airbase in Saudi Arabia to Al Udeid. Al Udeid then served as a logistics, command, and basing hub for U.S. operations in Iraq, Afghanistan, and other parts of the U.S. CENTCOM area of responsibility.²⁰

Qatar has invested more than $8 billion to support U.S. and coalition operations at Al Udeid since 2003, expanding and enhancing the facility in conjunction with U.S. military construction funding.²¹ From FY2003 to FY2011, Congress appropriated and authorized more than $457 million for U.S. military construction activities in Qatar.²²

Qatar plans further investment in its military facilities to meet current and potential future needs. Planned development projects under the Qatar Development of Al Udeid program are valued at $8.4 billion with construction plans through 2033 set to adapt base facilities from an expeditionary to an enduring nature and to enable them to house more than 15,000 personnel and support additional fighter, transport, and helicopter aircraft.²³ Nearby Camp As Sayliyah housed significant U.S. military equipment pre-positioning and command facilities for the CENTCOM area of operations prior to its closure and a repositioning of U.S. equipment in mid-2021.²⁴

Qatari Facilities and U.S. Relocation of Evacuees from Afghanistan

U.S.-Qatar bilateral agreements have provided terms for the hosting in Qatar of evacuees from Afghanistan under U.S. auspices.²⁵ In April 2023, the Administration stated that facilities at Camp As Sayliyah then-served as the main processing center for U.S. resettlement efforts for evacuees from Afghanistan.²⁶ In 2024, initiatives at the site continued under the auspices of the Office of the Coordinator of Afghan Relocation Efforts (CARE).²⁷ In February 2025, a press report cited an unnamed U.S. official as saying the Trump Administration has directed CARE to plan for its closure by April 2025.²⁸ According to press reports citing unnamed U.S. officials and advocates for U.S.-associated Afghans, U.S. relocation operations were "essentially paused" as of March 2025.²⁹ See "Qatar and Afghanistan" below for information on the status of U.S. evacuation and Afghan nationals in Qatar.

Counterterrorism Issues

U.S. policymakers have considered alleged material support for terrorist groups by some Qataris, including reported past support by members of the ruling family, alongside Qatar's counterterrorism efforts and its broader, long-term commitment to host and support U.S. military forces.³⁰ U.S. officials have described Qatar's counterterrorism cooperation since 2001 as significant, and the State Department report on terrorism for 2023 states that "Qatar has made strides in addressing state-sourced internal support for educational and religious content espousing intolerance, discrimination, sectarianism, and violence."³¹ The report notes that a mutual evaluation on terrorist financing "identified major inconsistencies between the type and extent of terrorist financing (TF) activity prosecuted and convicted with its TF risk profile" and identified domestic and international challenges "which lead to many TF cases being acquitted or overturned on appeal."

Qatar and Hamas

Qatar hosts a political office of the Palestinian Sunni Islamist group Hamas (a U.S.-designated FTO). The U.S. government and government of Israel have engaged Qatari officials as interlocutors of Hamas prior to and in the wake of the October 7, 2023, Hamas-led terrorist attacks in Israel. (See "Israel and the Palestinians" below.) In October 2023, the U.S. Department of the Treasury named Muhammad Ahmad 'Abd Al-Dayim Nasrallah as a Specially Designated Global Terrorist under Executive Order 13224, describing Nasrallah as "a longtime Hamas operative based in Qatar with close ties to Iranian elements," who "in recent years ... was involved in the transfer of tens of millions of dollars to Hamas, including Hamas's military wing, the Izz al-Din al-Qassim Brigades."

U.S. Counterterrorism Assistance

Qatar uses its own funds to pay for participation of Qatari personnel in the State Department's Anti-Terrorism Assistance (ATA) training program, including training that was pertinent to Qatar's preparations to host the 2022 International Federation of Association Football (FIFA) soccer World Cup. The U.S. Department of Homeland Security reached cooperative security agreements with Qatar related to the World Cup, and in July 2022 signed memoranda on border and cybersecurity cooperation.³²

U.S. Security Assistance

The George W. Bush Administration requested $10,000 in International Military Education and Training (IMET) assistance funds for Qatar in FY2010, and requested an additional $10,000 for FY2011 but did not allocate funds for Qatar during that fiscal year. The nominal IMET assistance had the administrative effect of making Qatar eligible to purchase other U.S. military training at the reduced cost level available only to IMET recipients.³³ The Obama, first Trump, and Biden Administrations did not request IMET assistance for Qatar, though Qatari personnel continued to participate in IMET and other U.S. training programs.

U.S.-Qatar Economic Relations

Qatar and the United States have not negotiated a Free Trade Agreement, but Qatar has used a Trade and Investment Framework Agreement (TIFA) to undertake large investments in the United States. The joint statement of a 2018 U.S.-Qatar Strategic Dialogue "recognized" the Qatar Investment Authority's (Qatar's sovereign wealth fund) commitment of $45 billion in future investments in U.S. companies and real estate. U.S. exports to Qatar consist mainly of aerospace equipment. U.S. imports from Qatar consist mainly of petroleum products. Total bilateral trade in goods for 2023 was valued at $6.69 billion.³⁴ Qatar Petroleum has jointly developed LNG export infrastructure at the Golden Pass facility in Texas with ExxonMobil.³⁵

Qatar's airline, Qatar Airways, has been a major buyer of U.S. commercial aircraft and in January 2022 announced that it would purchase up to 50 cargo aircraft and up to 50 737 Max passenger aircraft from Boeing.³⁶ Qatar Airways and Airbus in 2023 announced they had reached a settlement of their dispute over paint on Qatar Airways-purchased Airbus aircraft.³⁷ In the past, some U.S. airlines challenged Qatar Airways' benefits under a U.S.-Qatar "open skies" agreement based on the Qatari government's support for Qatar Airways aircraft purchases.³⁸ The United States and Qatar reached a set of "understandings" on civil aviation on January 29, 2018, committing Qatar Airways to financial transparency and containing some limitations on the airline's ability to pick up passengers in Europe for flights to the United States. European officials reached an open skies agreement with Qatar in 2021, but not all European Union member states have ratified it.³⁹

In August 2024, Qatar's sovereign wealth fund, the Qatar Investment Authority, announced a $180 million investment in the U.S. Development Finance Corporation-backed mining investment vehicle Techmet. A QIA official said: "We are delighted to partner with TechMet to invest in the responsible sourcing of critical minerals, which are crucial to the global green transition. This investment builds on QIA's theme of diversified energy transition and critical minerals investments."⁴⁰

Several U.S. universities have established satellite faculty campuses in Doha at Qatar's Education City, where Qatari, American, and other students pursue undergraduate and graduate coursework across a broad range of subjects: Carnegie Mellon University, Virginia Commonwealth University, Georgetown University, Weill Cornell Medicine, and Northwestern University. In February 2024, Texas A&M University announced plans to close its branch in Qatar by 2028 citing regional instability.⁴¹ The Qatar Foundation (QF) criticized the decision saying it was "influenced by a disinformation campaign aimed at harming the interests of QF."⁴²

Congress and Qatar

In Congress, legislative action related to Qatar has been relatively limited with the exception of appropriations and authorization legislation that affects U.S. defense programs and congressional review of proposed foreign military sales to the Qatari military. Congressional foreign affairs, defense, and intelligence committees monitor Qatar's foreign and domestic policies, while Qatar's resources, sovereign wealth, and associated geo-economic clout fuel congressional interest in Qatar's energy and investment policies and in U.S.-Qatari trade and investment ties.

Congress has acknowledged Qatar's support for U.S. military operations, including efforts to evacuate U.S. personnel and third country nationals from Afghanistan. The Senate in 2022 adopted S.Res. 390, expressing appreciation for Qatar's "pivotal role and support of Operation Allies Refuge; and ... support to temporarily house thousands of evacuees [from Afghanistan] until they are cleared for follow-on movement." In 2022, Congress designated U.S. veterans who served on active duty in Qatar and several other countries on or after August 2, 1990, as "covered veterans" under the Honoring our Promise to Address Comprehensive Toxics (PACT) Act of 2022 (P.L. 117-168), which expands health care eligibility for veterans subject to toxic exposure. In the 118^th Congress, S. 302 would have provided for related cancer screening.

The 2024 National Defense Authorization Act (P.L. 118-31) directed the Administration to report to Congress on the legal protections afforded to U.S. service personnel in Qatar and other countries. The act also directed the Administration to report on efforts by the People's Republic of China (PRC) to increase its influence in the Middle East, including in Qatar.

In the 119^th Congress, a Congressional Caucus on Qatari-American Strategic Relationships is active.

Since October 2023, some in Congress have increased their scrutiny and/or criticism of Qatar for its relationships with Hamas and Iran, including scrutiny of Iranian funds transferred to Qatar pursuant to U.S. sanctions waivers.

Qatar and Hamas-related Legislation in the 118^th Congress

In April 2024, Congress enacted the Hamas and Other Palestinian Terrorist Groups International Financing Prevention Act (Division M of P.L. 118-50), which requires the executive branch to impose sanctions on foreign states or persons that the President determines provide certain types of support to Hamas, PIJ, some other groups, or their affiliates. The act provides for a waiver that the executive branch could use if the President were to determine that the continued operation in Qatar of Hamas figures constituted activity targeted by the act.

Other bills, such as H.R. 6431, H.R. 8190, and S. 4093, would have suspended or directed the review of Qatar's major Non-NATO Ally designation absent presidential certifications related to Qatar's relationships and interactions with foreign terrorist organizations.

Required Report on Al Udeid Air Base

In the Senate, Section 1287 of the Senate Armed Services Committee-reported version of the NDAA for FY2025 (S. 4638) would have required the Department of Defense to provide a briefing to congressional defense committees on "the operational value of the Al-Udeid Air Base in Qatar, taking into consideration the relationship of the Government of Qatar with Hamas and other terrorist organizations."⁴³ The provision was not included in the final bill, but the joint explanatory statement on the FY2025 NDAA (House Committee Print 119-2 on P.L. 118-159) directs the Secretary of Defense

to submit a report and provide a briefing to the congressional defense committees, not later than June 1, 2025, on the operational value of the Al-Udeid Air Base in Qatar, taking into consideration the presence of Hamas and other United States-designated terrorist organizations in Qatar. The report and briefing shall include:

(1) Whether the presence of Hamas and other United States-designated terrorist organizations in Qatar undermines the national security interests of the United States;

(2) The operational value of the Al-Udeid Air Base in Qatar;

(3) The effect on United States Air Force operations in the Middle East if the United States were to redeploy members of the United States Air Force from Al-Udeid Air Base; and

(4) The resources that would be required to redeploy members of the United States Air Force from Al-Udeid Air Base.

Qatar and Iranian Funds-related Legislation in the 118^th Congress

In December 2023, the House adopted H.R. 5961, the "No Funds for Iranian Terrorism Act," which would have imposed U.S. sanctions on financial institutions that transact in Iranian funds that were transferred in September 2023 from South Korea via Europe to a restricted Qatari account for potential humanitarian use by Iran in conjunction with Iran's release of U.S. detainees (see "Iran" below). The act as adopted in the House would state the "sense of Congress that the Government of Qatar should publicly condemn Hamas, turn Hamas leadership over [to]⁴⁴ the United States or Israeli control, and pledge never to facilitate the transfer of any covered Iranian funds to Iran or any agency or instrumentality of Iran."

In April 2024, the House adopted H.R. 5826, the "No Paydays for Hostage-Takers Act," which would have required reporting and certification on the Iranian funds transferred to Qatar, and H.R. 5947, which would have rescinded the September 2023 waiver.

Other bills introduced in the House and Senate (H.R. 6000 and S. 3049) would have directed the Secretary of the Treasury to act to remove exemptions on transactions involving Iranian funds via Qatar or rescinded the related September 2023 waiver.

Other proposed bills would have directed the President to confiscate any of the Iranian funds subject to U.S. jurisdiction (S. 3081) or to reimpose the threat of U.S. sanctions on transactions involving the funds (S. 3041).

Similar bills have not, to date, been introduced in the 119^th Congress.

Qatari Politics and Government

Qatar declared its independence from the United Kingdom on September 3, 1971.⁴⁵ It is a constitutional monarchy governed by the Al Thani family; in an April 2003 referendum, Qatari voters approved a new constitution that outlined plans to elect some members of the consultative National Assembly (Majlis al Shura) and recognized women's right to vote and run for national office. The Emir of Qatar, Tamim bin Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani (age 42), began his rule in June 2013 when his father, Shaykh Hamad bin Khalifa, abdicated, marking the first voluntary and planned transition of power in Qatar since its independence.⁴⁶ Al Thani family members lead several government ministries and hold board seats on important state and private companies; the ruling family retains ultimate political authority but its relationships with other leading families appear cooperative. In March 2023, Emir Tamim bin Hamad announced a cabinet reshuffle and named Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Al Thani as Prime Minister: Sheikh Mohammed has served as Qatar's Foreign Minister since 2016.⁴⁷

Qatari authorities delayed the holding of national elections envisioned in the 2003 constitution until October 2021, when Qatari voters selected 30 members for the 45-seat National Assembly. The onset of political unrest in other regional countries from 2011 onward, the 2013 transition from former Emir Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani to his son Emir Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani, and the 2017-2021 confrontation between Qatar and some neighboring states may have contributed to Qatari decisions to delay the election. Turnout in the 2021 election exceeded 63% of eligible voters. Citizens categorized as naturalized, including members of the numerous Al Murra tribe, were ineligible to stand as candidates or vote, leading to some protests and arrests in the run up to the election.⁴⁸ Qatari officials argued that procedural remedies were available to challenge election-related complaints and that the new Shura Council could review "any amendments to the laws governing the elections process."⁴⁹ None of the female candidates who stood for office were elected, but the Emir appointed two women among the 15 additional members whose appointments he controls in accordance with the constitution. Qatar last held Central Municipal Council elections in 2019. Qatar convicted four elections protestors on related charges in May 2022, sentencing two individuals to life terms.⁵⁰

In 2024, Qatar's Emir proposed a series of constitutional amendments to end the country's experiment with a partially elected National Assembly, citing concerns that the holding of the 2021 election had undesirably amplified social tensions.⁵¹ In November 2024, Qatari voters approved amendments in a referendum, reverting the Assembly to fully appointed status.⁵²

Although the constitution provides for an independent judiciary, the Emir appoints all judges.

Human Rights

The 2023 State Department Country Report on Human Rights in Qatar cites

credible reports of: enforced disappearance; arbitrary arrest; political prisoners; serious restrictions on free expression, including the existence of criminal libel laws; substantial interference with the freedom of peaceful assembly and freedom of association, including overly restrictive laws on the organization, funding, or operation of nongovernmental organizations and civil society organizations; restrictions on freedom of movement; inability of citizens to change their government peacefully in free and fair elections; serious and unreasonable restrictions on political participation; extensive gender-based violence; existence of laws criminalizing consensual same-sex sexual conduct, which were not systematically enforced; and the prohibition of independent trade unions and significant or systematic restrictions on workers' freedom of association.⁵³

A National Human Rights Committee (NHRC) investigates allegations of human rights abuses and appears to operate independently. It is funded largely by the QF that is run by the Emir's mother, Shaykha Moza bint Nasser Al Missned. The nongovernmental organization Freedom House classifies Qatar as "not free."⁵⁴

The European Parliament (EP) in December 2022 suspended consideration of Qatar-related legislation pending resolution of allegations of corruption involving Qatari nationals, the NHRC, and some EP Members.⁵⁵

Women's Rights

Women in Qatar drive and own property, and work in the government and private sector. Qatar's constitution recognizes the right of women to vote and hold office. According to the State Department, social and legal discrimination against women continues, despite the constitutional assertion of equality.⁵⁶ The application of Islamic law, which is not gender-neutral on marriage, divorce, child custody and guardianship, and inheritance, contributes to this gender inequality, as does a lack of laws against domestic violence.⁵⁷ Guardianship laws require young women to obtain permission from their male guardians to travel alone, as well as "to marry, obtain a government scholarship to pursue higher education, work in government, and obtain some reproductive health care."⁵⁸ As of 2023, 64% of women (citizens and expatriates) in Qatar participated in the workforce.⁵⁹ The World Economic Forum's 2024 Global Gender Gap Report ranked Qatar 130 out of 146 countries assessed and seventh among assessed countries in the Middle East and North Africa. The report ranked Qatar among countries that have made the most progress in closing the gender wage gap and in women's educational attainment, but also found that health and survival outcomes in Qatar demonstrate a 3% or more gap between men and women based on Qatari men's longer life expectancy.⁶⁰ Qatar is a member of the executive board of the United Nations Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women (UN Women) through 2025.

Labor Issues and Trafficking in Persons

Domestic and international observers and officials have raised labor and migrants' rights concerns for decades as Qatar has implemented large-scale infrastructure projects, including works that were completed in preparation for hosting the 2022 FIFA soccer World Cup. Press analysis citing government data from labor source countries reported in 2021 that thousands of foreign workers had died while employed in Qatar since 2011, but cited statistics that were not categorized "by occupation or place of work."⁶¹ Amnesty International has said some labor conditions have amounted to the equivalent of "forced labor"; Qatari officials have highlighted labor law changes, acknowledged some shortcomings, and rejected some foreign criticism.⁶² Qatari officials emphasize their commitment to ending abusive and exploitative labor practices and have established minimum wage rules and banned some components of the kafala (migrant labor sponsorship) system. Official enforcement reportedly has remained uneven and some reports suggest continuing abuses by private employers, including firms that supported World Cup-related projects.⁶³

According to the State Department's 2023 human rights report, "Some elements of the kafala employer-based sponsorship system—such as the exit requirement and legal requirement for the no objection certificate—were removed in 2020, but the sponsorship system gave employers broad control over foreign workers, and the government did not consistently implement reforms and ensure access to justice." The State Department's 2024 Trafficking in Persons report classifies Qatar as a Tier 2 country and describes increased investigations, the establishment of a specialized court, and improved victim assistance measures. The report states that "Courts convicted all traffickers under the anti-trafficking law and the penal code and sentenced the traffickers to imprisonment ranging from one to five years." It noted, however, that "the government did not meet the minimum standards in several key areas," and said, "officials did not consistently consider labor complaints or violations where trafficking indicators were present as potential trafficking crimes."⁶⁴

In November 2022, the International Labour Organization (ILO) issued a report describing "significant progress" in Qatar's efforts to reform its labor system and noting "universal recognition that the work is not complete."⁶⁵ In March 2023, the ILO rejected allegations that "lobbying" and financial support from the government of Qatar had altered its reporting on conditions in the country.⁶⁶

Religious Freedom

Qatar's constitution guarantees the freedom to practice religious rites in accordance with "the maintenance of public order and morality." Islam is the state religion and sharia is "a main source" of legislation. Most citizens are Sunni Muslims, and some citizens are Shia Muslims. Non-Muslims comprise most of Qatar's non-citizen expatriate population, including Hindus, Buddhists, Catholics, Protestants, Copts, Orthodox Christians, Baha'i, and others. Expatriate non-Muslim religious groups must register with the government. The law prohibits public worship or proselytization by non-Muslims. The State Department's report on religious freedom conditions in Qatar during 2023 reported that Qatar

continued to host the headquarters of the International Union of Muslim Scholars (IUMS), a group widely viewed in the press and academia as being affiliated with the Muslim Brotherhood, a Sunni transnational organization that promotes political Islam. Although the IUMS stated it was an independent association of scholars, observers said its close relationship with the government helped it to serve as an instrument of the country's soft power. .⁶⁷

The 2023 State Department human rights report states that "under sharia, homosexuality was punishable by death; there were no reports of executions for this reason."⁶⁸

Qatar's Foreign Policy

Qatar's multidirectional foreign policy, financial resources, and unique international relationships have raised its global diplomatic profile since the early 2000s, and appears to lead other governments to view Qatari initiatives variously as useful or vexing depending on their discrete perspectives and interests. Qatar's 2011 deployment of military aircraft to support NATO-led operations in Libya signaled a new assertiveness, as did reported Qatari support for armed elements of the Syrian opposition during the height of Syria's civil war. Some of Qatar's positions have drawn U.S. attention and have been scrutinized by some of Qatar's Arab neighbors, including its contacts with the government of Iran and groups such as Lebanon's Hezbollah, the Palestinian group Hamas, various other Islamist groups (including members of the Muslim Brotherhood movement), and Afghanistan's now-ruling Taliban.

Qatar and Russia's War Against Ukraine

In response to Russia's 2022 invasion of Ukraine, Qatar has stated its "respect for Ukraine's sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders" and called for a ceasefire and a peaceful resolution to the conflict in accordance with international law.⁶⁹ Qatar has voted in favor of UN General Assembly resolutions condemning Russia's invasion of Ukraine, but abstained, along with other GCC members, in the April 2022 vote on expelling Russia from the UN Human Rights Council.

Qatar has provided $5 million to support humanitarian aid to Ukrainian refugees and displaced persons and in July 2023 pledged $100 million in humanitarian support to Ukraine.⁷⁰ Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy also has acknowledged a Qatari donation of $20 million to Ukraine's "Grain from Ukraine" initiative.

Qatar's diplomatic statements on the Russia-Ukraine war and related humanitarian crises outline the Qatari government's "full readiness to contribute to any international and regional effort aimed at alleviating the Russian-Ukrainian crisis and is in line with its position supporting peaceful solutions through dialogue and mediation."⁷¹ Qatar has had close energy related ties to fellow natural gas exporter Russia, and has reportedly considered closer security cooperation with Russia at times in the past.⁷²

Qatar's Emir and Prime Minister have offered mediation to Ukraine and Russia, and continue to engage with Ukrainian President Zelenskyy and Russian President Vladimir Putin in related talks.⁷³ Russia has released several Ukrainian children through mediation by Qatari officials at the request of the government of Ukraine.⁷⁴ Presidents Zelenskyy and Putin have thanked the Emir for Qatar's engagement in mediation, humanitarian issues related to the war, and the return of children.⁷⁵

Qatar has committed to maintaining (and expanding as possible) its supplies of natural gas to Europe during the crisis. However, Qatari officials have said they will not divert to Europe gas already contracted for delivery to Asia, emphasizing that, "Qatar is absolutely committed to the sanctity of contracts."⁷⁶ Entities purchasing Qatari gas may have discretion to divert gas to Europe, which Qatari officials have not said they oppose. Qatari energy officials have stressed that no combination of major gas exporters can supply enough natural gas to Europe, on short notice, to completely compensate for a shutoff of gas supplies from Russia. In December 2024, Qatar's Energy Minister threatened to suspend gas exports to the European Union if EU countries impose fines on QatarEnergy in conjunction with the EU's Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive on human rights and environmental effects.⁷⁷

Qatar has announced plans to expand its gas output and exports in coming years and has discussed new long-term purchase agreements with European customers.⁷⁸ In October 2023, Qatar announced 27-year natural gas sale and purchase agreements with TotalEnergies of France and Shell of the Netherlands beginning in 2026.⁷⁹ (See "Fiscal, Economic, and Energy Issues" below.) In January 2023, Qatar announced it would replace a Russian firm in a joint natural gas exploration venture in Lebanese waters in partnership with ENI of Italy and TotalEnergies.⁸⁰ Delivery delays to Europe may result from shipping disruptions in the Red Sea associated with maritime attacks by the Yemen-based Houthi movement.⁸¹

Qatari officials at times have observed that multilateral financial sanctions could motivate some energy producers to develop alternative, non-U.S. dollar-based means of marketing oil and gas exports.⁸²

Qatar and China

Emir Tamim and PRC leader Xi Jinping met in Saudi Arabia in December 2022 in conjunction with the Arab States-China Summit and the GCC-China Summit and again in July 2024 during the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) Council of Heads of State meeting in Astana, Kazakhstan. PRC firm China Railway Construction Corporation partnered with Qatari firms to build the Lusail stadium that hosted the 2022 World Cup final. China Harbour Engineering Company (CHEC) played a central role in Qatar's Hamad Port and Emiri Naval Base construction projects.⁸³ In 2015, Qatar launched the first renminbi clearing hub in the Middle East/North Africa (MENA) region, primarily to settle payments in China's currency for exports of oil and gas.⁸⁴ Oil, natural gas, and petroleum products comprise most of Qatar's exports to China. In November 2022, China's Sinopec and QatarEnergy agreed to a 27-year LNG supply deal. China National Petroleum Corp (CNPC) and Qatar-Energy signed a similar 27-year deal in June 2023.⁸⁵ In April 2024, QatarEnergy and China State Shipbuilding Corporation signed an agreement for a Qatari order of 18 LNG shipping carriers valued at $6 billion.⁸⁶

Qatar and Afghanistan

Following the Taliban's August 2021 takeover of Afghanistan, Qatari diplomats in Kabul helped U.S. evacuation efforts, including by escorting small groups of Americans into the Kabul airport.⁸⁷ Since the completion of the U.S. withdrawal on August 30, 2021, Qatar Airways charter flights have evacuated additional U.S. and other nationals. President Biden and senior U.S. officials thanked Qatar for its help in U.S. relocation efforts and for Qatar's engagement in talks with the Taliban on issues of mutual concern to Qatar and the United States. U.S. Embassy Kabul closed in conjunction with the U.S. withdrawal and Taliban takeover, and its diplomats transferred to Embassy Doha, where they operate an Afghan Affairs Unit. The Biden Administration sought $41.9 million in FY2023 State Department funding to support the Protecting Power Arrangement (PPA) between Qatar and the United States to protect certain U.S. interests in Afghanistan.

Qatar has maintained contact with Taliban officials and in May 2023, in his capacity as Prime Minister, Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Al Thani travelled to Kandahar, Afghanistan for a direct meeting with Taliban leader Haibatullah Akhundzada. UN-led talks on Afghanistan in Doha in July 2024 were the first to include Taliban participants since the U.S. withdrawal.⁸⁸

As noted above, Qatar and the United States have bilateral agreements regarding Qatar's hosting of Afghan nationals for a limited period to complete their vetting and processing for onward migration.⁸⁹ Qatar's CARE Doha, formerly known as the Camp As Sayliyah pre-positioning site for U.S. military equipment, has served as the primary overseas platform for processing applications for U.S. resettlement for individuals from Afghanistan. In February 2025, a press report cited an unnamed U.S. official as saying the Trump Administration has directed CARE to plan for its closure by April 2025.⁹⁰ According to press reports citing unnamed U.S. officials and advocates for U.S.-associated Afghans, U.S. relocation operations were "essentially paused" as of March 2025 and there were approximately 2-3,000 Afghan nationals in Qatar awaiting transit to the United States whose onward travel has been delayed by announced Trump Administration policy changes.⁹¹ The Administration does not publicly report how many Afghans remain in Qatar awaiting onward travel.

Qatar and Its Neighbors

Gulf Cooperation Council and Other Arab States

The United States has encouraged intra-Arab rapprochement following a period from 2017 through 2020 in which Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Bahrain, and Egypt worked to isolate Qatar diplomatically and economically in the hopes of changing Qatari officials' policies toward sensitive regional political issues.⁹² By 2019, having realized few benefits from the blockade, Saudi Arabia and the UAE apparently began to look for a resolution—an outcome urged by the first Trump Administration.⁹³ At the 41^st GCC summit in Al Ula, Saudi Arabia, on January 5, 2021, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, the UAE, and Egypt announced that they would restore diplomatic relations with Qatar, though Qatar did not commit to meeting any of their demands.

Following the Al Ula summit, Qatar reengaged with its former antagonists, and Emir Tamim visited Egypt in June 2022 and participated in the GCC+3 Summit in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia, where he met with President Biden. Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al Sisi visited Doha in September 2022. Qatari authorities reportedly requested that several Egyptian nationals affiliated with Islamist groups relocate from Qatar in June 2023. Qatar joined other Gulf states in announcing billions of dollars of planned investments in Egypt in 2022, as the Egyptian government sought Gulf-state financial support in exchange for Egyptian state assets, including Egyptian government-held stakes in several companies. In February 2023, Saudi Arabia hosted officials from Qatar and Bahrain to launch talks to resolve a series of outstanding issues between Qatar and Bahrain. Qatar's Prime Minister visited Saudi Arabia in February 2024 for consultations with other Arab ministers on the Israel-Hamas war and conditions in Gaza (see below). The Emir attended the May 2024 Arab Summit in Bahrain.

Syria

Qatar opposed the Asad regime's crackdown and use of military force against Syrians and declined to reestablish ties with the Asad government prior to Asad's ouster. Emir Tamim visited Saudi Arabia for the April 2023 Arab League summit, but reportedly departed before Syrian President Bashar al Asad spoke following his government's reinstatement by the League. The Emir was the first Arab head of state to travel to Syria following Asad's ouster, visiting with interim president Sharaa in February 2025. Qatar has pledged financial and energy support to Syria's interim government, and a March press report citing an unnamed U.S. official said that Qatar has U.S. approval to begin supplying or financing the supply of natural gas to Syria via pipelines from Jordan.⁹⁴

Iran

Qatar and Iran share the large North Field natural gas reserve in the Persian Gulf.

Qatari leaders have pursued dialogue with Iran, while cooperating with U.S. efforts to counter Iran strategically. Emir Tamim visited Iran in February 2025 after hosting Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian in October 2024. Qatar previously hosted Iran's then-President Ibrahim Raisi in February 2022, and the two sides signed several agreements.⁹⁵ Qatar turned to Iran to help it cope with the GCC rift, including by importing Iranian foodstuffs and by overflying Iranian airspace, a privilege for which Qatar Airways paid Iran over $130 million per year in overflight fees.⁹⁶ Qatar did not support the May 8, 2018, U.S. withdrawal from the 2015 multilateral Iran nuclear agreement, the JCPOA, instead stating that efforts to "denuclearize" the region should not lead to "escalation."⁹⁷ Qatar and Iran exchanged mutual visits of high-ranking officials in 2019 in an initiative reported as seeking to de-escalate U.S.-Iran tensions,⁹⁸ and Qatar has encouraged dialogue between the GCC countries and Iran to lower Gulf tensions.⁹⁹

Qatar supported Biden Administration efforts to restore full Iranian and U.S. adherence to the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA).¹⁰⁰ In September 2023, the United States and Iran conducted a mutual prisoner exchange and the U.S. government waived the potential imposition of sanctions to facilitate the transfer of $6 billion in Iranian assets, accrued from petroleum sales to South Korea, to a financial institution in Qatar. The actions by the governments of Iran and the United States occurred in the context of broader diplomatic engagement to de-escalate tensions.¹⁰¹ A Treasury FAQ published September 18, 2023, read

In partnership with the Government of Qatar and financial institutions operating the HC [humanitarian channel]—all of which have committed to stringent due diligence measures—the United States will closely monitor the HC and will take appropriate action should Iran attempt to use these funds for purposes other than permitted humanitarian purchases.¹⁰²

An October 2023 press report said that then-Deputy Treasury Secretary Wally Adeyemo told legislators that, in the wake of Hamas's assault on Israel, U.S. and Qatari officials had agreed to prevent the use of the funds to finance the purchase of humanitarian goods for export to Iran for an unspecified period of time.¹⁰³ Going forward, the United States could impose sanctions on any foreign financial institution or entity involved in a transaction involving the funds, including restricting access to the U.S. financial system. As noted above ("Congress and Qatar"), the House in 2023 and 2024 adopted bills that would have rescinded U.S. waivers related to the transferred funds and would have directed the President to impose sanctions on foreign financial institutions determined to transact in the funds.

The Qatari Prime Minister said in October 2023 that Qatar was "always committed to any agreement" that Qatar has entered into, a likely reference to the Qatari government's position that it has made commitments both to the United States and Iran in relation to the transfer and potential future use of the funds. Later that month, Secretary of State Blinken said in Senate testimony

The money in that South Korean account that accrued from the sale of these proceeds, for technical reasons related to Korean banks, was unable to be used even though it lawfully could be. So, it was moved to an account in Qatar where it could be used for humanitarian purposes, just as the previous administration established another account in another country for these very purposes. The money never goes and would never go to Iran. It can only be used for authorized transactions overseen by our Treasury Department and only for things like food, medicine, and other authorized humanitarian purposes. To date, not a single dollar has been expended from that account. There are currently no plans to expend a single dollar from that account. And in any event, that money never touches Iran directly.¹⁰⁴

In October 2024, Iranian President Pezeshkian said Qatar and Iran had "reached a good understanding" regarding Iranian funds held in Qatar during his visit to Doha.¹⁰⁵

Some Members of Congress have urged or sought to compel the executive branch to act in a demonstrable, transparent way to ensure the funds in Qatar are not used for Iran-related transactions. If Qatar or the United States acts with regard to the funds in ways that the government of Iran perceives as violating the understanding previously reached, Iran could decide to no longer engage Qatar as an intermediary for the United States on issues such as Iran's nuclear program, U.S. or other foreign nationals unjustly detained in Iran, negotiations with Hamas or other Iran-backed groups, and/or other regional security matters.¹⁰⁶

Israel and the Palestinians

Qatar's policies toward Israel and the Palestinians are receiving additional international attention following the October 7, 2023, terrorist attacks by the U.S.-designated FTO Hamas on Israel, the seizure by Hamas and other armed groups of hostages from Israel, and Israel's military campaign in the Gaza Strip, which Hamas has controlled since 2007.

Qatar has had high-level contacts with Israel since the mid-1990s, and has allowed some small-scale direct Israel-Qatar trade and visits to Doha by Israeli security officials, athletes, doctors, and other Israelis, despite abiding policy differences.¹⁰⁷ Emir Tamim and other Qatari officials have accused Israel of abuses against the Palestinians and express support for Palestinian efforts to establish a state with East Jerusalem as its capital.¹⁰⁸ Qatari officials say they have ruled out joining other Arab states in normalizing relations with Israel through the Abraham Accords until there is substantial progress toward resolving the Israel-Palestinian dispute.¹⁰⁹

Following Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman bin Jassim Al Thani's February 9, 2024, meeting with Arab foreign minister counterparts in Saudi Arabia, the Qatari government said the ministers "emphasized the importance of taking irreversible steps to implement the two-state solution, recognizing the State of Palestine along the lines of June 4, 1967, with East Jerusalem as its capital, in accordance with relevant international resolutions."¹¹⁰ The Emir joined other Arab leaders in May 2024 in issuing a joint declaration in Manama, Bahrain to reiterate the League of Arab States'

firm position and call for a just and comprehensive peaceful settlement of the Palestinian issue, and we support the call of His Excellency President Mahmoud Abbas, President of the State of Palestine, to convene an international peace conference and to take irreversible steps to implement the two-state solution in accordance with the Arab Peace Initiative and resolutions of international legitimacy to establish an independent and sovereign Palestinian state on the lines of 4 June 1967 with East Jerusalem as its capital, and to accept its membership in the United Nations as an independent and fully sovereign state in common with other countries in the world, and to ensure the restoration of all legitimate rights of the Palestinian people, in particular, the right to return and self-determination, empowerment and support.¹¹¹

Since October 7, the Qatari government has been vocal in its calls for an immediate and lasting ceasefire,¹¹² has criticized the Israeli military's conduct,¹¹³ and has voiced opposition to attacks against civilians.¹¹⁴ Qatar's government said on October 7, 2023, that it held "Israel solely responsible for the ongoing escalation."¹¹⁵ Later that month, the Qatari government rejected "the attempts to forcibly displace the brotherly Palestinian people from Gaza Strip," called for "lifting the blockade on the Strip and providing full protection to civilians under international law and international humanitarian law," and affirmed the Palestinian right to statehood with East Jerusalem as its capital.¹¹⁶ Qatari officials have repeated these views since October 2023.

Qatar joined other Arab states in rejecting President Trump's statements in 2025 calling for the relocation of Gaza's population and the territory's redevelopment under U.S. auspices, and said "any efforts to encourage the transfer or uprooting of Palestinians from their land … threaten the region's stability, risk expanding the conflict, and undermine prospects for peace and coexistence among its peoples."¹¹⁷ Qatar joined other Arab League states in endorsing an Egyptian counterproposal in March 2025.¹¹⁸

For years, Qatari officials have asserted that their engagement with Hamas can help foster Israeli-Palestinian peace and contribute to de-escalation of conflict, a view they have reiterated since October 2023.¹¹⁹ In an October 2023 press conference with then-Secretary of State Blinken, Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman said the Hamas office in Doha "was started to be used as a way of communicating and bringing peace and calm into the region, not to instigate any war. And this is the purpose of that office."¹²⁰ As of 2025, U.S. officials continue to travel to Doha to engage in indirect meetings with Hamas officials based there, and apparently had engaged in some direct talks that Secretary of State Marco Rubio characterized as "a one-off situation" that to date had not "borne fruit."¹²¹ Qatar-based Hamas official Khalil Al Hayya reportedly leads the group's negotiation team.¹²² The November 2023 and early 2025 pauses in the Israel-Hamas war negotiated with Qatari, Egyptian, and U.S. support have reportedly included the exchange of a large majority of the 250 hostages (including some deceased persons) that had been held in Gaza since October 2023 for more than 2,000 Palestinian prisoners previously detained by Israel. Qatar condemned the July 2024 killing in Iran of Hamas political leader Ismail Haniyeh.¹²³ Haniyeh was buried in Lusail, Qatar.¹²⁴

Qatar's main engagement with the Palestinians prior to the October 7 attacks and ensuing conflict appeared to come through the substantial financial aid it has provided to the people of Gaza, which Israeli officials supported as a means of promoting calm on the Israel-Gaza border.¹²⁵ Aid efforts have been provided through a "Gaza Reconstruction Committee" headed by Qatari official Mohammad al Emadi, who serves informally as an envoy to Israel.

Qatar was a key mediator to end 11 days of clashes between Israel and Hamas in May 2021, efforts that were reportedly facilitated, in part, by additional Qatari pledges of aid to Gaza.¹²⁶ Before the 2021 conflict, Qatar had provided cash assistance for Gaza, but due to Israeli concerns about the potential for its diversion, Qatar agreed to arrangements in late 2021 to provide money transfers for needy families through the United Nations, and send fuel from Egypt into Gaza so it can be sold to pay for civil servants' salaries.¹²⁷

Fiscal, Economic, and Energy Issues

Qatar's active diplomacy is, at least in part, a result of its considerable financial resources and economic influence. In February 2025, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) praised Qatar's resilience to external shocks, noted non-hydrocarbon growth in Qatar's economy, and projected that the planned large-scale expansion of natural gas production and exports from Qatar's North Field in the Persian Gulf (Figure 2) would support state finances over the medium term.¹²⁸ The IMF estimated in 2024 that the "[North Field] expansion project is expected to increase Qatar's LNG production capacity by around 65 percent by 2028" and said in 2022 that it expects the project to "further increase Qatar's reliance on fossil fuel."¹²⁹ According to the IMF, oil and gas revenues directly provide roughly 53% of the government's revenue, and may contribute indirectly to investment and tax revenue.¹³⁰ Qatar does not have a value-added tax (VAT), but the IMF reports that "the tax authority has readied the infrastructure for VAT introduction."¹³¹

Figure 2. Map of Qatari Energy Resources and Select Infrastructure, 2015

Source: U.S. Energy Information Administration, Qatar Country Analysis Brief, October 2015.

New challenges have accompanied Qatar's economic success in areas such as social cohesion; education; labor; preservation of local traditions; national infrastructure; and energy, water, and food supplies. To respond to these challenges, Qatari authorities have pursued a series of national development strategies based on a comprehensive national vision document that seeks balanced, sustainable growth by the year 2030.¹³² Emir Tamim bin Hamad chaired the implementation oversight body for the Qatar National Vision 2030 project in his former role as heir apparent. The national development strategy for 2024 through 2030 set targets for diversified economic growth, fiscal sustainability, workforce development, social cohesion, quality of life, environmental sustainability, and governance improvement informed by Qatar's experiences in implementing its first two national development strategies from 2011 to 2016 and from 2018 to 2022.¹³³ Qatar's isolation by neighboring Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, and the UAE from 2017 through 2020 may contribute to Qatar's pursuit of greater self-sufficiency in some areas, and of extra-regional economic partnerships. Preparations for the 2022 World Cup and preservation of Qatari culture were core elements of the 2018-2022 strategy.

With proven oil reserves of 25.2 billion barrels, Qatar has far less oil than the major Persian Gulf producers. Crude oil output estimates were 580,000 barrels per day as of 2024.¹³⁴ Qatar withdrew from the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) as of January 2019.¹³⁵ Qatar also withdrew from the 25-member OPEC+ group in 2019. Qatar has not coordinated its production decisions with OPEC or OPEC+ since, as Qatari officials have prioritized LNG development and criticized both OPEC and OPEC+ as primarily reflecting the influence of larger producers.¹³⁶ Leading importers of Qatari oil include Japan, Taiwan, South Korea, and Singapore.

Qatar has the third-largest natural gas reserves in the world, an estimated 23.86 trillion cubic meters (tcm).¹³⁷ Qatar borrowed internationally and invited foreign investment in order to expand gas extraction and LNG production and export facilities in the late 1990s and early 2000s.¹³⁸ The Export-Import Bank of the United States provided more than $1 billion in loan guarantees to support the early development of Qatar's gas production facilities in cooperation with a range of U.S., European, and Asian companies, banks, and export credit agencies.¹³⁹ Qatar expanded annual natural gas production from 29.6 billion cubic meters in 2002 to 167 billion cubic meters in 2019, and since 2020 has been the world's top exporter of LNG alongside the United States.¹⁴⁰ China, India, Pakistan, and Taiwan were the top importers of Qatari LNG by volume in 2023.¹⁴¹ Qatar is a member of Gas Exporting Countries Forum (GECF) and hosts the GECF headquarters.

Following a pause in development of gas production and LNG export infrastructure in the 2010s, Qatari authorities embarked in 2020 on a further expansion of North Field operations and LNG facilities under a $30-$50 billion initiative that seeks to expand LNG export capacity by 60% to 126 million tons per year by 2027. Qatar in 2021 raised $12.5 billion for this expansion through a series of international bonds.¹⁴² The North Field-East expansion project includes four LNG trains and the North Field-South expansion project includes two LNG trains.¹⁴³ U.S. companies, particularly ExxonMobil, have long been partners in Qatar's LNG operations: Qatari officials chose ExxonMobil to participate in the North Field-East project along with ConocoPhillips. In addition to its domestic expansion, QatarEnergy is increasing its presence globally, including through marketing, liquefaction, regasification, and shipping.¹⁴⁴

Outlook

Qatari-U.S. security cooperation appears likely to continue to anchor the bilateral relationship, with U.S. officials paying close attention to Qatar's energy exports and its multidirectional foreign policy. Congress may continue to conduct oversight of the U.S. military's presence and programs in Qatar and may monitor Qatari foreign and domestic policies, especially concerning China, Iran, Afghanistan, human rights, and Russia's war on Ukraine. Qatari officials may continue to seek defense, economic, and diplomatic coordination with the United States while pursuing Qatar's discrete interests and priorities.

Following the October 7, 2023, Hamas-led terrorist attacks in Israel and ensuing Israeli military operations, developments in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and Qatar's role as a host to and interlocutor with Hamas are playing a more prominent role in U.S.-Qatar relations. U.S. and Qatari leaders may reevaluate each other's approaches to Israel and the Palestinians when considering future cooperation, in parallel with other interests and goals.

Appendix. Proposed Major U.S.-Qatar Arms Sales 2012-2022

Footnotes