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Iraq: Issues in the 116th Congress

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Iraq: Issues in the 116th Congress

Updated January 10, 2020 (R45633)
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Summary

Some Iraqis are demanding an end to the U.S. military presence in Iraq, in the context of intensified confrontation between the United States and Iran. Tensions increased for months during 2019 as Iran-backed Iraqi militia targeted U.S. and Iraqi military and civilian personnel in a series of rocket attacks, and as unclaimed airstrikes in Iraq targeted Iranian officials and Iraqi militia facilities and personnel. After a rocket attack killed and wounded U.S. contractors in December 2019, President Donald Trump cited U.S. concerns about the imminent threat of new attacks in ordering the U.S. military to kill Iranian Major General Qasem Soleimani and Iraqi Popular Mobilization Force leader Abu Mahdi al Muhandis in Iraq on January 2, 2020. Days later, the Iraqi Council of Representatives voted to direct the Iraqi government to end operations by international military forces in Iraq. More than 5,000 U.S. military personnel and hundreds of international counterparts remain in Iraq at the government's invitation, subject to bilateral executive-to-executive agreements. The deepening security strains have Iraq: Issues in the 116th Congress July 17, 2020 Iraq’s unicameral legislature, the Council of Representatives (COR), voted to approve Prime Minister Mustafa al Kadhimi’s government program in May 2020 and finished confirmation of Christopher M. Blanchard his cabinet in June, ending a months-long political vacuum. Al Kadhimi has billed his Specialist in Middle government as transitional, pledging to move to early elections as soon as they can be held safely Eastern Affairs and fairly. He has acknowledged and begun acting to address the demands of protestors, whose mass demonstrations paralyzed Iraq in late 2019 and early 2020, and led to former prime minister Adel Abd al Mahdi’s resignation in November 2019. Kadhimi and his cabinet are contending with difficult choices and risks stemming from ongoing U.S.-Iran tensions, diminished oil revenues, resulting fiscal pressures, the Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic, and remnants of the Islamic State organization (IS, aka ISIS/ISIL). U.S.-Iraqi cooperation has achieved several shared goals in recent years, but joint efforts also have faced significant challenges. U.S. and coalition military assistance aided Iraqi efforts to end IS control of Iraqi territory from 2014 through 2018, and since have continued to support Iraqi counterterrorism operations and efforts to stabilize recovered areas and build the capacity of Iraqi security forces. U.S. military personnel and coalition counterparts remain in Iraq at the government’s invitation, subject to bilateral executive-to-executive agreements. Iraqi forces evicted IS forces from urban strongholds with coalition assistance, but IS fighters continue to prosecute attacks from rural and remote areas, with the pace and scope of attacks increasing since mid-2019. During 2019 and early 2020, deepening U.S.-Iranian-Iraqi security strains amplified underlying political disputes among amplified underlying political disputes among Iraqis over the leadership of their government and the future of Iraq's international orientation and partnerships. Meanwhile, U.S. officials report that Islamic State (IS, aka ISIS/ISIL) fighters are regrouping in Iraq, and judge that the Iraqi security services lack key capabilities they would need to independently maintain gains made against the Islamic State after years of fighting. For background on Iraq, see CRS Report R45025, Iraq: Background and U.S. Policy.

Protests and Transition. A months-long protest movement has swept central and southern Iraq since October 2019. Meanwhile, security force and militia violence against protestors has killed nearly 500 and wounded thousands. The scope, endurance, and professed goals of the current protest movement are unprecedented in Iraq's recent history. The movement is channeling nationalist, nonsectarian sentiment and a range of frustrations into potent rejections of the post-2003 political order, the creation of which many Iraqis attribute to U.S. intervention in Iraq. Protestors are reiterating past demonstrators' concerns and frustrations with the prevailing system's failures while voicing louder, more direct critiques of Iranian political interference than in the past. In response to protestors' demands, Iraq's Prime Minister, Adel Abd al Mahdi, resigned in November 2019 after one year in office. He continues to serve in a caretaker role, and Iraqi political leaders have remained deadlocked over identifying a replacement candidate. Iraq's unicameral legislature, the Council of Representatives, has approved new electoral laws, but leaders have not yet agreed on specific plans for holding a new national election. Iraqi domestic debates over corruption, governance, and security, as well as the ongoing regional struggle between Iran and the United States, are shaping the prime ministerial replacement process and will likely shape any forthcoming national election and government formation processes in 2020.

The Kurdistan Region. The Kurdistan Region of northern Iraq (KRI) enjoys considerable administrative autonomy under the terms of Iraq's 2005 constitution. Since October 2019, Kurdish leaders have recognized Iraqi Arab protestors' concerns and criticized repressive violence, while convening to unify positions on reforms that some Kurds fear could undermine the Kurdistan Regional Government's (KRG) rights. Most Kurdish members did not participate in the January 2020 COR session requesting the withdrawal of foreign forces. The KRG held a controversial advisory referendum on independence in September 2017, increasing tensions with the national government, which then moved to reassert security control of disputed areas. Iraqi security forces and Kurdish peshmerga fighters are deployed along contested lines of control, as leaders negotiate a host of sensitive issues.

Stabilization and Reconstruction. Daunting resettlement, stabilization, and reconstruction needs face Iraqi citizens and leaders in the wake of Iraq's war with the Islamic State group. More than 4.4 million Iraqis uprooted during the war with the Islamic State group have returned to their home communities, but many of the estimated 1.4 million Iraqis who remain internally displaced face significant political, economic, and security barriers to safe and voluntary return. Stabilization efforts in areas recaptured from the Islamic State are underway with United Nations and other international support, but some post-IS stabilization priorities and projects are underfunded. In 2018, Iraq identified $88 billion in reconstruction needs to be met over the next decade.

U.S. Policy and Issues for Congress. In general, U.S. engagement in Iraq since 2011 has sought to support Iraq's development as a secure, sovereign democracy. Successive Administrations have trained and supported Iraqi security forces, while expressing concern about Iranian influence. In 2019, Congress appropriated additional military and civilian aid for Iraq without certainty about the future of Iraq's governing arrangements or how change ’s international orientation and partnerships. These disputes were a significant factor in the delayed formation of the new Iraqi government. As confrontation between the United States and Iran has intensified, some Iraqis have grown more insistent in demanding an end to the presence of U.S. and other coalition military forces in Iraq. Tensions increased during 2019 as Iran-backed Iraqi militia targeted U.S. and Iraqi military and civilian personnel in a series of rocket attacks, and as unclaimed airstrikes in Iraq targeted Iranian officials and Iraqi militia facilities and fighters. After a rocket attack killed and wounded U.S. contractors in December 2019, President Donald Trump cited U.S. concerns about the imminent threat of new attacks in ordering the U.S. military to kill Iranian Major General Qas em Soleimani and Iraqi Popular Mobilization Commission leader Abu Mahdi al Muhandis in Iraq on January 2, 2020. Days later, the Iraqi Council of Representatives voted to direct the Iraqi government to end operations by international military forces in Iraq. When another Iraqi militia attack killed and wounded U.S. and United Kingdom (U.K.) forces in March 2020, t he U.S. military conducted retaliatory airstrikes. Intermittent rocket attacks have continued, with Iraqi officials taking some steps to disrupt hostile operations by suspects, some of whom are Iran-aligned militia members. In general, U.S. engagement in Iraq since 2011 has sought to support Iraq’s development as a secure, sovereign democracy. Successive Administrations have trained and supported Iraqi security forces (including Kurdish peshmerga), while expressing concern about Iranian influence. Mass protests in Iraq have highlighted underlying demands for systemic political change amid intensifying economic and social pressures created by the COVID-19 pandemic. To address security issues and a broader range of shared economic, stabilization, and cultural exchange concerns, U.S. and Iraqi officials began a high-level strategic dialogue in June 2020 pursuant to the 2008 U.S.-Iraq Strategic Framework Agreement. The dialogue is set to address the future of the U.S. military presence in Iraq and develop shared understandings regarding U.S. foreign assistance and Iraqi reform efforts. The Trump Administration repeatedly has extended a temporary waiver of U.S. sanctions to allow Iraq to purchase electricity and natural gas from Iran, but the issue may remain a recurrent irritant until Iraq completes plans to become more energy self-sufficient and diversify its energy partners. In July, Iraqi Finance Minister Ali Allawi announced that Iraq seeks $5 billion in support from the International Monetary Fund. In 2019, Congress appropriated additional military and civilian aid for Iraq without certainty about the future of Iraq’s governing arrangements or about how change in Iraq and to the U.S. military and civilian presence there might affect U.S. interests. Having appropriated hundreds of millions of dollars more for Iraq programs and authorized continued military programsassistance efforts through December 2020, Congress may seek to clarify the Trump Administration's intentions toward partnership with Iraq and offer its own perspectives on U.S.-Iraqi relations.

Iraq: Map and Country Data

 

Area: 438,317 sq. km (slightly more than three times during consideration of the Administration’s FY2021 appropriations requests and the FY2021 National Defense Authorization Act. For background on Iraq, see CRS Report R45025, Iraq: Back ground and U.S. Policy. Congressional Research Service Iraq: Issues in the 116th Congress Iraq: Map and Country Data Area: 438,317 sq. km (slightly more than three times the size of New York State) Population: 38,872,655 (July 2020 estimate), ~59the size of New York State)

Population: 40.194 million (July 2018 estimate), ~58% are 24 years of age or under

Internally Displaced Persons: 1.4 million (October 31, 2019)

3 mil ion (April 2020) Religions: Muslim 99% (55-60 95-98% (64-69% Shia, 4029-34% Sunni), Christian <0.1%, Yazidi <0.1%

Ethnic Groups:1%, Yazidi 1-4% (2015 est.) Ethnic Groups: Arab 75-80%; Kurdish 15-20%; Turkmen, Assyrian, Shabak, Yazidi, other ~5%.

(1987 est.) Gross Domestic Product [GDP; growth rate]: $224.2 billion (2018); -0.6% (2018)

Budget (revenues; expenditure; balance): $89 billion, $112 billion, -$23 billion227.2 bil ion (2019); 3.9% (2019 est.) Budget (revenues; expenditure; balance): $89 bil ion, $112 bil ion, -$23 bil ion (2019 est.) (2019 est.)

Percentage of Revenue from Oil Exports: : 92% (2018)

Current Account Balance: $15.5 billion (2018)

Oil and natural gas reserves: 142.5 billion barrels (% of GDP): -4.6% (2019 projected) Foreign Reserves: $68 bil ion (August 2019) Oil and natural gas reserves: 142.5 bil ion barrels (2017 est., fifth largest); 3.158 trillion meters3 tril ion meters3 (2017 est.) External (2017 est.)

External Debt: $73.43 billionbil ion (2017 est.) Sources (2017 est.) Foreign Reserves: ~$64.7 billion (2018)

Sources: Graphic created by CRS using data from U.S. State Department and Esri. Country data from CIA, The World Factbook, World Bank, International Monetary Fund, Iraq Ministry of Finance, and International Organization for Migration.

Note: Select cities in bold. Congressional Research Service link to page 6 link to page 8 link to page 12 link to page 13 link to page 13 link to page 14 link to page 16 link to page 20 link to page 21 link to page 21 link to page 26 link to page 27 link to page 27 link to page 28 link to page 29 link to page 32 link to page 32 link to page 33 link to page 34 link to page 37 link to page 38 link to page 39 link to page 41 link to page 41 link to page 44 link to page 45 link to page 7 link to page 10 link to page 18 link to page 23 link to page 24 link to page 25 link to page 31 link to page 33 link to page 42 Iraq: Issues in the 116th Congress Contents Overview ....................................................................................................................... 1 Political Dynamics .......................................................................................................... 3 Protests, Violence, and U.S. Responses ......................................................................... 7 Transitional Government Takes Office as Iraqis Demand Change...................................... 8 Public Health and COVID-19................................................................................. 8 Economic and Fiscal Challenges............................................................................. 9 Ongoing Militia Tensions Influence Domestic Politics and Foreign Ties ..................... 11 Planning for New Elections.................................................................................. 15 Counterinsurgency and Stabilization Challenges ................................................................ 16 Combatting Islamic State Insurgents ........................................................................... 16 U.S. Assessments of the Iraqi Security Forces .............................................................. 21 Stabilization and Reconstruction ................................................................................ 22 U.S. Support for U.N. Stabilization ....................................................................... 22 Donor Support and Development Prospects ............................................................ 23 The Kurdistan Region and Relations with Baghdad ............................................................ 24 Humanitarian Issues and Iraqi Minorities .......................................................................... 27 Humanitarian Conditions .......................................................................................... 27 Factors Influencing Return Decisions .................................................................... 28 Issues Affecting Religious and Ethnic Minorities .......................................................... 29 U.S. Policy and Issues in the 116th Congress...................................................................... 32 Possible Issues for Congress...................................................................................... 33 Authorities for Military Operations and Assistance ....................................................... 34 Appropriations for Military Operations and Assistance .................................................. 36 Security Cooperation and U.S. Training ...................................................................... 36 U.S. Foreign Assistance ............................................................................................ 39 Outlook ....................................................................................................................... 40 Figures Figure 1. Iraq: Areas of Influence and Operation .................................................................. 2 Figure 2. Iraq: Select Political and Religious Figures ............................................................ 5 Figure 3. Select Iraqi Shia Political Groups, Leaders, and Militias ........................................ 13 Figure 4. Estimated Iraqi Civilian Casualties from Conflict and Terrorism ............................. 18 Figure 5. Iraq: Reported Islamic State-Related Security Incidents with Fatalities, 2019 ............ 19 Figure 6. Iraq: Reported Islamic State-Related Security Incidents with Fatalities, 2020 ............ 20 Figure 7. Disputed Territories in Iraq................................................................................ 26 Figure 8. IOM Estimates of IDPs by Location in Iraq ......................................................... 28 Figure 9. Combined Joint Task Force-Operation Inherent Resolve Campaign Plan .................. 37 Congressional Research Service link to page 41 link to page 41 link to page 44 link to page 47 Iraq: Issues in the 116th Congress Tables Table 1. Iraq Train and Equip Program: FY2015-FY2020 Appropriations and FY2021 Request..................................................................................................................... 36 Table 2. U.S. Assistance to Iraq: Select Obligations, Al ocations, and Requests....................... 39 Contacts Author Information ....................................................................................................... 42 Congressional Research Service link to page 41 link to page 31 Iraq: Issues in the 116th Congress Overview After more than 17 years of conflict and zero-sum political competition, Iraqis are struggling to redefine their country’s future and are reconsidering their relationships with the United States, Iran, and other third parties. Since seeking international military assistance in 2014 to regain territory seized by the Islamic State organization (IS, aka ISIS/ISIL), Iraqi leaders have implored international actors to avoid using Iraq as a battleground for their own rivalries and have attempted to build positive, nonexclusive ties to their neighbors and to global powers. Nevertheless, Iraq has become a venue for competition and conflict between the United States and Iran, with resulting violence now raising basic questions about the future of the U.S.-Iraqi partnership and regional security. When a new government took office in Baghdad in June 2020 after a months-long delay, U.S. and Iraqi officials opened talks on a new foundation for bilateral ties through a high-level strategic dialogue. In the meantime, Iraqi leaders are grappling with chal enges posed by lower oil revenues, the Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic, and the latent demands of protestors whose demonstrations toppled last Iraqi government. in bold.


Overview

After more than 16 years of confronting conflict, violence, and zero-sum political competition, Iraqis are struggling to redefine their country's future and are reconsidering their relationships with the United States, Iran, and other third parties. Since seeking international military assistance in 2014 to regain territory seized by the Islamic State organization (IS, aka ISIS/ISIL), Iraqi leaders have implored international actors to avoid using Iraq as a battleground for outsiders' rivalries and have attempted to build positive, non-exclusive ties to their neighbors and to global powers. Nevertheless, Iraq has become a venue for competition and conflict between the United States and Iran, with resulting violence now raising basic questions about the future of the U.S.-Iraqi partnership and regional security. Durable answers to these questions may depend on the outcome of fluid political developments in Iraq, where mass protests forced the resignation of the government in late 2019, but transition arrangements and electoral plans have yet to be decided.

Protests, Conflict, and Crisis Developments in Iraq, October 2019-January 2020

October 2019

Mass protests erupt across central and southern Iraq. Protestors demand reform, service improvements, and the resignation of Prime Minister Adel Abd al Mahdi and his cabinet. Some media outlets are shuttered and nearly 150 protestors are killed and hundreds more injured by security forces and gunmen. The prime minister rejects calls for his resignation, citing fears that a political vacuum will result, and instead proposes administrative reforms and state hiring initiatives. Protestors resume demonstrations on October 25, insisting on fundamental change and reiterating calls for the government's resignation. Protestors burn an Iranian consulate and destroy political party headquarters and provincial government buildings in southern Iraq. Security forces and Iran-backed militia personnel kill dozens of protestors, wounding hundreds more. Iraqi President Barham Salih states that the prime minister is conditionally willing to resign.

November 2019

Confrontations between protestors and security forces multiply and intensify, with at least 400 protestors dead by month's end and thousands more wounded. Protestors temporarily halt operations at the country's main port and burn the Iranian consular facility in Najaf, Iraq. President Salih proposes changes to Iraq's electoral system, and Prime Minister Abd al Mahdi announces his intent to resign.

December 2019

The Council of Representatives (COR) acknowledges the prime minister's resignation and negotiations begin to find a replacement candidate acceptable to major political forces and protestors. The COR adopts new laws governing Iraq's electoral system. President Barham Salih states his willingness to resign after declining to designate as prime minister a candidate proposed by the Bin'a bloc. After a rocket attack kills one U.S. contractor and wounds others near Kirkuk, U.S. forces strike facilities and personnel associated with the Iran-backed Kata'ib Hezbollah (KH) militia, operating as part of the state-affiliated Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF). Iraq's government protests the U.S. strike as a violation of Iraqi sovereignty. KH and PMF supporters march on the U.S. Embassy in Baghdad, setting fire to structures and vandalizing property.

January 2019

On January 2, 2020 (EST), U.S. military forces conduct an airstrike near Baghdad killing Iranian Major General Qasem Soleimani, head of Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps Qods Force (IRGC-QF). The strike kills Kata'ib Hezbollah founder and Iraqi PMF official Abu Mahdi al Mohandes, along with other IRGC-QF and Iraqi PMF personnel. Iraq's government vehemently protests, and Prime Minister Abd al Mahdi calls for and then addresses a special COR session, recommending that legislators direct the government to end foreign military operations in Iraq. After a quorum of COR members unanimously support such a directive to the government, Prime Minister Abd al Mahdi informs U.S. Ambassador to Iraq Matthew Tueller that Iraq's government seeks to work with the United States to jointly implement the decision.

Iraq: Select History and Background

Iraq: Select History and Background Iraqis have persevered through intermittent wars, internal conflicts, sanctions, displacements, unrest, and terrorism terrorism for decades. A 2003 U.S.-led invasion ousted the dictatorialdictatorial government of Saddam Hussein and ended the decades-long rule of the Baath Party. This created an opportunity for Iraq to establish new democratic, federal political institutions and reconstitute its security forces. It also ushered in a period of chaos, violence, and political transition from which the country is still stil emerging. Latent tensions among Iraqis that were suppressed and manipulated under the Baath regime were amplified in the wake of its collapse. Political col apse. Political parties, ethnic groups, and religious communities an d religious communities competed with rivals and among themselves for influence in the post-2003 order, amid sectarian violence, insurgency, and terrorism. Misrule, foreign interference, and corruption also took a heavy toll tol on Iraqi society during this period, and continue to undermine public trust and social cohesion.

In 2011, when the United States completed an agreed military withdrawal, Iraq's gains proved fragile. Security conditions deteriorated from 2012 through 2014, as the insurgent terrorists of the Islamic State organization (IS, also calledcal ed ISIS/ISIL)—the successor to Al Qaeda-linked groups active during the post-2003 transition—drew strength from conflict in neighboring Syria and seized large areas of northern and western Iraq. From 2014 through 2017, war against the Islamic State dominated events in Iraq, and many pressing social, economic, and governance challengeschal enges remain to be addressed (See Table 1 for a statistical profile of Iraq). Iraqi security forces and their foreign partners wrested control of northern and western Iraq back from the Islamic State, but the group'group’s remnants remain dangerous and Iraqi politics have grown increasingly fraught.

The Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI) maintains considerable administrative autonomy under Iraq's 2005 constitution. From constitution, and held a controversial advisory referendum on independence from Iraq on September 25, 2017. From mid-2014 through October 2017, Kurdish forces took control of many areas that had been subject to territorial disputes with national authorities prior to the Islamic State's 2014 advance, including much of the oil-rich governorate of Kirkuk. However, in October 2017, Iraqi government forces moved to reassert after the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) held a controversial advisory referendum on independence from Iraq on September 25, 2017 , Iraqi government forces reasserted security control in many of these areas, leading to some armed confrontations and casualties on both sides and setting back some Kurds' aspirations for independence (Figure 6).

Across 7). A reduced security presence in some disputed territories since then has al owed some IS fighters to regroup and operate. Across Iraq, including in the KRI, long-standing popular demands for improved service delivery, security, and effective, honest governance remain widespread. Opposition to uninvited foreign political and security interference is also broadly sharedinterference also is shared broadly. Stabilization and reconstruction needs in areas liberated from the Islamic State are extensive. Paramilitary forces mobilized to fight IS terrorists have grown stronger and more numerous since the Islamic State's rapid advance in 2014, but have yet to be fullyful y integrated into national security institutions. Iraqis are grappling with these political and security issues in an environment shaped by ethnic, religious, regional, and tribal identities, partisan and ideological differences, personal rivalries, economic economic disparities, and natural resource imbalances. Iraq'resource imbalances. Iraq’s neighbors and other international powers are actively pursuing their diplomatic, economic, and security interests in the country. Iraq's strategic location, its economic potential, and its diverse population with ties to neighboring countries underlie its importance to U.S. policymakers, officials, U.S. partners, and U.S. rivals. For background and additional sources, rivals.

For more background, see CRS Report R45025, Iraq: Background and U.S. Policy. Congressional Research Service 1 Iraq: Issues in the 116th Congress Figure 1. Iraq: Areas of Influence and Operation As of July 8, 2020 Source: Congressional Research Service using ArcGIS, IHS Markit Conflict Monitor, U.S. government, and United Nations data. Notes: Areas of influence are approximate and subject to change. Congressional Research Service 2 Iraq: Issues in the 116th Congress Political Dynamics Since the U.S.-led ouster of Saddam Hussein in 2003, Iraq’s Shia Arab majority has exercised greater national power both in concert and in competition with the country’s Sunni Arab and Kurdish minorities. Sunni Arabs led Hussein’s regime, which repressed opposition movements drawn from al elements of Iraq’s population. Governance in Iraq since 2003 has reflected an informal quota-based distribution of leadership and administrative positions based on ethno- sectarian identity and political affiliation. Extensive negotiations following national elections in 2005, 2010, 2014, and 2018 resulted in prime ministers drawn from Iraq’s Shia Arab majority. By agreement, Iraq’s presidency has been held by a member of the Kurdish minority, and the speaker of the unicameral legislature, the Council of Representatives (COR), has been a Sunni. Groups in turn have sought ministry and agency positions with ethnic and sectarian considerations in mind. Voters have elected legislative representatives based on a party list system, but government formation has been determined by deal-making that has often included unelected elites and been influenced by foreign powers, including Iran and the United States. In principle, this apportionment system, referred to in Iraq as muhassasa, has deferred most conflict between identity groups and political rivals by dividing influence and access to state resources along negotiated lines that do not completely exclude any major group.1 In practice, the system has enabled patronage networks to treat administrative functions as a source of private benefit and political sustenance. Government service delivery and economic opportunity have suffered. Corruption has spread, resulting in abuse of power and enabling foreign exploitation.2 Communal identities and rivalries remain Iraq’s 2018 National Legislative Election political y relevant, but over time, Seats won by Coalition/Party competition among Shia movements and coalition building across communal groups Coalition/Party Seats Won also have become stronger factors in Iraqi politics. Notwithstanding their ethnic and Sa’irun 54 religious diversity and political differences, Fatah 48 many Iraqis advance similar demands for Nasr 42 improved security, honest and effective Kurdistan Democratic Party 25 government, and greater economic opportunity. Some Iraqi politicians have State of Law 25 broadened their outreach to appeal across Wataniya 21 communal lines, but others continue to Hikma 19 pursue power to benefit discrete groups. Patriotic Union of Kurdistan 18 Iraq’and U.S. Policy, by Christopher M. Blanchard.

After the Islamic State: Cooperation, Competition, and Chaos

U.S. and other international military forces have remained in Iraq in the wake of the Islamic State's 2017 defeat at the Iraqi government's invitation, despite some Iraqis' demands for their departure. Iran, having also aided Iraqi efforts against the Islamic State from 2014 to 2017, has cultivated and sustained ties to several anti-U.S. Iraqi entities, including elements of the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) originally recruited as anti-IS volunteers and now recognized under Iraqi law as state security personnel. Iran has used some of these entities as proxies to advance its interests in Iraq. Other Iraqis have continued to oppose what they regard as Iranian and other non-U.S. foreign interference in Iraq. In this context, successive Iraqi administrations have faced countervailing pressures in their efforts to balance Iraq's foreign ties. Domestic reform efforts have languished, arguably constrained by domestic infighting and corruption, subordinated to the imperatives of the war with the Islamic State, and complicated by demands of powerful, competing foreign partners.

Iraq's national election in May 2018 held s national election in May 2018 held Qarar 14 out the promise of a fresh start for the country after the war with the Islamic State Others 63 group, but low turnout and an inconclusive result instead produced paralysis. Pro-Iran factions did well in the election, but did not achieve a controlling interest. Their rivals secured influential levels of representation, but did not present unified leadership or an alternative domestic agenda Source: Iraq Independent High Electoral Commission. result instead produced paralysis. The Sa’irun (On the March) coalition led by populist Shia cleric and longtime U.S. antagonist Muqtada al Sadr’s Istiqama (Integrity) list placed first in the election (54 seats), followed by the predominantly Shia Fatah (Conquest) coalition led by Hadi al Ameri of the Badr Organization (48 seats). Fatah includes several individuals formerly associated with the Popular Mobilization 1 Safwan Al Amin, “What “Inclusivity” Means in Iraq,” Atlantic Council – MENASource, March 28, 2016. 2 See Ahmed T abaqchali and Renad Mansour, “Webinar: Will COVID-19 Mark the Endgame for Iraq’s Muhasasa T a'ifia?” Chatham House (UK), April 30, 2020. Congressional Research Service 3 Iraq: Issues in the 116th Congress Commission (PMC) and the mostly Shia Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF). The Fatah list, as wel as former prime minister Nouri al Maliki’s separate State of Law list, included figures with ties to Iran. Fatah’s rivals secured representation, but did not present unified leadership or a shared alternative agenda. Former Prime Minister Haider al Abadi’s Nasr (Victory) coalition placed third (42 seats), while Ammar al Hakim’s Hikma (Wisdom) list and former interim prime minister and Vice President Iyad Al awi’s Wataniya (National) list also won large blocs of seats. Among Kurdish parties, the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) won the most seats, and smal er Kurdish opposition lists protested al eged irregularities. As negotiations continued, Nasr and Sa’irun members joined with others to form the Islah (Reform) bloc in the COR, while Fatah and State of Law formed the core of a rival Bin’a (Reconstruction) bloc. Months of negotiation in 2018 produced a compromise government under the leadership of Prime Minister Adel Abd al Mahdi, but his lack of an individual political mandate and his reliance on the consensus of fractious political blocs appear to have diluted his government's efforts at reform. diluted his reform efforts. Meanwhile, tensions between the United States and Iran increased steadily during this period (see textbox below), as U.S. officials implemented more intense sanctions on Iran and Iranian leaders used proxies to undermine regional security in defiance of the Trump Administration's "’s “maximum pressure"” campaign.3 In 2018 and 2019, U.S. officials attributed a series of indirect fire attacks on some U.S. and Iraqi instal ations to Iranian proxy forces, including a December 2019 rocket attack on an Iraqi military base that kil ed a U.S. citizen contractor and wounded others. Tensions crested as U.S. retaliatory strikes targeted pro-Iranian militia forces operating as PMF units and armed Iraqi demonstrations surrounded the U.S. Embassy. After a January 2020, U.S. military strike in Baghdad kil ed Iranian Major General and Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps-Qods Force (IRGC-QF) commander Qasem Soleimani and Iraqi PMF leader Jamal Ja’far al Ibrahimi (commonly referred to as Abu Mahdi al Muhandis), the future of U.S. and other foreign forces in Iraq reemerged as a pivotal political issue. Iraqi leaders condemned the U.S. strike and Iranian counterstrikes as violations of Iraqi sovereignty, and the COR voted to direct then-acting Prime Minister Adel Abd Al Mahdi to ask al foreign military forces to leave the country.4 Abd Al Mahdi deferred the question of the presence of foreign forces until the seating of the new government, even after a deadly militia attack and U.S. counterstrike in March. Meanwhile, U.S. forces consolidated their presence on fewer bases with enhanced force protection, and the counter-IS coalition has shifted to a more streamlined advising posture. In June 2020, U.S. and Iraqi officials engaged in talks on security, economic cooperation, public health, and other matters under the rubric of a high-level strategic dialogue. Iran-aligned factions continue to insist that the United States withdraw al military forces. Years of conflict, poor service delivery, corruption, sacrifice, and foreign interference have strained the Iraqi population’s patience with the status quo, adding to the pressures that their leaders face from the country’s uncertain domestic and regional security environment. Some U.S. officials perceive a “growing revulsion for Iraq’s political elite by the rest of the population,”5 but it is with these divided elites that U.S. officials are now engaged to develop a new vision for bilateral relations. 3 See also, CRS Report R45795, U.S.-Iran Conflict and Implications for U.S. Policy. 4 T hose COR members present adopted by voice vote a parliamentary decision directing the Iraqi government inter alia to withdraw its request to the international anti-IS coalition for military support and to remove all foreign forces from Iraq and end the use of Iraq’s territory, waters, and airspace by foreign militaries. Under Iraq’s constitution, binding legislation originates with the executive and is reviewed and amended by the legislature. Iraqi courts have not consistently considered COR decisions (akin to concurrent resolutions under the U.S. system) to be binding. 5 Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary of State Joey Hood, Statement for the Record, Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee on the Middle East, South Asia, Central Asia, and Counterterrorism (SFRC-ME), December 4, 2019. Congressional Research Service 4 Figure 2. Iraq: Select Political and Religious Figures CRS-5 link to page 18 Iraq: Issues in the 116th Congress campaign.1

By October 2019, Iraqi citizens' frustrations with endemic corruption, economic stagnation, poor service delivery, and foreign interference had multiplied and ignited a mass protest movement demanding fundamental political change. Iraqi political rivals and competing foreign powers appear to have viewed this movement and its demands largely through the lenses of their pre-existing antagonisms and insecurities, calculating what protest-driven reform might mean for their respective interests. Arguably, Iran-aligned groups have worked to forestall political outcomes that could threaten their power to shape security in Iraq and to entrench pro-Iran figures and militia groups inside Iraq's national security apparatus. U.S. officials have embraced some protestors' calls for reform while expressing concern about the empowerment of Iranian proxies and wariness about Iraq's future alignment.2 Meanwhile, some Iraqi security forces and Iran-backed militias have violently suppressed protests, killing more than 500 people, wounding thousands, and fueling growing domestic and international anxiety over Iraq's future.

U.S.-Iran Confrontation Intensifies

Iran'U.S.-Iran Confrontation Intensifies in Iraq Iran’s government supported insurgent attacks on U.S. forces in Iraq during the U.S. military presence from 2003 to 2011. From 2012 through 2017, U.S.-Iranian competition in Iraq remained largely largely contained and relatively nonviolent. However, in 2018 and 2019, U.S. officials attributed a series of indirect fire attacks on some U.S. and Iraqi instal ationsIraqi installations to Iranian proxy forces. During unrest in southern Iraq during summer 2018, the State Department directed the temporary evacuation of U.S. personnel and the temporary closure of the U.S. Consulate in Basra after indirect fire attacks on the consulate and the U.S. Embassy compound in Baghdad. U.S. officials attributed the attacks to Iran -backed forces and said that the United States would hold Iran accountable and respond directly to future attacks on U.S. facilities or personnel by Iran-backed entities.3 6 In May 2019, the State Department ordered the departure of nonemergency U.S. government personnel from Iraq, citing an "increased threat stream."4 ”7 The Administration extended the ordered departure through November 2019, and, in December 2019, notified Congress of its plan to reduce personnel levels in Iraq on a permanent basis.

In December 2019 In December 2019 and March 2020, U.S. officials reiterated reiterated warnings that the United States would respond forcefullyforceful y to any attacks on U.S. persons or interests in Iraq and the wider region. After a rocket attack on an Iraqi military base killed base kil ed a U.S. citizen contractor and wounded others near Kirkuk, Iraq on December 27 27, 2019, U.S. military forces forces launched airstrikes against facilities and personnel affiliated with Iran-backed groups in Iraq and Syria. In western Iraq, the U.S. strikes killed kil ed and wounded dozens of personnel associated with the U.S.-designated Foreign Terrorist Organization Kata'ib Hezbollah’ib Hezbol ah (KH, Figure 5), who were operating as elements of Iraq'3), who are formal y part of Iraq’s state-affiliated Popular Mobilization Forces.

(PMF). Iraqi officials protested the December 29 U.S. attacks on Kata'ib Hezbollah’ib Hezbol ah as a violation of Iraqi sovereignty, and, days later, Kata'ib HezbollahKH members and other figures associated with Iran-linked militias and PMF units marched to the U.S. Embassy in Baghdad and damaged property, setting outer buildings on fire. Iraqi officials and security forces reestablished reestablished order outside the embassy, but tensions remained high, with KH supporters and other pro-Iran figures threatening further action and vowing to expel the United States from Iraq by force if necessary.

In the early morning hours of January 3, 2020 (Iraq local time), a U.S. airstrike near Baghdad International Airport hit a convoy carrying Iranian Major General and Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps-Qods Force (IRGC-QF) commander commander Qasem Soleimani, killing kil ing him and KH founder and Iraqi PMFPMC leader Jamal Ja'far al Ibrahimi (commonly referred referred to as Abu Mahdi al Muhandis). U.S. officials hold Solemani responsible Soleimani responsible for a lethal campaign of insurgent attacks on U.S. forces during the U.S. military presence presence in Iraq from 2003 to 2011 that resulted in the deaths of hundreds of603 U.S. soldiers and injuries to thousands more. Soleimani to many more.8 Soleimani and Muhandis have played central roles in Iran's efforts to develop and maintain ties to armed groups in Iraq over the last 20 years, and Soleimani long served as a leading Iranian emissary emissary to Iraqi political and security figures. Muhandis had served as PMF Deputy Commander.

The U.S. operation was met with shock in Iraq, and then-Prime Minister Abd al Mahdi and President Barham Salih issued statements condemning the strike as a violation of Iraqi sovereignty. The prime minister called minister cal ed for and then addressed a special session of the Council of Representatives (COR) on January 5, recommending that the quorum of legislators present vote to direct his government to ask all al foreign military forces to leave the country.9 A subsequent voice vote confirmed the proposed COR decision, which some factions insist is binding. 6 Statement by the White House Press Secretary, September 11, 2018; and, Ben Kesling and Micha el Gordon, “U.S. to Close Consulate in Iraq, Citing T hreats From Iran,” Wall Street Journal, September 28, 2018. 7 Security Alert – U. S. Embassy Baghdad, Iraq, May 15, 2019; and, Chad Garland, “ State Department orders evacuation of nonemergency US government employees from Iraq,” Stars and Stripes, May 15, 2019. 8 “Iran killed more US troops in Iraq than previously known, Pentagon says,” Military Times, April 4, 2019 9 Prime Minister Abd al Mahdi’s status as a caretaker raised some questions about his mandate. In past instances where the political mandate of key institutions has been in question, executive authorities have at times deferred to legislative directives contained in COR-adopted decisions. For example, amid a dispute over May 2018 national election results the COR passed a decision mandating a recount on certain terms. T hen-Prime Minister Hayder al Abadi was not obliged to implement the decision, but did so out of deference to the COR’s representative legitimacy. Under normal political circumstances, an Iraqi prime minister would not require any COR action to amend or end Iraq’s bilateral security arrangements with the United States or any other international coalition members since the agreements are not based on legislative decisions but are governed by executive-to-executive decisions. In this case, the COR had recognized Prime Minister Abd al Mahdi’s resignation in early December 2019. In light of the gravity of the questions involving foreign forces and the fraught security circumstances prevailing in Iraq in January, it appears that he chose to solicit a decision from the COR to bolster the legitimacy of his caretaker government’s response. Congressional Research Service 6 Iraq: Issues in the 116th Congress Protests, Violence, and U.S. Responses Iraqi citizens’ have long expressed frustration with endemic corruption, economic stagnation, poor service delivery, and foreign interference, including through periodic protests. By October 2019, however, broad dissatisfaction ignited a mass protest movement led by young activists demanding fundamental political change. Mass protests paralyzed several urban areas across central and southern Iraq for months in late 2019 and early 2020, including central Baghdad. The movement channeled nationalist, nonsectarian sentiment and a range of frustrations into potent rejections of the post-2003 political order, the creation of which many Iraqis attribute to U.S. intervention in Iraq.10 Protestors reiterated past demonstrators’ concerns and frustrations with the prevailing system’s failures while voicing louder, more direct critiques of Iranian political interference than in the past. Some Iraqi security forces and Iran-backed militias acted to violently suppress protests, kil ing more than 550 people, wounding thousands, and fueling growing domestic and international anxiety over Iraq’s future. Members of some state security bodies that had garnered public trust through the war with the Islamic State perpetrated violence against protestors. Iraqi political rivals and competing foreign powers appear to have responded to the protest movement based on calculations about how the movement’s demands might affect their respective interests. Arguably, Iran-aligned groups have worked to forestal political outcomes that could threaten their power to shape security in Iraq and to entrench pro-Iran figures and militia groups inside Iraq’s national security apparatus. U.S. officials embraced some protestors’ cal s for reform while expressing concern about the empowerment of Iranian proxies and wariness about Iraq’s future alignment.11 In response to protestors’ demands, Prime Minister Adel Abd al Mahdi resigned in November 2019 after one year in office. He then served in a caretaker role for nearly 6 months while other Iraqi political leaders remained deadlocked over a replacement candidate. Protestor cal s for improved governance, reliable local services, more trustworthy and capable security forces, and greater economic opportunity broadly correspond to stated U.S. goals for Iraq. However, U.S. officials did not endorse demands for an immediate political transition during the height of the protest movement, and stated in December 2019 that they were taking care not to portray protestors “as pro-American.”12 Instead, U.S. officials advocated for protestors’ rights to demonstrate and express themselves freely without coercive force or undue restrictions on media and communications.13 U.S. officials urged Iraqi leaders to respond seriously to protestors’ demands and to avoid attacks against unarmed protestors, while expressing broad U.S. goals for continued partnership with “a free and independent and sovereign Iraq.”14 10 According to former U.S. Deputy Chief of Mission in Iraq and Principal Deputy Secretary of State for Near East Affairs (PDAS) Joey Hood, “ Although many protesters are too young to remember Saddam’s tyranny, most are intimately familiar with the shortcomings of political elites that many believe the United States is responsible for bringing to power.” PDAS Hood, Statement for the Record, SFRC-ME, op cit. 11 Assistant Secretary of State for Near East Affairs David Schenker called on Iraqi leaders “to investigate and hold accountable” individuals responsible for attacks on protestors and to reject “the distorting influence Iran has exerted on the political process.” Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs David Schenker, Special Briefing, Washington, DC, December 2, 2019. 12 Hood, Statement for the Record, SFRC-ME, op cit. 13 Hood, T estimony before SFRC-ME, op cit. 14 After dozens of protestors were killed in late November 2019, Secretary of State Michael Pompeo and other officials said that the Administration “ will not hesitate” to use tools at its disposal, “ including designations under the Global Congressional Research Service 7 Iraq: Issues in the 116th Congress In December, the U.S. Department of the Treasury announced Global Magnitsky sanctions against “three leaders of Iran-backed militias in Iraq that opened fire on peaceful protests” (see “U.S. Policy and the Popular Mobilization Forces” textbox below) and an Iraqi mil ionaire businessman “for bribing government officials and engaging in corruption at the expense of the Iraqi people.”15 During the crackdowns, U.S. officials acknowledged that there had been “Iraqi military leaders and units implicated” in some cases of violence, but they also noted that there was uncertainty about responsibility in other cases.16 U.S. officials have reviewed reports of violence against protestors and have said these reviews wil inform decisions about Iraqi military and federal police participation in U.S. security assistance programs.17 Transitional Government Takes Office as Iraqis Demand Change The protest movement subsided in early 2020 as public fatigue reportedly grew and in the face of risks and restrictions related to the COVID-19 pandemic. In May 2020, the Council of Representatives approved Mustafa al Kadhimi, the director of the Iraqi National Intel igence Service, as prime minister and endorsed his proposed program and 15 cabinet ministers. Al Kadhimi’s confirmation followed withdrawal from consideration by two previous prime ministers-designate who failed to garner sufficient support from competing blocs. The COR approved the remainder of Al Kadhimi’s cabinet members in June 2020. Upon taking office, Al Kadhimi declared his government would serve in a transitional capacity until early elections (which are otherwise due in 2022) and would work to improve security and fight corruption. Among the priorities identified in his government program are:  mobilizing resources to fight the COVID-19 pandemic;  “restricting weapons to state and military institutions”;  “submitting a draft budget law to address the economic crisis”; and  “protecting the sovereignty and security of Iraq, continuing to fight terrorism, and providing a national vision on the future of foreign forces in Iraq.” Since taking office, Prime Minister Al Kadhimi has pledged to investigate the disappearance of several protest activists, ordered the release of detained demonstrators, and stated his government’s commitment to protecting the interests of poorer Iraqis when considering policies for spending reforms. Since May, pressing concerns related to the COVID-19 pandemic, Iraq’s fiscal crisis, and defiant militia groups have overshadowed discussions of finalizing the 2020 budget and preparing for early elections. Public Health and COVID-19 Neighboring Iran was the early epicenter of COVID-19 pandemic in the Middle East region, creating significant public health chal enges for Iraq’s then-acting government. Acting leaders instituted travel restrictions and strict internal curfews to help contain the early spread of the coronavirus and began mobilizing the limited capacity of Iraq’s public health system to meet Magnitsky Act, to sanction corrupt individuals who are stealing the public wealth of the Iraqi people and those killing and wounding peaceful protesters.” Remarks by Secretary of State Michael Pompeo, November 18, 2019; Secretary of State Michael Pompeo, Remarks to the Press, November 26, 2019. 15 T reasury Sanctions Iran-Backed Militia Leaders Who Killed Innocent Demonstrators in Iraq, December 6, 2019. 16 Hood, T estimony before SFRC-ME, op cit. 17 Ibid. Congressional Research Service 8 Iraq: Issues in the 116th Congress expected needs. Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) officials also instituted local mitigation measures in areas under their jurisdiction. Prime Minister Al Kadhimi’s government has amended and extended curfew measures, maintained closures at some points of entry, and institute internal movement restrictions, varying by governorate. KRG officials similarly have limited nonessential movement inside the Kurdistan region on varying terms and amended and extended lockdown measures in some areas for specific periods.18 Iraq’s public and private health systems have significant shortcomings and limited capacity, amplifying risks.19 Iraq has approximately 0.8 physicians and 1.3 hospital beds per 1,000 people (below the global average of 1.5 and 2.7, respectively), according to World Bank statistics. From April 21 to June 23, Iraqi authorities confirmed an increase in COVID-19 cases from 1,574 to 34,500 and fatalities from 82 to 1,252.20 Limited testing and public health surveil ance capacity may be underrepresenting the full incidence of the disease. Upticks in case detection and the number of governorates reporting cases have occurred as testing volume has grown. The United States has provided $10 mil ion through the United Nations Development Program’s Funding Facility for Stabilization to support emergency health infrastructure improvements related to COVID-19. Additional U.S. financing seeks to assist International Organization for Migration (IOM) programs to address COVID-19 risks among vulnerable populations in Iraq. Economic and Fiscal Challenges Among the most pressing effects of the pandemic on Iraq are economic and fiscal consequences: curfews and movement restrictions have suppressed private sector economic activity and lower global demand for oil has contributed to plummeting oil prices, jeopardizing Iraq’s public finances. In June, Prime Minister Al Kadhimi said, “We are witnessing the worst economic situation since the formation of the Iraqi state.”21 Oil exports provide more than 90% of public-sector revenue in Iraq, and insecurity, weak service delivery, and corruption have hindered growth in non-oil sectors over time. In June 2020, Iraq’s Finance Minister Ali Al awi raised alarm about the country’s resulting fiscal chal enges and reform needs, saying, “We are in an existential economic situation. ...If oil prices stay at this level for a year and our expenses stay the same, [then] without a doubt we’re going to hit a wal .”22 Prior to the COVID-19 pandemic, strained public finances already were complicating national government and KRG leaders’ efforts to address the country’s many chal enges. The combined effects of periods of lower global oil prices, expansion of public-sector liabilities,23 and the costs of the military campaign against the Islamic State exacerbated national budget deficits in 2016 18 T he International Organization for Migration (IOM) monitors and reports on evolving movement limits put in place by national and KRG authorities during the COVID-19 emergency. See IOM, “ Iraq Mobility Restrictions Due to COVID-19, 16–29 June 2020,” June 29, 2020. T he United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs regularly reports on COVID-19 pandemic conditions and related health measures. 19 Ahmed Aboulenein and Reade Levinson, “T he medical crisis that’s aggravating Iraq’s unrest ,” Reuters, March 2, 2020. 20 United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), COVID-19 Update V, April 19, 2020, and COVID-19 Update XI, June 23, 2020. 21 Alissa Rubin, “In Iraq, a New Prime Minister T akes Stock of His Bloodied Land,” New York Times, June 16, 2020. 22 Maya Gebeily, “Without urgent reform, Iraq economy will face irreparable shocks,” AFP, June 22, 2020. 23 In October 2019, the World Bank summarized this trend as follows: “Repeating past patterns of ‘windfall’ spending, higher oil revenues have resulted in a rising wage bill and public consumption. ... T he fiscal policy stance is expansionary based on a higher wage bill and subsidies to lessen social pressures amidst weak private sector job creation.” World Bank Group, Macro Poverty Outlook – Iraq, October 2019. Congressional Research Service 9 Iraq: Issues in the 116th Congress and 2017.24 The Iraqi government borrowed domestical y and international y to meet its financing needs, including through a U.S.-guaranteed bond offering and through a U.S.-promoted Stand-by Arrangement with the International Monetary Fund. Stronger economic performance improved conditions in 2018 and 2019, but leaders made several concessions during the 2019 protests that increased budget costs. Iraq’s overal debt-to-GDP ratio remains relatively low, but lower oil output and revenues in 2020 are expected to drastical y reduce annual GDP and increase borrowing needs. Iraq’s government needs COR authorization to enter into foreign and domestic borrowing agreements, and the COR approved authorization for new borrowing on June 24, with stipulations requiring the government to pay new employees brought on in response to protests and to submit a reform plan. Iraq manages its overal oil production in line with mutual y agreed output limits set in consultation the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) and non-OPEC countries (OPEC+), including Russia. Iraqi output and exports exceeded the OPEC+ agreed levels through May 2020, and in June, Iraqi oil officials announced specific plans to reduce output from major fields and said they “wil keep lowering production gradual y to comply with OPEC quota.”25 A draft 2020 budget considered before the pandemic assumed a $56 benchmark price, but sales in May brought an average of $21 per barrel and sales in June brought $33 per barrel.26 A July report from the World Food Program and World Bank estimated that Iraq would need oil sales at $76 per barrel to meet its current budget commitments.27 In recent months, government officials have reported significant shortfal s in revenue and announced that the government has initiated a credit arrangement with state banks to provide salaries for state employees. A restructuring committee also has been studying public financial commitments and recommending changes to the Prime Minister. Monthly revenue deficits already have created short-term bottlenecks in debt-service, salary, and benefit payments, with Iraqi leaders discussing deferral of debt payments with the IMF and drawing some citizens’ criticism for delays in some benefits to retirees and civil servant salaries.28 Iraq also reportedly has sought concessions from Kuwait on the payment of reparations for the 1990 Iraqi invasion, and is expected to turn to foreign lenders for budget support for the remainder of 2020.29 Until recently, fiscal pressures have been most acute in the federal y recognized Kurdistan region, where the fal out from the national government’s response to the Kurdistan Regional Government’s KRG September 2017 referendum had further strained the KRG’s already weakened ability to pay salaries to its public-sector employees and security forces. The KRG’s post-referendum loss of control over significant oil resources in Kirkuk governorate, coupled with changes implemented by national government authorities over shipments of oil from those fields via the KRG-controlled export pipeline to Turkey, contributed to a sharp decline in revenue for the KRG during 2018. KRG leaders borrowed funds domestical y and international y to cover costs, delaying and deferring salaries and benefits. Related issues have shaped consideration of recent national budgets in the COR, with Kurdish representatives criticizing the government’s proposals to al ocate the KRG a smal er percentage 24 IMF Country Report No. 17/251, Iraq: Second Review of the T hree-Year Stand-By Arrangement, August 2017. 25 Reuters, “Iraq agrees with oil companies on deeper output cuts in June- sources,” June 14, 2020. 26 AFP, “Iraq oil exports sink to comply with OPEC cuts,” July 2, 2020. 27 Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD), World Food Programme (WFP) and the World Bank, Food Security in Iraq: Im pact of COVID-19, April-June 2020, July 2020 28 Shaima Rashid, “Iraq is discussing a pause in payments on its debt with the [International] Monetary Fund,” Al Sabah (Iraq), April 16, 2020; and, AFP, “ In Iraq, public outrage over austerity stymies reform plan,” June 16, 2020. 29 Stephen Kalin, “ Iraq T urns to Neighbors to Ease Economic Strains,” Wall Street Journal, May 24, 2020. Congressional Research Service 10 Iraq: Issues in the 116th Congress of funds to the KRI than the 17% benchmark reflected in past budgets. National government objectives reportedly include revision of KRG al ocations based on new population estimates and enhanced transparency for the collection of national and regional taxes in the KRI, the payment of administrative charges to oil companies operating in the KRI, KRG public employee verification, and the al ocation of KRG oil revenues. Agreements reached for the national government to pay KRG civil service and peshmerga salaries in the 2019 budget were linked to the KRG placing 250,000 barrels per day of oil exports under federal control in exchange for financial al ocations for verified expenses. The transfer of national funds to the KRG in 2019 eased some fiscal pressures that had required the KRG to impose payment limits that had fueled protests by Kurdish civil servants and others. However, disputes over export levels and budget transfers remained unresolved, and attempts to reach a new agreement stal ed after Prime Minister Abd al Mahdi’s resignation. In April 2020, the Iraqi government announced that it would not transfer an expected round of funding, citing the need to resolve outstanding differences. In May, Prime Minister Al Kadhimi agreed to transfer one additional month’s payment in anticipation of renewed high-level talks between KRG and national government officials in Baghdad. Talks were held in June as KRG officials announced plans for some salary and benefit cuts for KRG employees, but reports suggest that the two sides continue to differ over key proposals to resolve the budget dispute.30 Protests have resumed in the Kurdistan region, with civil servants demanding delayed salaries and farmers protesting difficult market conditions. Iraq, Iran, and U.S. Sanctions Broad U.S. efforts to put pressure on Iran extend to the Iraqi energy sector, where years of sanctions, conflict, neglect, and mismanagement have left Iraq dependent on purchases of natural gas and electricity from its Iranian neighbors.31 Since 2018, Iraqi leaders have sought relief from U.S. sanctions on related transactions with Iran. The Trump Administration has renewed repeated temporary permissions for Iraq to continue these transactions, with the provision that the proceeds are held in escrow in Iraq and not returned to Iran. In May, the Trump Administration issued a 120-day waiver on related sanctions. Ongoing U.S. initiatives encourage Iraq to diversify its energy ties with its neighbors and develop more independence for its energy sector. U.S. assistance programs have supported electricity interconnection projects in neighboring Jordan, and Iraqi officials have discussed potential energy sector investments with Saudi officials in 2020. U.S. officials promote U.S. companies as potential partners for Iraq through the expansion of domestic electricity generation capacity and the introduction of technology to capture the large amounts of natural gas that are flared (burned at wel heads). As of July 2020, related contracts with U.S. firms had not been finalized. Ongoing Militia Tensions Influence Domestic Politics and Foreign Ties Prime Minister Al Kadhimi and his backers remained engaged in a complicated political, bureaucratic, diplomatic, and security contest with rivals and adversaries over the future of Iraqi militia forces and the U.S. and coalition military presence in Iraq.32 One of Prime Minister Al Kadhimi’s first acts upon taking office in May 2020 was to personal y visit and publicly consult with the heads of Iraq’s military, Ministry of Interior, and Counterterrorism Service (CTS), as wel as the interim leaders of the Popular Mobilization Commission (PMC) and its associated 30 Lawk Ghafuri, “KRG announces salary cuts to cope with economic crisis,” Rudaw (Erbil), June 21, 2020. 31 Isabel Coles and Ali Nabhan, “Oil-Rich Iraq Can’t Keep the Lights On,” Wall Street Journal, July 21, 2018. 32 See Phillip Smyth, “Iranian Militias in Iraq’s Parliament: Political Outcomes and U.S. Response,” Washington Institute for Near East Policy, PolicyWatch 2979, June 11, 2018; Michael Knights, “ Kadhimi as Commander-in-Chief: First Steps in Iraqi Security Sector Reform,” Washington Institute for Near East Policy, May 19, 2020; and, Shahla Al Kli, “Al-Kadhimi and the Kataib Hezbollah raid,” Middle East Institute, June 30, 2020. Congressional Research Service 11 link to page 18 Iraq: Issues in the 116th Congress militias—the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF). In echoing his predecessors’ intention to ensure that armed groups only hold and use weapons with state authorization and through the chain of command to the prime minister’s office, Al Kadhimi is chal enging the network of Iran-aligned militia actors associated with and outside of the PMC/PMF (see Figure 3 and textbox below). Some of these actors seek to preserve their autonomy and ties to Iran while continuing to enjoy Iraqi state protection and benefits under the Iraqi law. Others more outwardly chal enge the prime minister’s authority and include suspects in the murder of Iraqi civilians and ongoing indirect fire attacks against facilities hosting U.S. and coalition personnel and on supply convoys. The PMC and PMF were founded in 2014 and continue to participate in Iraq’s fight against the Islamic State. However, some groups with PMF units have come to present an implicit, and, at times, explicit chal enge to the authority of the state, even as the overal PMC/PMF structure has been recognized as a permanent state security force.33 The PMF are largely but not solely drawn from Iraq’s Shia Arab majority: Sunni, Turkmen, and Christian PMF militia also remain active. Among Shia units, groups organized by and associated with certain shrines and clerics in the city of Najaf have struggled for resources and influence in the PMC/PMF with Iran-linked figures. Prime Minister Al Kadhimi’s predecessors attempted to regularize and place bureaucratic guardrails around the PMC/PMF enterprise through a 2016 law and a series of decrees and organizational directives, with mixed results.34 In early June 2020, the prime minister’s office issued new implementation guidance for measures intended to strengthen state control of the PMC/PMF.35 The guidance follows up on a July 2019 decree reiterating demands that the PMF and PMC conform to Iraqi law. According to the U.S. Defense Intel igence Agency (DIA), “some PMF brigades followed the [July 2019] decree by shutting down headquarters and turning in weapons, but several Iranian-aligned groups refused to comply.”36 The DIA judged in 2019 that “Iranian-affiliated groups within the PMF are unlikely to change their loyalties because of [Abd Al Mahdi’s] order.”37 The PMC adopted a reorganization plan in September 2019, but the reshuffle left Iran-aligned individuals in key internal PMC/PMF leadership positions. Following the January 2020 U.S. strike against Qasem Soleimani and PMF Deputy Commander/KH leader Abu Mahdi al Muhandis, several Iraqi militia forces, including some that participate in PMF operations, have vowed revenge against the United States and stated their renewed commitment to expel ing U.S. forces. Others cal ed for a measured approach and disavowed potential attacks on non-military targets as a means of fulfil ing their objectives. In monitoring U.S.-Iraqi talks, KH and some Fatah leaders continue to insist that U.S. forces depart. 33 Some Shia forces discussed recruiting militia to resist IS attacks prior to Grand Ayatollah Ali al Sistani’s June 2014 call for citizens to help fight the Islamic State. Many Shia volunteers responded to Sistani’s call by joining militias that became the PMF. T hen-Prime Minister Nouri al Maliki established the PMC in June 2014 to give volunteer forces “ a sense of legal justification and a degree of institutionalization.” For background, see Fanar Haddad, “ Understanding Iraq’s Hashd al-Sha’bi,” T he Century Foundation, March 5, 2018; Renad Mansour, “More T han Militias: Iraq’s Popular Mobilization Forces Are Here to Stay,” War on the Rocks, April 3, 2018; Renad Mansour and Faleh Jabar, “T he Popular Mobilization Forces and Iraq’s Future,” Carnegie Middle East Center, April 28, 2017. 34 In addition to outlining salary and benefit arrangements important to individual PMF volunteers, th e 2016 law and subsequent decrees call for all PMF units to be placed fully under the authority of the commander -in-chief (Prime Minister) and to be subject to military discipline and organization. See Michael Knights, Hamdi Malik, and Aymenn Jawad Al-T amimi, Honored, Not Contained The Future Of Iraq’s Popular Mobilization Forces, Washington Institute for Near East Policy, March 2020. 35 Michael Knights and Hamdi Malik, “Hashd Reforms in Iraq Conceal More T han T hey Reveal,” Washington Institute for Near East Policy, June 9, 2020. 36 Lead Inspector General for Overseas Contingency Operations (LIG-OCO), Report to Congress on Operation Inherent Resolve, July 1, 2019-October 25, 2019. 37 Ibid. Congressional Research Service 12 Iraq: Issues in the 116th Congress Figure 3. Select Iraqi Shia Political Groups, Leaders, and Militias Congressional Research Service 13 Iraq: Issues in the 116th Congress In March 2020, a new group cal ing itself Usbat al Tha’ireen (League of the Revolutionaries) emerged and since then has claimed responsibility for actual and attempted attacks against U.S. targets, posting aerial surveil ance footage of key U.S. instal ations in Iraq.38 The late Iraqi security analyst Hisham al Hashimi—who was close to government leaders and who gunmen assassinated in Baghdad in July 202039—described the new group in March “as a faction that revives the ideology of the 2007 Special Groups, which were dubbed the death squads by research experts. These were radical Shia cel s who believed that the answer lay in resistance, arms, and fighting U.S. troops via hybrid tactics or gueril a warfare or irregular warfare.”40 Al Hashimi judged that the group seeks “to provoke these [U.S.] troops into an uncalculated retaliation that causes kil ing of Iraqi security or military forces or civilians. This way they can create public resentment against the foreign presence.” Prime Minister Al Kadhimi has vowed to find and punish Al Hashimi’s kil ers. In late June, CTS forces arrested fourteen KH members and a foreign national in a highly publicized operation to disrupt rocket fire on U.S. and Iraqi facilities in and around Baghdad.41 Authorities subsequently released most of the KH detainees, and KH figures responded with their own shows of force and critiques of the prime minister in the wake of the arrests. KH retains PMF units under the PMC’s jurisdiction, and its former secretary general has served as the PMC’s interim chief of staff since February, after a U.S. strike kil ed his predecessor and mentor, the late Abu Mahdi al Muhandis.42 In July, Prime Minister Al Kadhimi replaced long serving National Security Adviser and National Security Service head Falih al Fayyad with a former Interior Minister and a Badr Organization leader, Qasim al Araji, and Maj. Gen. Abdul Ghani al Asadi, respectively. Al Fayyad retained his position as PMC head. The prime minister in May had restored Lt. Gen. Abdul Wahhab al Saadi as CTS commander; Saadi’s September 2019 dismissal drew protests that contributed to broader popular criticism of the Abd al Mahdi government.43 Further steps to recast the internal leadership of the PMC and/or to reorganize or demobilize specific PMF units could indicate the relative outcome of rivalries within the organizations and between the Prime Minister and Iran-aligned PMC/PMF individuals and units.44 Further security force operations against militia members suspected of attacks and assassinations and/or additional attacks by anti-U.S. militia groups could lead to an escalation in tensions and affect the prospects for ongoing U.S.-Iraq dialogue and security cooperation.45 38 Louisa Loveluck and Missy Ryan, “Militia attacks on Americans in Iraq are becoming more audacious. T he U.S. is wrestling with how to respond,” Washington Post, March 28, 2020. 39 Isabel Coles, “Pompeo Urges Iraq to Act Against Killers of T op Security Analyst,” Wall Street Journal, July 8, 2020. 40 Al Nas News (Baghdad), “ Recent Shellings Attributed to Group: Who are the League of the Revolutionaries?” March 19, 2020. T he Special Groups were Iran -backed militia forces that targeted U.S. personnel in Iraq. See Michael Knights, “T he Evolution of Iran’s Special Groups in Iraq,” CTC Sentinel, Vol. 3, Issue 11, November 2010. 41 Associated Press, “Iraqi Forces Arrest Men Suspected of Attacks T argeting US,” June 26, 2020. 42 In February 2020, some PMC/PMF officials named KH official Abd al Aziz al Muhammadawi (aka Abu Fadak) as deputy commander of the PMC/PMF. However, several PMC/PMF officials associated with shrines based in Najaf (and viewed as more independent of Iranian influence) reportedly rejected the appointment, and the prime minister’s office had not confirmed the appointment formally as of July 2020. 43 Al Saadi became nationally prominent for his role in leading CT S operations against the Islamic State. Bassem Mroue, “Iraq’s removal of counterterrorism chief sparks controversy,” Associated Press, September 29, 2019. 44 See Ali Alfoneh, “Succession Crisis in Iraq’s Popular Mobilization Forces,” Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington, April 3, 2020. 45 Associated Press, “Iran-Backed Militia Says PM’s Actions Could Bring Escalation,” July 8, 2020. Congressional Research Service 14 Iraq: Issues in the 116th Congress U.S. Policy and the Popular Mobilization Forces U.S. officials have recognized the contributions that PMF volunteers have made to Iraq’s fight against the Islamic State; they have also remained wary for years about Iran-linked elements of the PMF that the U.S. government believes operate as Iranian proxy forces outside formal Iraqi government and military control.46 The U.S. Intel igence Community in 2019 described Iran-linked Shia militia—whether PMF or not—as the “primary threat” to U.S. personnel in Iraq, and suggested that the threat posed by Iran-linked groups wil grow as they press for the United States to withdraw its forces from Iraq.47 In general, the popularity of the PMF and broadly expressed popular respect for the sacrifices made by individual volunteers in the fight against the Islamic State have created vexing political questions for Iraqi leaders and U.S. officials. These issues are complicated further by the apparent involvement of PMF fighters in human rights abuses and attacks on foreign military forces present in Iraq at the invitation of the Iraqi government. Since 2019, U.S. officials have accused some PMF personnel and associated figures of a range of human rights abuses.  In January 2020, the U.S. government designated Asa’ib Ahl al Haq (AAH) as a Foreign Terrorist Organization, and named two of its leaders, Qais and Laith al Khazali, as Special y Designated Global Terrorists (SDGTs).  In December 2019, the U.S. government designated the Khazalis for Global Magnitsky human rights-related sanctions. According to the U.S. Treasury Department, “during the late 2019 protests in many cities in Iraq, AAH has opened fire on and kil ed protesters.”48  The U.S. government similarly designated for human rights sanctions Husayn Falih Aziz (aka Abu Zaynab) al Lami, the security director for the PMF.49 According to the human rights designation notices, Qais al Khazali and Al Lami were “part of a committee of Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps-Qods Force (IRGC-QF) proxies that approved the use of lethal violence against protesters for the purpose of public intimidation.”  Earlier in 2019, the U.S. government listed Harakat Hezbol ah al Nujaba and its leader, Akram al Kabi, as SDGTs, and designated the commanders of the PMF 30th and 50th brigades for Global Magnitsky sanctions. U.S. policy seeks to support the long-term development of Iraq’s military, counterterrorism, and police services as alternatives to the continued use of PMF units to secure Iraq’s borders, communities, and territory recaptured from the Islamic State. PMF units continue to conduce operations against IS fighters in some areas, and redeployments or demobilization of PMF units could create new opportunities for IS fighters to exploit. U.S. military officials predicted in early 2019 that “competition over areas to operate and influence between the PMF and the ISF wil likely result in violence, abuse, and tension in areas where both entities operate.”50 Planning for New Elections Among protestors’ demands was a cal for early elections before those expected in 2022. For early elections to occur, two-thirds of the COR would have to vote to dissolve its current membership or the prime minister and president would have to jointly cal for early elections, to be held within 60 days. Both Prime Minister Al Kadhimi and President Salih have signaled their support for early elections. Amid protestor appeals, the COR adopted a new electoral law in December 2019 that would replace Iraq’s list-based election system with an individual candidate- and district-based system.51 However, the legislation did not fully define the terms and boundaries 46 See, U.S. Embassy Baghdad, “ Arming Ceremony at Al-T aqaddum Air Base in al-Habbaniya,” September 5, 2017; and, Ambassador Matthew H. T ueller, Statement for the Record, Senate Foreign Relations Committee, March 6, 2019. 47 Worldwide T hreat Assessment of the U.S. Intelligence Community, February 13, 2018. In Januar y 2019, the U.S. intelligence community assessed that the PMC/PMF “ plan to use newfound political power gained through positions in the new government to reduce or remove the U.S. military presence while competing with the Iraqi security forces for state resources.” Worldwide T hreat Assessment of the U.S. Intelligence Community, January 29, 2019. 48 T reasury Sanctions Iran-Backed Militia Leaders Who Killed Innocent Demonstrators in Iraq, December 6, 2019. 49 See Reuters, “Exclusive: Iran-backed militias deployed snipers in Iraq protests – sources,” October 17, 2019; Michael Knights, “Punishing Iran’s T riggermen in Iraq: Opening Moves in a Long Campaign,” Washington Institute for Near East Policy, PolicyWatch 3223, December 6, 2019. 50 LIG-OCO, Report to Congress on Operation Inherent Resolve, October 1-December 31, 2018. 51 In May, the U.N. Assistance Mission in Iraq reported to the Security Council that, “The final text of the electoral law, Congressional Research Service 15 Iraq: Issues in the 116th Congress for electoral districts or set out how the new system would provide for existing gender and ethnicity membership quotas.52 Some Sunni and Kurdish groups rejected the proposed law. As debate over refinement or amendment of the legislation continues, Iraqi leaders have not yet agreed on specific plans for holding an early national election. A new law for the Independent High Electoral Commission (IHEC) also adopted in December 2019 cal s for a panel of judges to lead expanded IHEC operations, creating new capacity and funding needs. The United Nations Assistance Mission in Iraq (UNAMI) works closely with IHEC, with U.S. support. Observers expect that Iraqi could hold elections in 2021 at the earliest, but differ over whether elections before the current early 2022 deadline should be a priority for Iraqis. In April and May, the Atlantic Council’s Abbas Khadim argued that “a snap election ...would not be held and introduce another government before the second half of 2021 at best.” Citing constitutional concerns, preparation costs, and political considerations, Khadim judged that “there would be no gain from such a process.”53 Writing in support of holding elections at the end of 2021, former U.S. National Security Council Director for Iraq Douglas Ol ivant argued that an early election would “have the virtue of a) giving the government time to prepare, b) costing the existing power structure little, by leaving power only four-six months early, and c) giving a smal win to the protesters, who can truthful y say they pushed elections into the preceding year.”54 Early elections under a revamped system could introduce new political currents and leaders, but fiscal pressures, political rivalries, and the limited capacity of some state institutions may present lasting hurdles to reform. The Administration told Senators in December that, ...nothing will change [in Iraq] until political leaders decide that government agencies should provide public services rather than serve as ATM machines for their parties. Until that happens, the people’s demands for a clean and effective government will not be met, no matter who serves as Prime Minister or in Cabinet positions.55 Following any new election—early or otherwise—government formation negotiations would recur, taking into consideration domestic and international developments over the interim period. Iraqi domestic debates over corruption, governance, and security, as wel as the ongoing regional struggle between Iran and the United States, have shaped the government formation and bilateral strategic dialogue in 2020 and would likely shape any forthcoming election in 2021 or beyond. Counterinsurgency and Stabilization Challenges Combatting Islamic State Insurgents Although the Islamic State’s exclusive control over distinct territories in Iraq ended in 2017, the U.S. intel igence community assessed in 2018 that the Islamic State had “started—and probably approved by the parliament in December 2019, has yet to be published in the official parliamentary gazette in the absence of a parliamentary decision on the delineation of constituencies and the apportionment of parliamentary seats among constituencies.” A consistent, nationwide districting process could require a census, which Iraq has not conducted since 1997. Census plans discussed since 2003 have been accompanied by significant political tensions. 52 See IFES, Elections in Iraq 2018: Council of Representatives Elections - Frequently Asked Questions, 2018. 53 Abbas Khadim, “ New Iraqi government must face a pandemic and oil price drop,” Atlantic Council – MENASource, May 7, 2020; Khadim, “Challenges for Iraq’s new government under Mustafa Al-Kadhimi,” Atlantic Council – MENASource, April 22, 2020. 54 Douglas Ollivant, “Keep Expectations Modest for Iraq’s New Government,” War on the Rocks, May 13, 2020. 55 Hood, Statement for the Record, SFRC-ME, op cit. Congressional Research Service 16 link to page 41 link to page 41 Iraq: Issues in the 116th Congress wil the country.5 Most Kurdish and Sunni COR members reportedly boycotted the session.

Those COR members present adopted by voice vote a parliamentary decision directing the Iraqi government to:

  • withdraw its request to the international anti-IS coalition for military support;
  • remove all foreign forces from Iraq and end the use of Iraq's territory, waters, and airspace by foreign militaries;
  • protest the U.S. airstrikes at the United Nations and in the U.N. Security Council as breaches of Iraqi sovereignty; and
  • investigate the U.S. strikes and report back to the COR within seven days.

On January 6, Prime Minister Abd al Mahdi met with U.S. Ambassador to Iraq Matthew Tueller and informed him of the COR's decision, requesting that the United States begin working with Iraq to implement the COR decision. In a statement, the prime minister's office reiterated Iraq's desire to avoid war, to resist being drawn into conflict between outsiders, and to maintain cooperative relations with the United States based on mutual respect.6 Amid subsequent reports that some U.S. military forces in Baghdad were planning to imminently reposition for force-protection reasons and "to prepare for onward movement," Secretary of Defense Mark Esper stated, "There has been no decision made to leave Iraq, period."7

On January 9, Prime Minister Abd al Mahdi asked Secretary of State Michael Pompeo to "send delegates to Iraq to prepare a mechanism to carry out the parliament's resolution regarding the withdrawal of foreign troops from Iraq."8 On January 10, the State Department released a statement saying "At this time, any delegation sent to Iraq would be dedicated to discussing how to best recommit to our strategic partnership, not to discuss troop withdrawal, but our right, appropriate force posture in the Middle East."9

Leaders in Iraq's Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) have endorsed the continuation of foreign military support for Iraq, but may be wary of challenging the authority of the national government if Baghdad issues departure orders to foreign partners. On January 7, Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) leader and former KRG President Masoud Barzani said, "we cannot be involved in any proxy wars."10

On January 8, Iran fired missiles at Iraqi military facilities hosting U.S. forces, damaging infrastructure but avoiding U.S. or Iraqi casualties. President Salih, COR Speaker Mohammed al Halbusi, and Iraq's Foreign Ministry described the Iranian attacks as violations of Iraq's sovereignty. Prime Minister Abd al Mahdi stated that his office was informed verbally as the strikes were under way and reiterated his government's desire to avoid war between outsiders inside of Iraq.11 Kata'ib Hezbollah issued a statement calling for its forces to avoid further provocations in furtherance of efforts to expel U.S. forces through political action, and Qa'is Khazali, leader of the Iran-aligned and U.S.-designated Asa'ib Ahl al Haq militia (AAH, Figure 5), warned that Iraqi groups would take their own revenge for the U.S. strike.12

Implications and Possible Options for the United States

The United States has long faced difficult choices in Iraq, and recent U.S.-Iran violence there appears to be complicating U.S. choices further. Even as the 2003 invasion unseated an adversarial regime, it unleashed more than a decade of violent insurgency and terrorism that divided Iraqis. This created opportunities for Iran to strengthen its influence in Iraq and across the region. Since 2003, the United States has invested both militarily and financially in stabilizing Iraq, but successive Administrations and Congresses have expressed frustration with the results of U.S. efforts. The U.S. government withdrew military forces from Iraq in accordance with Iraq's sovereign requests in 2011, but deteriorating security conditions soon led Iraqi leaders to request that U.S. and other international forces return. An exchange of diplomatic notes provided for the return of U.S. forces in 2014, and both the 2014 notes and the 2008 U.S.-Iraq Strategic Framework Agreement contain clauses providing for one-year notice before termination.

Since 2014, U.S. policy toward Iraq has focused on ensuring the defeat of the Islamic State as a transnational insurgent and terrorist threat, while laying the groundwork for what successive U.S. Administrations have expressed hope could be a long-term bilateral security, diplomatic, and economic partnership with Iraqis. U.S. and other foreign troops have operated in Iraq (Figure 1) at the invitation of the Iraqi government to conduct operations against Islamic State fighters, advise and assist Iraqi operations, and train and equip Iraqi security forces, including peshmerga forces associated with the Kurdistan Regional Government. Cooperative efforts have reduced the Islamic State threat, but Iraqi security needs remain considerable and officials on both sides never finalized detailed proposals for defining and pursuing a long-term collaboration.

Security cooperation has been the cornerstone of U.S.-Iraqi relations since 2014, but leaders in both countries have faced pressure to reexamine the impetus and terms for continued bilateral partnership. Some Iraqi political groups—including some with ties to Iran—pushed for U.S. and other foreign troops to depart in 2019, launching a campaign in the COR for a vote to evict U.S. forces. However, leading Iraqi officials rebuffed their efforts, citing the continued importance of foreign support to Iraq's security and the government's desire for security training for Iraqi forces. Domestic upheaval in Iraq and U.S.-Iran conflict in the months since now appear to have altered the views of some Iraqi officials, creating new opportunities for Iraqis who have long sought push U.S. and other foreign forces out.

The Trump Administration has sought proactively to challenge, contain, and roll back Iran's regional influence, while it has attempted to solidify a long-term partnership with the government of Iraq and to support Iraq's sovereignty, unity, security, and economic stability.13 These parallel (and sometimes competing) goals may raise several policy questions for U.S. officials and Members of Congress, including questions with regard to

  • the makeup and viability of the Iraqi government;
  • Iraqi leaders' approaches to Iran-backed groups and the future of Iraqi militia forces;
  • Iraq's compliance with U.S. sanctions on Iran;
  • the future extent and roles of the U.S. military presence in Iraq;
  • the terms and conditions associated with U.S. security assistance to Iraqi forces;
  • U.S. relations with Iraqi constituent groups such as the Kurds; and
  • potential responses to U.S. efforts to contain or confront Iran-aligned entities in Iraq or elsewhere in the region.

The U.S.-Iran confrontation in December 2019 and January 2020 illustrated the potential stakes of conflict involving Iran and the United States in Iraq for these issues.

Possible Scenarios

New or existing U.S. attempts to sideline Iran-backed Iraqi groups, via sanctions or other means, might challenge Iran's influence in Iraq in ways that could serve stated U.S. government goals vis-a-vis Iran, but also might entail risk inside Iraq. While a wide range of Iraqi actors have ties to Iran, the nature of those ties differs, and treating these diverse groups uniformly risks ostracizing potential U.S. partners or neglecting opportunities to create divisions between these groups and Iran. Recent strikes notwithstanding, the United States government has placed sanctions on some Iran-linked groups and individuals for threatening Iraq's stability, for violating the human rights of Iraqis, and for involvement in terrorism. Some analysts have argued "the timing and sequencing" of sanctions "is critical to maximizing desired effects and minimizing Tehran's ability to exploit Iraqi blowback."14 This logic may similarly apply to any forceful U.S. responses to attacks or provocations by Iran-aligned Iraqis.

U.S. efforts to counter Iranian activities in Iraq and elsewhere in the region also have the potential to complicate the pursuit of other U.S. in Iraq, including U.S. counter-IS operations and training. When President Trump in a February 2019 interview referred to the U.S. presence in Iraq as a tool to monitor Iranian activity, several Iraqi leaders raised concerns.15 Iran-aligned Iraqi groups then referred to President Trump's statements in their 2019 political campaign to force a U.S. withdrawal. As discussed above, U.S. strikes against Iranian and Iranian-aligned personnel in Iraq have precipitated a renewed effort to force Iraq's government to rescind its invitation to foreign militaries to operate in Iraq. Some Iran-aligned Iraqi groups have sought to exploit U.S. statements since the January 5 COR vote, arguing that the United States will not comply with sovereign Iraqi requests with regard to foreign troops.16

More broadly, future U.S. conflict with Iran and its allies in Iraq could disrupt relations among parties to an emergent transitional government in Baghdad, or even contribute to conditions leading to civil conflict among Iraqis, undermining the U.S. goal of ensuring the stability and authority of the Iraqi government. Iran also may seek to avoid these outcomes, concerned that conflict in Iraq could threaten its security.

With the mandate for continued security support now in question, U.S. decision-makers may consider a range of possible scenarios and policy options. Restoring the status quo ante in the wake of U.S.-Iran violence may be complicated by the apparent hardening of some Iraqis' political views of U.S. forces and of the implications of partnership with the United States for Iraq's security. A new Iraqi government or election could empower new decision-makers, but there is no guarantee that those in power would hold more favorable views of the United States or come to different conclusions about the merits of continued foreign military support.

Force-protection requirements led to a pause in U.S. and coalition training and advisory missions in January 2020, as Iran-aligned Iraqis and Iranian officials threatened retaliatory attacks against U.S. military targets.17 Enduring threats from Iran or Iran-aligned Iraqi groups, potentially amplified by any further rounds of conflict or facilitated by any weakening of the Iraqi security forces, could make maintaining the U.S. presence less viable or desirable. Armed groups could adopt a more actively hostile posture under circumstances in which the United States is perceived to be ignoring or defying requests from Iraqi authorities or to be violating Iraq's sovereignty.

A reduced and redefined U.S. military presence—if acceptable to Iraqis—could pursue a limited and less controversial mission set (e.g., more proscribed military operations or a focus solely on training), but also might still entail considerable force-protection requirements if prevailing security conditions persist or confrontation recurs. Iraqi leaders may face domestic political opposition in negotiating even a reduced enduring U.S. presence.

Other international actors appear more willing and capable of contributing to training efforts than to active counterterrorism operations and could compensate for that component of any reduced U.S. presence if Iraq's government endorses new arrangements. However, foreign troop contributors rely implicitly on force protection from the United States, and the U.S.-Iran confrontation in January 2020 also led to a temporary halt to the NATO training mission in Iraq. Some foreign troop contributors announced plans to reduce deployments in Iraq in conjunction with the crisis.

Recent U.S. assessments of the counter-IS campaign and the capabilities of Iraqi forces suggest that a reduced or training-only presence could create security risks. U.S. officials judge that the Islamic State poses a continuing and reorganizing threat in Iraq (see "Security Challenges Persist Across Iraq" below), while Iraqi forces remain dependent on international support for intelligence and air support to conduct effective operations. Islamic State fighters and other armed groups presumably could take advantage of any reduced operating capacity or tempo by Iraqi security forces associated with changes in coalition support or presence. A precipitous withdrawal of most or all U.S. and/or coalition military forces, whether preemptive or required, could carry greater security risks. Iran could be compelled to provide greater military assistance or operate more forcefully in Iraq to compensate for a loss of other foreign support for Iraq. This could expose Iran to greater criticism from Iraqis opposed to Iranian intervention and/or to foreign intervention in Iraq more broadly.

Under circumstances in which Iraqi authorities insist on changes or reductions in U.S. and coalition posture, compliance might have some diplomatic and strategic benefits. While Iranian allies could be expected to welcome such changes, other nationalist Iraqis might see the United States and other international actors as respecting Iraqi sovereignty and thus remain open to later attempts to redefine the terms of foreign security partnerships. As noted above, U.S. defiance, whether real or perceived, could invite backlash.

Is the United States Considering Sanctions on Iraq?18

President Trump has threatened to impose sanctions on Iraq, if Iraq forces U.S. troops to withdraw on unfriendly terms.19 Depending on the form such sanctions might take, they could elicit reciprocal hostility from Iraq and could complicate Iraq's economic ties to its neighbors and U.S. partners in Europe and Asia. If denied opportunities to build economic ties to the United States and U.S. partners, Iraqi leaders could instead mover closer to Iran, Russia, and/or China with whom they have already established close ties. Since 2018, Iraqi leaders have sought and received temporary relief from U.S. sanctions on Iran, in light of Iraq's continuing dependence on purchases of natural gas and electricity from Iran.20 The Trump Administration has serially granted temporary permissions for these transactions to continue, while encouraging Iraq to diversify its energy relationships with its neighbors and to become more energy independent. The Administration's most recent such sanction exemption for Iraq is set to expire in February 2020.

Some press reporting suggests that Administration officials have begun preparing to implement the President's sanctions threat if necessary and considering potential effects and consequences.21 On May 19, 2019, the Trump Administration renewed the national emergency with respect to the stabilization of Iraq declared in Executive Order 13303 (2003) as modified by subsequent executive orders.22 Sanctions could be based on the national emergency declared in the 2003 Executive Order, or the President could declare that recent events constitute a new, separate emergency under authorities stated in the National Emergency Act and International Emergency Economic Powers Act (NEA and IEEPA, respectively). Sanctions under IEEPA target U.S.-based assets and transactions with designated individuals; while a designation might not reap significant economic disruption, it can send a significant and purposefully humiliating signal to the international community about an individual or entity. The National Emergencies Act, at 50 U.S.C. 1622, provides a legislative mechanism for Congress to terminate a national emergency with enactment of a joint resolution of disapproval.

Short of declaring a national emergency, however, the President has broad authority to curtail foreign assistance (throughout the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 (22 U.S.C. 2151 et seq.), and related authorizations and appropriations), sales and leases of defense articles and services (particularly section 3 of the Arms Export Control Act; 22 U.S.C. 2753), and entry into the United States of Iraqi nationals (Immigration and Nationality Act; particularly at 8 U.S.C. 1189).

Possible Issues for Congress

Although current policy questions relate to the potential reduction or elimination of ongoing U.S. military efforts in Iraq, successive U.S. Administrations already have sought to keep U.S. involvement and investment minimal relative to the 2003-2011 era. The Obama and Trump Administrations have pursued U.S. interests through partnership with various entities in Iraq and the development of those partners' capabilities, rather than through extensive U.S. military deployments or outsized U.S. aid investments. That said, the United States remains the leading provider of security and humanitarian assistance to Iraq and supports post-IS stabilization activities across the country through grants to United Nations agencies and other entities. According to inspectors general reporting, reductions in the size of the U.S. civilian presence in Iraq during 2019 affected the ability of U.S. agencies to implement and monitor U.S. programs.23 Significant further reductions in U.S. civilian or military personnel levels could have additional implications for programs and conditions in Iraq and may require U.S. and Iraqi leaders to consider and pursue alternatives.

Congress has continued to authorize and appropriate aid for Iraq, but has not enacted comprehensive legislation defining its views on Iraq or offering alternative frameworks for bilateral partnership. Several enacted provisions have encouraged the executive branch to submit strategy and spending plans with regard to Iraq since 2017. The Trump Administration has requested appropriation of additional U.S. assistance since 2017, but also has called on Iraq to increase its contributions to security and stabilization efforts, while reorienting U.S. train and equip efforts to prioritize minimally viable counterterrorism capabilities and deemphasizing comprehensive goals for strengthening Iraq's security forces.

In December 2019, Congress enacted appropriations (P.L. 116-93 and P.L. 116-94) and authorization (P.L. 116-92) legislation providing for continued defense and civilian aid and partnership programs in Iraq in response to the Trump Administration's FY2020 requests. Appropriated funds in some cases are set to remain available through September 2021 to support military and civilian assistance should U.S.-Iraqi negotiations allow.

Members of Congress monitoring developments in Iraq, considering new Administration aid requests, and/or conducting oversight of executive branch initiatives may consider a range of related questions, including:

  • What are U.S. interests in Iraq? How can U.S. interests best be achieved?
  • How necessary is a continued U.S. military presence in Iraq? What alternatives exist? What tradeoffs and benefits might these alternatives pose?
  • What effect might a precipitous U.S. withdrawal from Iraq have on the security of Iraq? How might the redeployment of Iraq-based forces to other countries in the CENTCOM area of responsibility affect regional perceptions and security?
  • How might the withdrawal of U.S. and other international forces shape Iraqi political dynamics, including the behavior of government and militia forces toward protestors and the relationships between majority and minority communities across the country?
  • If U.S.-Iraqi security cooperation were to end, how might Iraq compensate? If the United States were to impose sanctions on Iraq or defy Iraqi orders to leave, how might Iraq respond? How might related scenarios affect U.S. security interests?

Table 1. Iraq: At a Glance

 

Area: 438,317 sq. km (slightly more than three times the size of New York State)

Population: 40.194 million (July 2018 estimate), ~58% are 24 years of age or under

Internally Displaced Persons: 1.4 million (October 31, 2019)

Religions: Muslim 99% (55-60% Shia, 40% Sunni), Christian <0.1%, Yazidi <0.1%

Ethnic Groups: Arab 75-80%; Kurdish 15-20%; Turkmen, Assyrian, Shabak, Yazidi, other ~5%.

Gross Domestic Product [GDP; growth rate]: $224.2 billion (2018); -0.6% (2018)

Budget (revenues; expenditure; balance): $89 billion, $112 billion, -$23 billion (2019 est.)

Percentage of Revenue from Oil Exports: 92% (2018)

Current Account Balance: $15.5 billion (2018)

Oil and natural gas reserves: 142.5 billion barrels (2017 est., fifth largest); 3.158 trillion meters3 (2017 est.)

External Debt: $73.43 billion (2017 est.)

Foreign Reserves: ~$64.7 billion (2018)

Sources: Graphic created by CRS using data from U.S. State Department and Esri. Country data from CIA, The World Factbook, International Monetary Fund, Iraq Ministry of Finance, and International Organization for Migration.

Figure 1. Iraq: Areas of Influence and Operation

As of December 2, 2019

Source: Congressional Research Service using ArcGIS, IHS Markit Conflict Monitor, U.S. government, and United Nations data.

Notes: Areas of influence are approximate and subject to change.

Political Dynamics

Transition Expected in 2020 as Iraqis Demand Change

Since the U.S.-led ouster of Saddam Hussein in 2003, Iraq's Shia Arab majority has exercised greater national power both in concert and in competition with the country's Sunni Arab and Kurdish minorities. Sunnis led Hussein's regime, which repressed Kurdish, Shia, and Sunni opposition movements. While intercommunal identities and rivalries remain politically relevant, competition among Shia movements and coalition building across communal groups had become major factors in Iraqi politics as of 2019. Notwithstanding their ethnic and religious diversity and political differences, many Iraqis advance similar demands for improved security, government effectiveness, and economic opportunity. Some Iraqi politicians have broadened their political and economic narratives in an attempt to appeal to disaffected citizens across the country. Years of conflict, poor service delivery, corruption, and sacrifice have strained the population's patience with the status quo, adding to the pressures that leaders face from the country's uncertain domestic and regional security environment.

In 2019, a mass protest movement began channeling these nationalist, nonsectarian sentiments and frustrations into potent rejections of the post-2003 political order, the creation of which many Iraqis attribute to U.S. intervention in Iraq.24 Governance in Iraq since 2003 has reflected a quota-based distribution of leadership and administrative positions based on ethno-sectarian identity and political affiliation. Voters have elected legislative representatives based on a party list system, but government formation has been determined by deal-making that has often included unelected elites and been influenced by foreign powers, including Iran and the United States.

In principle, this apportionment system, referred to in Iraq as muhassasa, has deferred potential conflict between identity groups and political rivals by dividing influence and access to state resources along negotiated lines that do not completely exclude any major group.25 In practice, the system has enabled patronage networks to treat governance and administrative functions as a source of private benefit and political sustenance. Government service delivery and economic opportunity have suffered. Corruption has spread, resulting in abuse of power and enabling foreign exploitation. The result has been what one U.S. official described in December 2019 as a "growing revulsion for Iraq's political elite by the rest of the population."26

Protestor calls for improved governance, reliable local services, more trustworthy and capable security forces, and greater economic opportunity broadly correspond to stated U.S. goals for Iraq. However, U.S. officials have not endorsed demands for an immediate transition, and stated in December 2019 that they were taking care "not to portray these protestors as pro-American."27

Instead, U.S. officials have advocated for protestors' rights to demonstrate and express themselves freely without coercive force or undue restrictions on media and communications.28 In a series of statements over several weeks, U.S. officials urged Iraqi leaders to respond seriously to protestors' demands and to avoid attacks against unarmed protestors, while expressing broad U.S. goals for continued partnership with "a free and independent and sovereign Iraq."29

  • In November, the White House called on the Iraqi government to "fulfill President [Barham] Salih's promises to pass electoral reform and hold early elections."30
  • After the killing of dozens of additional protestors in late November, Secretary of State Michael Pompeo and other officials said that the Administration "will not hesitate" to use tools at its disposal, "including designations under the Global Magnitsky Act, to sanction corrupt individuals who are stealing the public wealth of the Iraqi people and those killing and wounding peaceful protesters."31
  • On December 2, Assistant Secretary of State for Near East Affairs David Schenker called on Iraqi leaders "to investigate and hold accountable" individuals responsible for attacks on protestors and to reject "the distorting influence Iran has exerted on the political process."32
  • On December 6, the U.S. Department of the Treasury announced Global Magnitsky sanctions against "three leaders of Iran-backed militias in Iraq that opened fire on peaceful protests" and an Iraqi millionaire businessman "for bribing government officials and engaging in corruption at the expense of the Iraqi people."33 Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin said, "Iran's attempts to suppress the legitimate demands of the Iraqi people for reform of their government through the slaughter of peaceful demonstrators is appalling."

U.S. officials acknowledge that "there have been Iraqi military leaders and units implicated" in some cases of violence, but also have noted that there is uncertainty about responsibility in other cases.34 U.S. officials have stated they are actively reviewing reports of violence against protestors to inform future decisions about the participation of Iraqi officers and military and federal police units in U.S. security assistance programs, even if the future of such assistance programs is now in question.35 Some Iraqis perceive U.S. strikes in December 2019 and January 2020 as violations of Iraq sovereignty and may question related U.S. commitments.

Prime Minister Adel Abd al Mahdi's resignation marked the beginning of what may be an extended political transition period that reopens several contentious issues for debate and negotiation. Principal decisions now before Iraqi leaders concern 1) identification and endorsement of a caretaker prime minister and cabinet, 2) implementation of adopted electoral system reforms, and 3) the proposed holding of parliamentary and provincial government elections in 2020. Following new elections, government formation negotiations would recur, taking into consideration domestic and international developments over the interim period.

Selection of a caretaker administration has been delayed amid differences of opinion over which political entities have the right to nominate candidates and whether or not specific nominees are likely to enjoy the support of protest movement. The Bin'a bloc (see "May 2018 Election, Unrest, and Government Formation" below) has been identified as the largest bloc for the purposes of selecting a prime ministerial candidate to replace Abd al Mahdi, but Bin'a leaders, other COR members, and President Salih have differed over the appropriateness of Bin'a candidates. A fifteen-day deadline for the naming of a replacement prime minister lapsed in mid-December.

The COR adopted a new electoral law and a new law for the Independent High Electoral Commission (IHEC) in December, replacing Iraq's list-based election system with an individual candidate- and district-based system that may require a census to be effectively implemented. Iraq has not conducted a census since 1997, and census plans discussed since 2003 have been accompanied by significant political tensions.

Early elections under a revamped system could introduce new political currents and leaders, but fiscal pressures, political rivalries, and the limited capacity of some state institutions may present lasting hurdles to reform. Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary of State Joey Hood told Senators in December that, "nothing will change [in Iraq] until political leaders decide that government agencies should provide public services rather than serve as ATM machines for their parties. Until that happens, the people's demands for a clean and effective government will not be met, no matter who serves as Prime Minister or in Cabinet positions."36

May 2018 Election, Unrest, and Government Formation

Iraqis held national legislative elections in May 2018, electing members for four-year terms in the 329 seat Council of Representatives (COR), Iraq's unicameral legislature. Turnout was lower in the 2018 COR election than in past national elections, and reported irregularities led to a months-long recount effort that delayed certification of the results until August. Political factions spent the summer months negotiating in a bid to identify the largest bloc within the COR—the parliamentary bloc charged with proposing a prime minister and new Iraqi cabinet (Figure 2).

The distribution of seats and alignment of actors precluded the emergence of a dominant coalition (see textbox below). The Sa'irun (On the March) coalition led by populist Shia cleric and longtime U.S. antagonist Muqtada al Sadr's Istiqama (Integrity) list placed first in the election (54 seats), followed by the predominantly Shia Fatah (Conquest) coalition led by Hadi al Ameri of the Badr Organization (48 seats). Fatah includes several individuals formerly associated with the Popular Mobilization Committee (PMC) and its militias—the mostly Shia PMF. Those elected include some figures with ties to Iran (see "The Future of the Popular Mobilization Forces" and Figure 5 below).

Former Prime Minister Haider al Abadi's Nasr (Victory) coalition underperformed expectations to place third (42 seats), while former Prime Minister Nouri al Maliki's State of Law coalition, Ammar al Hakim's Hikma (Wisdom) list, and Iyad Allawi's Wataniya (National) list also won significant blocs of seats. Among Kurdish parties, the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) won the most seats, and smaller Kurdish opposition lists protested alleged irregularities. As negotiations continued, Nasr and Sa'irun members joined with others to form the Islah (Reform) bloc in the COR, while Fatah and State of Law formed the core of a rival Bin'a (Reconstruction) bloc.

Under an informal agreement developed through the formation of successive governments, Iraq's Prime Minister has been a Shia Arab, the President has been a Kurd, and the COR Speaker has been a Sunni Arab.

Figure 2. Iraq: Select Political and Religious Figures

In September 2018, the newly elected COR elected Mohammed al Halbousi, the Sunni Arab governor of Anbar, as COR Speaker. Hassan al Kaabi of the Sa'irun list and Bashir Hajji Haddad of the KDP were elected as First and Second Deputy Speaker, respectively.

Iraq's 2018 National Legislative Election

Seats won by Coalition/Party

Coalition/Party

Seats Won

Sa'irun

54

Fatah

48

Nasr

42

Kurdistan Democratic Party

25

State of Law

25

Wataniya

21

Hikma

19

Patriotic Union of Kurdistan

18

Qarar

14

Others

63

Source: Iraq Independent High Electoral Commission.

In October 2018, the COR met to elect Iraq's President, with rival Kurdish parties nominating competing candidates.37 COR members chose the PUK candidate–former KRG Prime Minister and former Iraqi Deputy Prime Minister Barham Salih—in the second round of voting. Salih, in turn, named former Oil Minister Adel Abd al Mahdi as Prime Minister-designate and directed him to assemble a slate of cabinet officials for COR approval. Abd al Mahdi, a Shia Arab, was a consensus leader acceptable to the rival Shia groups in the Islah and Bina blocs, but he does not lead a party or parliamentary group of his own.38 Through 2019, this appeared to limit Abd al Mahdi's ability to assert himself relative to others who have large followings or command armed factions. COR confirmed most of Abd al Mahdi's cabinet nominees immediately, but the main political blocs remained at an impasse for months over several cabinet positions.

As government formation talks proceeded during summer 2018, large protests and violence in southern Iraq highlighted some citizens' outrage with electricity and water shortages, lack of economic opportunity, and corruption. Unrest appeared to be amplified in some instances by citizens' anger about heavy-handed responses by security forces and militia groups. Dissatisfaction exploded in the southern province of Basra during August and September 2018, culminating in several days and nights of mass demonstrations and the burning by protestors of the Iranian consulate in Basra and the offices of many leading political groups and militia movements. Similar conditions, sentiments, and events resurfaced in 2019, fueling the mass protest movement that demanded and secured Prime Minister Abd al Mahdi's resignation at the end of November 2019. A transitional administration and any newly elected leaders are expected to face significant political pressure to address popular demands and grievances.

Security Challenges Persist Across Iraq

Although the Islamic State's exclusive control over distinct territories in Iraq ended in 2017, the U.S. intelligence community assessed in 2018 that the Islamic State had "started—and probably will maintain—a robust insurgency in Iraq and Syria as part of a long-term strategy to ultimately enable the reemergence of its so-called caliphate."39cal ed caliphate.”56 In January 2019, then-Director of National IntelligenceIntel igence Dan Coats told Congress that the Islamic State "remains a terrorist and insurgent threat and will wil seek to exploit Sunni grievances with Baghdad and societal instability to eventually to eventual y regain Iraqi territory against Iraqi security forces that are stretched thin."40 U.S. officials have reported that through October 2019, the Islamic State group in Iraq continued "to solidify and expand its command and control structure in Iraq, but had not increased its capabilities in areas where the Coalition was present."41 Combined Joint Task Force-Operation Inherent Resolve (CJTF-OIR) judged that IS fighters "continued to regroup in desert and mountainous areas where there is little to no local security presence" but were "incapable of conducting large-scale attacks."

The legacy of the war with the Islamic State strains security in Iraq in two other important ways. First, the Popular Mobilization Committee (PMC) and its militias—the mostly Shia Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) recruited to fight the Islamic State—have been recognized as enduring components of Iraq's national security establishment. This is the case even as some PMF units appear to operate outside the bounds of their authorizing legislation and the control of the Prime Minister. The U.S. intelligence community considers Iran-linked Shia elements of the PMF to be the "the primary threat to U.S. personnel" in Iraq.42

Second, national and KRG forces remain deployed across from each other along contested lines of control while their respective leaders are engaged in negotiations over a host of sensitive issues. Following a Kurdish referendum on independence in 2017, the Iraqi government expelled Kurdish peshmerga from some disputed territories they had secured from the Islamic State, and IS fighters now appear to be exploiting gaps in ISF and Kurdish security to survive. PMF units remain active throughout the territories in dispute between the Iraqi national government and the federally recognized Kurdistan Region of northern Iraq, with local populations in some areas opposed to the PMF presence.

Seeking the "Enduring Defeat" of the Islamic State

As of January 2020, Iraqi security operations against IS fighters are ongoing in governorates in which the group formerly controlled territory or operated—Anbar, Ninewa, Salah al Din, Kirkuk, and Diyala. Some of these operations are conducted without U.S. and coalition support, while others are partnered with U.S. and coalition forces or supported by U.S. and coalition forces. The Coalition and Iraqi operations are intended to disrupt IS fighters' efforts to reestablish themselves as an organized threat and keep them separated from population centers”57 IS leader Abu Bakr al Baghdadi kil ed himself to avoid capture by U.S. forces in an October 2019 operation against his compound in Idlib, Syria, though according to defense officials, his death “did not result in any immediate degradation to ISIS’s capabilities.”58 His replacement, Amir Mohammed Said Abd al Rahman al Mawla (aka al Mawla), has not established a comparable international profile. Thousands of IS fighters have dispersed in rural and remote areas of Syria and Iraq, posing a threat to local security forces, U.S. and coalition forces, and civilians. In May 2020, Combined Joint Task Force- Operation Inherent Resolve (CJTF-OIR) reported that the Islamic State continues to wage “a low-level insurgency” but cannot hold territory in Iraq and Syria.59 In March 2020, CENTCOM reported to Congress that “most of the U.S. intel igence community predicts that without sustained pressure levied against it, ISIS has the potential to reconstitute in Iraq and Syria in short order, beyond the current capabilities of the U.S. to neutralize it without a capable, partnered ground force.”60 In July, U.S. CENTCOM Commander Gen. Kenneth McKenzie predicted that a low-level IS threat would remain “endemic.”61 U.S. officials have noted the ability of Islamic State insurgents to exploit weak security and governance in territory disputed between the Kurdistan region and the rest of Iraq. In July 2020, Iraqi national government officials announced that they would establish cooperative security centers with KRG counterparts to monitor security in some disputed areas.62 At the Iraqi government’s invitation, U.S. and other international military forces have remained in Iraq in the wake of the Islamic State’s 2017 defeat in order to help Iraqi forces combat remaining IS fighters and build the capacity of Iraqi partner forces (see “Security Cooperation and U.S. Training” below). U.S. military officials stopped official y reporting the size of the U.S. force in Iraq in 2017, but have confirmed that there has been a reduction in the number of U.S. military personnel and changes in U.S. capabilities in Iraq since that time.63 Oversight reporting in 2020 has referred to “roughly 5,000 troops” in Iraq.64 As of July 2020, 96 U.S. troops have been kil ed or have died as part of Operation Inherent Resolve (OIR), and 230 have been wounded.65 56 Worldwide T hreat Assessment of the U.S. Intelligence Community, February 13, 2018. 57 Worldwide T hreat Assessment of the U.S. Intelligence Community, January 29, 2019. 58 LIG-OCO, Report to Congress on Operation Inherent Resolve, October 1-December 31, 2019. 59 LIG-OCO, Report to Congress on Operation Inherent Resolve, January 1-March 31, 2020. 60 U.S. CENT COM Commander Gen. Kenneth McKenzie, House Armed Services Committee, March 10, 2020. 61 Jeff Seldin, “U.S. Efforts to Deal Islamic State ‘Enduring Defeat’ on Hold,” Voice of America, July 16, 2020. 62 Lawk Ghafuri, “Security gap in some of Iraq’s disputed territories reaches up to 13 square kilometers in size: Iraqi military official,” Rudaw (Erbil), July 10, 2020. 63 In February 2019, outgoing U.S. Ambassador to Iraq Douglas Silliman said, “At the request of the Iraqi Government and in full cooperat ion with Baghdad, just over 5,000 American forces continue to partner with the Iraqi Security Forces on their bases to advise, train, and equip them to ensure the lasting defeat of Daesh and to defend Iraq’s borders.” See Gen. Votel, T estimony before the House Armed Services Committee, February 27, 2018; and U.S. Embassy Baghdad, “Ambassador Silliman bids Farewell to Iraq,” February 5, 2019. 64 LIG-OCO, Report to Congress on Operation Inherent Resolve, October 1-December 31, 2019. 65 Department of Defense Casualty Analysis System, U.S. Military Casualties - Operation Inherent Resolve (OIR) Military Deaths and Wounded in Action, July 10, 2020. Among military deaths, 21 were the result of hostile action. Congressional Research Service 17 link to page 23 link to page 24 link to page 25 Iraq: Issues in the 116th Congress U.S. military officials credit their Iraqi partners with conducting increasingly independent counterterrorism and counterinsurgency operations. As noted above, U.S.-Iran tensions and violence led to the temporary suspension of U.S. and Coalition counter-IS operations and related training in January 2020 for force-protection reasons.

Press Cooperation later resumed, but training has remained limited due to distancing imposed by COVID-19 transmission concerns. Iraqi operations seek to disrupt IS fighters’ efforts to reestablish themselves as an organized threat, keep them separated from population centers, and pursue them in remote redoubts. Press accounts and U.S. government reports describe continuing IS attacks on Iraqi Security Forces and Popular Mobilization Forces, particularly in rural areas. Independent analysts have described dynamics in parts of these governorates in which IS fighters threaten, intimidate, and kill kil citizens in areas at night or where Iraq's national security forces are absent.4366 In some areas, new displacement has occurred as civilians have fled IS attacks. Overall, however, through 2018, violence Violence against civilians dropped considerably from its 2014 highs through the end of 2018 (Figure 4), but some independent analysts argue that the Islamic State is showing “very significant resilience” in Iraq and warn that the effects of COVID-19 and U.S.-Iran tensions may create “unexpectedly favorable conditions in which to continue—or even accelerate—its recovery.”67 Press reports and IS claims suggest that attacks increased relative to 2019 (Figure 5) during the period before and during Ramadan in 2020, with most attacks and security operations occurring in Kirkuk, Diyala, Salah al-Din, Ninewa, and Anbar governorates (Figure 6). Figure 4(Figure 3). In cities like Mosul and Baghdad residents and visitors enjoyed increased freedom of movement and security, although IS activity was reported in Mosul and fatal security incidents have occurred in areas near Baghdad and several other locations since 2019 (Figure 4).

Figure 3. Estimated Iraqi Civilian Casualties from Conflict and Terrorism

United Nations Assistance Mission in Iraq (UNAMI) Estimates of Monthly Casualties, 2012-2018

Source: United Nations Assistance Mission in Iraq. Some Notes: Some months lack data from some governorates. UNAMI stopped metric reporting in December 2018. 66 See Hassan Hassan, “Insurgents Again: T he Islamic State’s Calculated Reversion to Attrition in the Syria-Iraq Border Region and Beyond,” CTC Sentinel, Vol. 10, Issue 11, December 2017; Derek Henry Flood, “From Caliphate to Caves: T he Islamic State’s Asymmetric War in Northern Iraq,” USMA CT C Sentinel, Vol. 11, Issue 8, September 2018; Anthony H. Cordesman, Abdullah T oukan, and Max Molot, The Return of ISIS in Iraq, Syria, and the Middle East, Center for Strategic and International Studies, September 3, 2019; and Louisa Loveluck and Must afa Salim, “ ISIS exploits Iraq’s coronavirus lockdown to step up attacks,” Washington Post, May 8, 2020. 67 Michael Knights and Alex Almeida, “Remaining and Expanding: T he Recovery of Islamic State Operations in Iraq in 2019-2020,” CTC Sentinel, Vol. 13, Issue 5, May 2020. Congressional Research Service 18 Iraq: Issues in the 116th Congress Figure 5. Iraq: Reported Islamic State-Related Security Incidents with Fatalities, 2019 January 1, 2019 to December 31, 2019 Source: Prepared by CRS. Incident data from Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project (ACLED). Available at https://acleddata.com. Area of Influence data from IHS Janes Conflict Monitor, December 2, 2019. Congressional Research Service 19 Iraq: Issues in the 116th Congress Figure 6. Iraq: Reported Islamic State-Related Security Incidents with Fatalities, 2020 January 1, 2020 to June 30, 2020 Source: Prepared by CRS. Incident data from Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project (ACLED). Available at https://acleddata.com. Area of Influence data from IHS Janes Conflict Monitor, July 8, 2020. Congressional Research Service 20 Iraq: Issues in the 116th Congress U.S. Assessments of the Iraqi Security Forces U.S. assessments of the Iraqi Security Forces (ISF) in 2020 have emphasized the “increasingly independent” nature of Iraqi operations, stating that Iraqi forces can now “handle most aspects of a counter-insurgency autonomously.”68 U.S. tactical assistance to Iraqi operations appears limited to joint special operations missions, intel igence sharing, and some combat air support. Iraqi commanders’ use of their own air assets for intel igence, surveil ance, and reconnaissance (ISR) remains limited, according to U.S. officials.69 In July 2020, the coalition announced a transition of its Task Force-Iraq advising element to a smal er Military Advisor Group central y located in and around Baghdad to advise Iraqi commanders on operational-level planning.70 U.S. assessments in late 2019 had emphasized limitations in the wil and capability of ISF units to “find and fix” targets or exploit intel igence without assistance from coalition partners.71 More recent assessments note increased ISF efforts to clear remote areas where IS fighters operate, but judge that “the ISF continued to struggle to integrate the use of ISR and fires assets into their operations.”72 Similarly, U.S. assessments acknowledge the intel igence and reconnaissance capabilities of specialized Counterterrorism Service (CTS) units, but judge that “most CTS units” in early 2020 “were limited in their capacity to coordinate the maneuver of multiple subordinate elements in complex operations.”73 PMF units continue to conduct anti-IS operations in areas of eastern Iraq, and frequently suffer casualties in clashes with IS fighters and from IS attacks. governorates.

U.S. officials reported that through October 2019, the Islamic State group in Iraq continued "to solidify and expand its command and control structure in Iraq, but had not increased its capabilities in areas where the Coalition was present."44 CJTF-OIR judged that IS fighters "continued to regroup in desert and mountainous areas where there is little to no local security presence" but were "incapable of conducting large-scale attacks."

November 2019 oversight reporting cited CJTF-OIR as describing the Iraqi Security Forces as lacking sufficient personnel to hold and constantly patrol remote terrain. According to the cited CJTF-OIR reporting to the DOD inspector general, Iraq's Counterterrorism Service (CTS) has "dramatically improved" its ability "to integrate, synchronize, direct, and optimize counterterrorism operations," and some CTS brigades are able to sustain unilateral operations.45

U.S. officials report that ISF units are capable of conducting security operations in and around population centers and assaulting identified targets, but judge that many ISF units lack the will and capability to "find and fix" targets or exploit intelligence without assistance from coalition partners. According to November 2019 reporting:

CJTF-OIR said that most commands within the ISF will not conduct operations to clear ISIS insurgents in mountainous and desert terrain without Coalition air cover, intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (ISR), and coordination. Instead, ISF commands rely on the Coalition to monitor "points of interest" and collect ISR for them. Despite ongoing training, CJTF-OIR said that the ISF has not changed its level of reliance on Coalition forces for the last 9 months and that Iraqi commanders continue to request Coalition assets instead of utilizing their own systems.46

These conditions and trends suggest that while the capabilities of IS fighters remain limited at present, IS personnel and other armed groups could exploit persistent weaknesses in ISF capabilities to reconstitute the threats they poseand/or CTS/PMF capabilities to gradual y reconstitute the IS threat to Iraq and neighboring countries. This may be particularly true with regard to remote areas of Iraq or under circumstances where security forces remain otherwise occupied withface additional crowd control or force-protection duties that divert personnel or limited ISR assets. NATO Mission Iraq In paral el to coalition efforts, NATO agreed in 2018 to launch NATO Mission Iraq (NMI) to support Iraqi security sector reform and military professional development. NMI’s 500 personnel advise Iraq’s Ministry of Defense, Office of the National Security Advisor, and the Prime Minister’s National Operations Centre among others, and provide “train-the-trainer” programs at Iraqi military academies.74 68 LIG-OCO, Report to Congress on Operation Inherent Resolve, January 1 -March 31, 2020. 69 Ibid. 70 CJT F-OIR, Coalition T ask Force-Iraq transitions to Military Advisor Group, July 4, 2020. 71 LIG-OCO, Report to Congress on Operation Inherent Resolve, July 1-October 25, 2019. “ CJT F-OIR said that most commands within the ISF will not conduct operations to clear ISIS insurgents in mountainous and desert terrain without Coalition air cover, intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (ISR), and coordination. Instead, ISF commands rely on the Coalition to monitor “points of interest” and collect ISR for them. Despite ongoing training, CJT F-OIR said that the ISF has not changed its level of reliance on Coalition forces for the last 9 months and tha t Iraqi commanders continue to request Coalition assets instead of utilizing their own systems. ” 72 LIG-OCO, Report to Congress on Operation Inherent Resolve, January 1 -March 31, 2020. 73 Ibid. 74 NAT O Mission Iraq, Fact Sheet, June 2020. Congressional Research Service 21 link to page 34 Iraq: Issues in the 116th Congress Stabilization and Reconstruction U.S. Support for U.N. Stabilization Stabilizing areas formerly held by the Islamic State group and/or damaged in counter-operations has required investments in infrastructure and housing along with support for economic development and communal dialogue. In a June 2020 visit to Mosul, Prime Minister Al Kadhimi solicited opinions from citizens on the region’s most pressing reconstruction needs, in turn articulating his own list of needs, including government revenue, a reconstruction ethos free from corruption, and reconciliation within the community.The U.S. government directs most stabilization assistance to areas of Iraq liberated from the Islamic State through the United Nations Development Program (UNDP)-administered Funding Facility for Stabilization (FFS).75 According to UNDP data as of April 2020, the FFS has received $1.29 bil ion in resources since its inception in mid-2015, with 2,320 projects reported completed with the support of UNDP-managed funding.76 Looking forward, UNDP is proposing a second phase of its stabilization efforts in Iraq—Stabilization Plus—which would extend the mandate of FFS until December 2023, to fulfil stabilization needs within the same geographic areas and sector under its mandate. According to UNDP, a steering committee chaired by the government of Iraq sets overal stabilization priorities for the FFS program, with governorate-level Iraqi authorities directly responsible for implementation. In January 2019, UNDP identified $426 mil ion in stabilization program funding shortfal s in five priority areas in Ninewa, Anbar, and Salah al Din governorates “deemed to be the most at risk to future conflict” and “integral for the broader stabilization of Iraq.”77 By the end of 2019, that funding gap had narrowed to $205 mil ion.78 While the 2019 mass protests did not take place in areas where FFS operates, UNDP noted that greater programmatic agility was required to adapt to a changing security and political context.79 UNDP officials have reported that earmarking of funding by donors “can result in funding being directed away from areas highlighted by the Iraqi authorities as being in great need.”80 Trump Administration requests to Congress for FY2018-FY2021 monies for Iraq programs included proposals to fund continued U.S. contributions to post-IS stabilization. The Trump Administration has notified Congress of foreign aid obligations for U.N.-managed stabilization programs during 2018, 2019, and 2020. This included funds to support stabilization in Anbar governorate, beyond the areas of Ninewa governorate where the Administration has directed most U.S. stabilization assistance since 2017 (see “Issues Affecting Religious and Ethnic Minorities” below). U.S. officials continue to seek greater Iraqi and international contributions to stabilization efforts in both Iraq and Syria. 75 FFS includes a Funding Facility for Immediate Stabilization (FFIS), a Funding Facility for Expanded Stabilization (FFES), and Economic Reform Facilities for the national government and the KRI. U.S. contributions to FFIS support stabilization activities under each of its “ Four Windows”: (1) light infrastructure rehabilitation, (2) livelihoods support, (3) local official capacity building, and (4) community reconciliation programs. 76 UNDP-Iraq, Funding Facility for Stabilization Annual Report 2019, April 15 , 2020. 77 UNDP-Iraq, Funding Facility for Stabilization Quarter III Report - 2018, January 3, 2019. 78 UNDP-Iraq, Funding Facility for Stabilization Annual Report 2019, April 15, 2020. 79 UNDP also cited challenges in 2019 arising from “the inherently complex and unpredictable nature of large-scale rehabilitation work.” Past UNDP FFS self-assessments highlighted rapid growth in the number of projects undertaken nationwide since 2016 and resulting strains created on program systems including procurement, management, and monitoring. UNDP-Iraq, Funding Facility for Stabilization Annual Report 2019, April 15, 2020. 80 UNDP response to CRS inquiry, May 2018. Congressional Research Service 22 Iraq: Issues in the 116th Congress Donor Support and Development Prospects At a February 2018 reconstruction conference in Kuwait, Iraqi authorities described more than $88 bil ion in short- and medium-term reconstruction needs, spanning various sectors and different areas of the country.81 Countries participating in the conference offered approximately $30 bil ion worth of loans, investment pledges, export credit arrangements, and grants in response. The Trump Administration actively supported the participation of U.S. companies in the conference and announced its intent to pursue $3 bil ion in Export-Import Bank support for Iraq. In October 2019, Iraq and the United States signed a memorandum of understanding increasing this potential support to $5 bil ion.82 Iraqi leaders have hoped to attract considerable private sector investment to help finance reconstruction needs and underwrite a new economic chapter for the country, but investment has not met hoped for levels since the Islamic State’s defeat at the end of 2017. The size of Iraq’s internal market and its advantages as a low-cost energy producer with identified infrastructure investment needs help make it attractive to investors. However, overcoming persistent concerns about security, service reliability, and corruption has proven chal enging. Foreign firms active in Iraq’s oil sector evacuated some foreign personnel during U.S.-Iran confrontations in December 2019 and January 2020, and further departures have accompanied the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic. Parties exploring investment opportunities may consider the security situation, Iraqi government’s ongoing response to the demands of protestors, COVID-19 outcomes, and the success or failure of new authorities in pursuing reforms. Is the United States Considering Sanctions on Iraq?83 In January 2020, President Trump threatened to impose sanctions on Iraq if Iraqi leaders force U.S. troops to withdraw on unfriendly terms.84 U.S. and Iraqi officials since have engaged in strategic dialogue that U.S. military officials expect wil result in a sustained, if reduced U.S. presence. The United States government has waived existing Iran-related sanctions on Iraqi energy transactions, but not permanently. U.S. officials have sanctioned some Iran-linked Iraqi groups and individuals for threatening Iraq’s stability, for violating the human rights of Iraqis, and for involvement in terrorism. Some analysts have argued “the timing and sequencing” of sanctions “is critical to maximizing desired effects and minimizing Tehran’s ability to exploit Iraqi blowback.”85 This logic may similarly apply to any forceful U.S. responses to attacks or provocations by Iran-aligned Iraqis. On May 20, 2020, the Trump Administration renewed the national emergency with respect to the stabilization of Iraq declared in Executive Order 13303 (2003) as modified by subsequent executive orders.86 Any future sanctions could be based on the national emergency declared in the 2003 Executive Order, or the President could declare that related events constitute a new, separate emergency under authorities stated in the National Emergency Act and International Emergency Economic Powers Act (NEA and IEEPA, respectively). Sanctions under IEEPA target U.S.-based assets and transactions with designated individuals; while a designation might not reap significant economic disruption, it can send a significant signal to the international community about an individual or entity. The National Emergencies Act, at 50 U.S.C. 1622, provides a legislative mechanism for Congress to terminate a national emergency with enactment of a joint resolution of disapproval. 81 Iraq Ministry of Planning, Reconstruction and Development Framework, February 2018. 82 Export-Import Bank of the United States, October 16, 2019. 83 Dianne Rennack, Specialist in Foreign Policy Legislation contributed to this section. 84 Maggie Haberman, “ T rump T hreatens Iranian Cultural Sites, and Warns of Sanctions on Iraq,” New York Times, January 5, 2020. Some press reporting suggests that Administration officials have begun preparing to implement the President’s sanctions threat if necessary and considering potential effects and consequences. Jeff Stein and Josh Dawsey, “After T rump’s threat, administration begins drafting possible sanctions on Iraq,” Washington Post, January 6, 2019. 85 Michael Knights, et al., “T he Smart Way to Sanction Iranian -Backed Militias in Iraq,” Washington Institute for Near East Policy, September 17, 2018. 86 Notice of May 20, 2020: Continuation of the National Emergency With Respect to the Stabilization of Iraq. Congressional Research Service 23 link to page 31 Iraq: Issues in the 116th Congress Short of declaring a national emergency, however, the President has broad authority to curtail foreign assistance (throughout the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 (22 U.S.C. 2151 et seq.), and related authorizations and appropriations), sales and leases of defense articles and services (particularly section 3 of the Arms Export Control Act; 22 U.S.C. 2753), and entry into the United States of Iraqi nationals (Immigration and N ationality Act; particularly at 8 U.S.C. 1189). Should U.S.-Iraqi negotiations fail or future discord reemerge, any new punitive U.S. sanctions could complicate Iraq’s economic ties to its neighbors and to U.S. partners in Europe and Asia. Broad sanctions could elicit reciprocal hostility from Iraq. If denied opportunities to build economic ties to the United States and U.S. partners, Iraqis could instead mover closer to Iran, Russia, and/or China with whom they already have established economic ties. The Kurdistan Region and Relations with Baghdad The Kurdistan Region of northern Iraq (KRI) Kurdistan Region Legislative Election enjoys considerable administrative autonomy Seats won by Coalition/Party under the terms of Iraq’s 2005 federal constitution, but issues concerning territory, Coalition/Party Seats Won security, energy, and revenue sharing Kurdistan Democratic Party 45 continue to strain ties between the Kurdistan Patriotic Union of Kurdistan 21 Regional Government (KRG) and the government in Baghdad. In September 2017, Gorran (Change) Movement 12 the KRG held a controversial advisory New Generation 8 referendum on independence; amplifying Komal 7 crowd control or force-protection measures. A reconstituted IS threat might not reemerge rapidly under these circumstances, but the potential is evident.

Oversight reporting to Congress in 2018 suggested that DOD then-estimated that the Iraq Security Forces were "years, if not decades" away from ending their "reliance on Coalition assistance," and DOD expected "a generation of Iraqi officers with continuous exposure to Coalition advisers" would be required to establish a self-reliant Iraqi fighting force.47 At the time, the Lead Inspector General for Overseas Contingency Operations (LIG-OCO) judged that these conditions raised "questions about the duration of the OIR mission since the goal of that mission is defined as the 'enduring defeat' of ISIS."48

U.S. and coalition training efforts have shifted to a train-the-trainer and Iraqi ownership approach under the auspices of OIR's Reliable Partnership initiative and the NATO Training Mission in Iraq. Reliable Partnership was redesigned to focus on building a minimally viable counterterrorism capacity among Iraqi forces, with other outstanding capability and support needs to be reassessed after September 2020.

The Future of the Popular Mobilization Forces

Iraq's Popular Mobilization Committee (PMC) and its associated militias—the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF)—were founded in 2014 and have contributed to Iraq's fight against the Islamic State, but they have come to present an implicit, and, at times, explicit challenge to the authority of the state.49 The PMF are largely but not solely drawn from Iraq's Shia Arab majority: Sunni, Turkmen, and Christian PMF militia also remain active. Despite expressing appreciation for PMF contributions to the fight against IS, some Iraqis and outsiders have raised concerns about the future of the PMC/PMF and some of its members' ties to Iran.

Many PMF-associated groups and figures participated in the May 2018 national elections under the auspices of the Fatah coalition headed by Badr Organization leader Hadi al Ameri (Figure 2).50 Ameri and other prominent PMF-linked figures such as Asa'ib Ahl al Haq leader Qa'is al Khazali nominally disassociated themselves from the PMC/PMF in late 2017, in line with legal prohibitions on the participation of PMC/PMF officials in politics.51 Nevertheless, their movements' supporters and associated units remain integral to some ongoing PMF operations, and the Fatah coalition's campaign arguably benefited from its PMF association.

The U.S. Intelligence Community described Iran-linked Shia militia—whether PMF or not—as the "primary threat" to U.S. personnel in Iraq, and suggested that the threat posed by Iran-linked groups will grow as they press for the United States to withdraw its forces from Iraq.52 Several Iraqi militia forces have vowed revenge against the United States and stated their renewed commitment to expelling U.S. forces from Iraq, but some have called for a measured approach and disavowed potential attacks on non-military targets as a means of fulfilling their stated objectives. For example, Kata'ib Hezbollah released a statement in the aftermath of the Iranian missile attack on Iraq saying "emotions must be set aside" to further the project of expelling the United States.53 Asa'ib Ahl al Haq figures denied responsibility for a subsequent rocket attack on the U.S. Embassy while insisting on U.S. military withdrawal and vowing an "earthshattering" response.54

During the 2018 election and in its aftermath, the key unresolved issue with regard to the PMC/PMF has remained the incomplete implementation of a 2016 law calling for the PMF to be incorporated as a permanent part of Iraq's national security establishment. In addition to outlining salary and benefit arrangements important to individual PMF volunteers, the law calls for all PMF units to be placed fully under the authority of the commander-in-chief (Prime Minister) and to be subject to military discipline and organization. Through early 2019, U.S. government reporting stated that while some PMF units were being administered in accordance with the law, most remained outside the law's prescribed structure. This included some units associated with Shia groups identified by U.S. government reports as having received Iranian support.55

Figure 4. Iraq: Reported Islamic State-Related Security Incidents

January 1, 2019 to September 30, 2019

Source: Prepared by CRS. Incident data from Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project (ACLED). Available at https://acleddata.com. Area of Influence data from IHS Janes Conflict Monitor, December 2, 2019.

In September 2019, Iraqi officials approved a new organizational and administrative plan for the PMC/PMF in line with Prime Minister Abd al Mahdi's July 2019 decree reiterating his predecessor's demand that the PMF and PMC conform to Iraqi law. According to the Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA), "some PMF brigades followed the decree by shutting down headquarters and turning in weapons, but several Iranian-aligned groups refused to comply."56 The DIA judged earlier this year that "Iranian-affiliated groups within the PMF are unlikely to change their loyalties because of the new order."57

U.S. officials have recognized the contributions that PMF volunteers have made to Iraq's fight against the Islamic State; they also remain wary of Iran-linked elements of the PMF that the U.S. government believes operate as Iranian proxy forces outside formal Iraqi government and military control.58 U.S. officials accuse some PMF personnel of leading and participating in attacks on protestors since October 2019 and of other human rights abuses (see textbox). U.S. policy seeks to support the long-term development of Iraq's military, counterterrorism, and police services as alternatives to the continued use of PMF units to secure Iraq's borders, communities, and territory recaptured from the Islamic State.

Iraq, Iran, and U.S. Sanctions

In January 2020, the U.S. government designated the Iran-aligned Iraqi militia Asa'ib Ahl al Haq (AAH) as a Foreign Terrorist Organization, and named two of its leaders, Qais and Laith al Khazali, as Specially Designated Global Terrorists. In December 2019, the U.S. government designated the Khazalis for Global Magnitsky human rights-related sanctions. According to the U.S. Treasury Department, "during the late 2019 protests in many cities in Iraq, AAH has opened fire on and killed protesters."59 The U.S. government similarly designated for human rights sanctions Husayn Falih 'Aziz (aka Abu Zaynab) Al Lami, the security director for the PMF.60 According to the human rights designation notices, Qais al Khazali and Al Lami were "part of a committee of Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps-Qods Force (IRGC-QF) proxies that approved the use of lethal violence against protesters for the purpose of public intimidation." Earlier in 2019, the U.S. government listed Harakat Hezbollah al Nujaba and its leader, Akram al Kabi, as specially designated global terrorists, and designated the commanders of the PMF 30th and 50th brigades for Global Magnitsky sanctions.

Broad U.S. efforts to put pressure on Iran extend to the Iraqi energy sector, where years of sanctions, conflict, neglect, and mismanagement have left Iraq dependent on purchases of natural gas and electricity from its Iranian neighbors.61 Since 2018, Iraqi leaders have sought relief from U.S. sanctions on related transactions with Iran. The Trump Administration has renewed repeated temporary permissions for Iraq to continue these transactions, and ongoing U.S. initiatives encourage Iraq to diversify its energy ties with its neighbors and develop more independence for its energy sector. U.S. officials promote U.S. companies as potential partners for Iraq through the expansion of domestic electricity generation capacity and the introduction of technology to capture the large amounts of natural gas that are currently flared (burned at wellheads). As of January 2020, related contracts with U.S. firms have not been finalized.

Figure 5. Select Iraqi Shia Political Groups, Leaders, and Militias

In general, the popularity of the PMF and broadly expressed popular respect for the sacrifices made by individual volunteers in the fight against the Islamic State have created vexing political questions for Iraqi leaders. These issues are complicated further by the apparent involvement of PMF fighters in human rights abuses and attacks on foreign military forces present in Iraq at the invitation of the Iraqi government. Iraqi law does not call for or foresee the dismantling of the PMC/PMF structure, and proposals to the contrary appear to be politically untenable at present. Given the ongoing role PMF units are playing in security operations against remnants of the Islamic State in some areas, rapid, wholesale redeployments or demobilization of PMF units might create new opportunities for IS fighters to exploit in areas where replacement forces are not immediately available. That said, U.S. military officials predicted in early 2019 that "competition over areas to operate and influence between the PMF and the ISF will likely result in violence, abuse, and tension in areas where both entities operate."62

The Kurdistan Region and Relations with Baghdad

Kurdistan Region Legislative Election

Seats won by Coalition/Party

Coalition/Party

Seats Won

Kurdistan Democratic Party

45

Patriotic Union of Kurdistan

21

Gorran (Change) Movement

12

New Generation

8

Komal

7

Reform List

[Kurdistan Islamic Union (KIU)-Islamic Movement of Kurdistan (IMK)]

5

Azadi List

(Communist Party)

1

Modern Coalition

1

Turkmen Parties

5

Christian Parties

5

Armenian Independent

1

Source: Kurdistan Region Electoral Commission.

The Kurdistan Region of northern Iraq (KRI) enjoys considerable administrative autonomy under the terms of Iraq's 2005 federal constitution, but issues concerning territory, security, energy, and revenue sharing continue to strain ties between the Kurdistan Regional Government and the national government in Baghdad. In September 2017, the KRG held a controversial advisory referendum on independence, amplifying political tensions with the national political tensions with the national government (see textbox below).63 The referendum was followed by a security 87 Reform List [Kurdistan Islamic Union The referendum was followed by a security 5 (KIU)-Islamic Movement of crisis as Iraqi Security Forces and PMF Kurdistan (IMK)] fighters reentered some disputed territories Azadi List that had been held by KRG peshmerga forces. Peshmerga peshmerga 1 (Communist Party) forces. Peshmerga fighters also withdrew from the city of Kirkuk and much of the Modern Coalition 1 governorate. Baghdad and the KRG have Turkmen Parties 5 since agreed on a number of issues, including Christian Parties 5 some border and customs controls issues, but have differed over the export of oil from Armenian Independent 1 some KRG-controlled fields and the transfer Source: Kurdistan Region Electoral Commission. of funds to pay the salaries of some KRG civil servants. While talks have continued, the ISF and peshmerga have remained deployed across from each other at various fronts throughout the disputed territories (Figure 6).

The KRG delayed overdue legislative 7). In June 2020, Iraq protested Turkish violations of its airspace and territory in connection with ongoing Turkish military operations against Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) forces inside northern Iraq. The KRI’s leading political movements have distinct relationships with the Turkish and Iranian governments, and anti-PKK operations may create domestic political chal enges for them. The KRG delayed overdue legislative elections for the Kurdistan National Assembly in the wake of the referendum crisis and held them on September 30, 2018. Kurdish leaders have since been engaged in regional government formation talks while also participating in cabinet formation and budget negotiations at the national level. The KDP won a plurality (45) of the 111 KNA seats in the September 2018 election, with the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) and smallerThe KDP won a plurality (45) of 87 For background on the Kurdistan region, see CRS Report R45025, Iraq: Background and U.S. Policy. Congressional Research Service 24 link to page 10 link to page 14 link to page 41 Iraq: Issues in the 116th Congress the 111 KNA seats, with the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) and smal er opposition and Islamist parties splitting the balance. With longtime KDP leader Masoud Barzani's term as president having expired in 2015, his nephew, KRG Prime Minister Nechirvan Barzani succeeded him in June 2019 (Figure 2). Masoud Barzani's son, security official Masrour Barzani, assumed the KRG prime ministership.

After the election, factions within the PUK appeared to have differences of opiniondiffer over KRG cabinet formation, while KDP and PUK differences were apparent at the national level. During 2018 government formation talks in Baghdad, the KDP sought to name the Kurdish candidate for the Iraqi national presidency, but a majority of COR members instead chose Barham Salih, a PUK member. In March 2019, KDP and PUK leaders announced a four-year political agreement providingthat al owed for the formation of a new KRG government and setting joint positions on candidates for the Iraqi national Minister of Justice position and governorship of Kirkuk.64

Prior to Prime Minister Abd al Mahdi's the KRG cabinet and set joint positions on the national cabinet and the governorship of Kirkuk.88 During mass protests in central and southern Iraq during 2019 and 2020, Kurdish leaders recognized Arab Iraqi protestors’ concerns and criticized repressive violence, while convening to unify positions on proposed reforms that some Kurds fear could undermine the federal y recognized Kurdistan region’s rights under Iraq’s constitution.89 Prior to Prime Minister Abd al Mahdi’s November 2019 resignation announcement, KRG leaders reportedly planned to visit Baghdad to finalize an agreement over the export of 250,000 barrels per day of oil from the Kurdistan region under the national government's marketing authority.65 90 In exchange, Baghdad was to continue to make budget transfers in 2020 that pay KRG salaries. Disagreement over this issue hashad lingered throughout 2019 in light of the KRG's reported’s apparent failure to comply with previously agreed export arrangements. KRG officials and Abd al Mahdi did not finalize their nascent agreement during Abd al Mahdi’s tenure as caretaker prime minister, and prospects for negotiations over exports and financial transfers appeared to shape Kurdish leaders’ positions with regard to the formation of the current national cabinet. KRG-Baghdad fiscal issues remain outstanding (see “Economic and Fiscal Chal enges” above). U.S. and U.N. officials encourageto comply with previously agreed export arrangements. Negotiations over exports and financial transfers may shape Kurdish leaders' positions with regard to the formation of a caretaker government and the eventual formation of a new government after future national elections. Since October 2019, Kurdish leaders have recognized Arab Iraqi protestors' concerns and criticized repressive violence, while convening to unify positions on reforms that some Kurds fear could undermine the federally recognized Kurdistan region's rights under Iraq's constitution.66

U.S. officials have encouraged Kurds and other Iraqis to engage on issues of dispute and to avoid unilateral military actions.91 U.S. officials also encourage improved security cooperation between the KRG and Baghdad, especiallyespecial y since IS remnants appear to be exploiting gaps created by the standoff in the disputed territories. KRG officials continue to express concern about the potential for an IS resurgence and chafe at operations by some PMF units in areas adjacent to the KRI. In July 2020, Iraqi military officials announced plans to establish some security coordination centers to jointly monitor security conditions in disputed areas w ith Kurdish peshmerga. This may include Regional Guard Brigades that receive U.S. military assistance (see “Security Cooperation and U.S. Training” below). 88 “Gov’t formation in Iraq Kurdish region closer after KDP -PUK deal,” Al Jazeera English, March 4, 2019. 89 Dana T aib Menmy, “As Iraqi calls to amend constitution rise, Kurds fear loss of political gains,” Al Monitor, November 18, 2019. 90 Associated Press, “ Iraqi Officials Cite Progress on Oil Deal With Kurds,” November 25, 2019. 91 Halgurd Sherwani, “Kurdistan PM, UN envoy discuss Erbil-Baghdad disputes,” K24 News (Erbil), July 7, 2020. Congressional Research Service 25 Iraq: Issues in the 116th Congress Figure 7. Disputed Territories in Iraq Areas of Influence as of July 8, 2020 Sources: Congressional Research Service using ArcGIS, IHS Markit Conflict Monitor, U.S. government, and United Nations data. Congressional Research Service 26 link to page 33 Iraq: Issues in the 116th Congress KRI.

The Kurdistan Region's September 2017 Referendum on Independence

The Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) held an official advisory referendum on independence from Iraq on September September 25, 2017, despite requests from the national government of Iraq, the United States, and other external actors to delay or cancel it. More than 72% of eligible voters participated and roughly 92% voted "Yes." The referendum ” The referendum was held across the KRI and in other areas that were then under the control of Kurdish forces. These include areas subject to territorial disputes between the KRG and the national government, such as the multiethnic city of Kirkuk, adjacent oil-rich areas, and parts of Ninewa governorate populated by religious and ethnic minorities. Kurdish forces had secured many of these areas following fol owing the retreat of national government forces in the face of the Islamic State' State’s rapid advance across northern Iraq in 2014.

After the referendum, Iraqi national government leaders imposed a ban on international flights to and from the Kurdistan region. In October 2017, Prime Minister Abadi ordered Iraqi forces to return to the disputed territories that had been under the control of national forces prior to the Islamic State's 2014 advance. Much of the oil-rich governorate of Kirkuk—long claimed claimed by Iraqi Kurds—returned to national government control, and resulting controversies controversies have riven Kurdish politics. Iraqi authorities rescinded the international flight ban in 2018 after agreeing reaching some agreements on border control, customs, and security at Kurdistan'’s international airports. Humanitarian Issues and Iraqi Minorities s international airports.

Figure 6. Disputed Territories in Iraq

Areas of Influence as of December 17, 2018

Sources: Congressional Research Service using ArcGIS, IHS Markit Conflict Monitor, U.S. government, and United Nations data.

Humanitarian Issues and Stabilization

Humanitarian Conditions

Humanitarian Conditions U.N. officials report several issues of ongoing humanitarian and protection concerns for displaced and returning populations and the host communities assisting them. With a range of needs and vulnerabilities, these populations require different forms of support, from immediate humanitarian assistance to resources for early recovery. Protection is a key priority in areas of displacement, where for example, harassment of displaced persons by armed actors and threats of forced return have occurred, as well as in areas of return. By December 2017, more Iraqis had returned to their home areas than those who had remained as internally displaced persons (IDPs) or who were becoming newly displaced. Nevertheless, humanitarian conditions remain difficult in many conflict-affected areas of Iraq. In November 2019, the U.N. Secretary General reported to the Security Council and emphasized that returns of internally displaced persons to their districts of origin should be "informed, safe, dignified, and voluntary."67

As of October 31, 2019,wel as in areas of return. The U.N. Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (UNOCHA) 2020 humanitarian needs assessment anticipates that as many as 4.1 mil ion Iraqis wil need some form of humanitarian assistance in 2020. In June, Iraq’s Ministry of Planning estimated that an additional 4.5 mil ion Iraqis are at risk of fal ing below the poverty line because of socio-economic disruptions attributable to the COVID-19 pandemic.92 As of April 2020, the International Organization for Migration (IOM) estimated that more than 4.7 mil ion 4.4 million Iraqis displaced after 2014 had returned to their districts, while more than 1.4 million individuals remained as displaced persons.68 Ninewa governorate hosts the most IDPs of any single governorate (nearly one-thirdnearly 1.4 mil ion individuals remained as displaced persons (IDPs).93 Ninewa and Dohuk governorates host the most IDPs (more than 40 percent of the total), reflecting the lingering effects of the intense military operations against the Islamic State in Mosul and other areas of Ninewa during 2017 (Figure 8).94 (Table 2). Estimates suggest thousands of civilians were killed or wounded during the Mosul battle, which displaced more than 1 million people.

IOM estimates that the Kurdistan region hosts more than 700,000 IDPs (approximately 50% of the estimated 1.4 million nearly 700,000 IDPs (close to 50 percent of the remaining IDPs nationwide). IDP numbers in the KRI have declined since 2017, though not as rapidly as elsewhere. UNDP reported in June 2020 that “68 percent of IDPs and 59 percent of refugees across the KRI live in private residences outside of camp settings” and warned that “As protracted displacement drives more IDPs and refugees into private residences, community 92 UNAMI, Children make up the majority of up to 4.5 million Iraqis at risk of falling into poverty and deprivation due to the impact of covid-19, June 6, 2020. 93 IOM, Iraq Displacement T racking Monitor, Master List Report 115, March-April 2020. 94 Estimates suggest thousands of civilians were killed or wounded during the Mosul battle, which displaced more than 1 million people. Congressional Research Service 27 Iraq: Issues in the 116th Congress infrastructure is stretched, and the quality of access to water, sewerage networks and sealed roads diminishes.”95 The 2020 Iraq Humanitarian Response Plan (HRP) seeks $660.7 mil ion and as of Julyrapidly as in some other governorates.

The U.N. Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (UNOCHA) 2020 humanitarian needs assessment anticipates that as many as 4.1 million Iraqis will need of some form of humanitarian assistance in 2020. The 2019 Iraq Humanitarian Response Plan (HRP) sought $701 million and as of January 2020, the 2020, the appeal had received $641 million188.2 mil ion, with an additional $303 million 160.8 mil ion received outside the plan.69 96 The United States was the top donor to the 2018 and 2019 Iraq HRPs. Since 2014, the United States has contributed nearly $2.7 billionbil ion to humanitarian relief efforts in Iraq, including more than $470 million mil ion in humanitarian support in FY2019.70

Table 2 and $32 mil ion in FY2020.97 Figure 8. IOM Estimates of IDPs by Location in Iraq

As of October 31, 2019 As of June 30, 2020, Select Governorates Source: CRS. International Organization for Migration (IOM), Iraq Displacement , Select Governorates

IOM Estimates of IDPs by Location of Displacement

% Change since 2017

Governorate

January 2017

January 2018

October 2019

 

Suleimaniyah

153,816

188,142

140,832

-8%

Erbil

346,080

253,116

244,440

-29%

Dohuk

397,014

362,670

319,722

-19%

KRI Total

896,910

806,976

704,994

-21%

Ninewa

409,020

795,360

353,340

-14%

Salah al Din

315,876

241,404

85,398

-73%

Baghdad

393,066

176,700

44,598

-89%

Kirkuk

367,188

172,854

101,082

-72%

Anbar

268,428

108,894

30,222

-89%

Diyala

75,624

81,972

53,892

-29%

Source: International Organization for Migration (IOM), Iraq Displacement Tracking Monitor Data.

Stabilization and Reconstruction

U.S. stabilization assistance to areas of Iraq that have been liberated from the Islamic State is directed through the United Nations Development Program (UNDP)-administered Funding Facility for Stabilization (FFS) and through other channels.71 According to UNDP data, the FFS has received $1.19 billion in resources since its inception in mid-2015, with nearly 2,200 projects reported completed with the support of UNDP-managed funding.72

In January 2019, UNDP identified $426 million in stabilization program funding shortfalls in five priority areas in Ninewa, Anbar, and Salah al Din governorates "deemed to be the most at risk to future conflict" and "integral for the broader stabilization of Iraq."73 By December 2019, that funding gap had narrowed to $265 million.74 The UNDP points to unexploded ordnance, customs clearance delays, and the growth in volume and scope of FFS projects as challenges to its ongoing work.75

At a February 2018 reconstruction conference in Kuwait, Iraqi authorities described more than $88 billion in short- and medium-term reconstruction needs, spanning various sectors and different areas of the country.76 Countries participating in the conference offered approximately $30 billion worth of loans, investment pledges, export credit arrangements, and grants in response. The Trump Administration actively supported the participation of U.S. companies in the conference and announced its intent to pursue $3 billion in Export-Import Bank support for Iraq.

Iraqi leaders hope to attract considerable private sector investment to help finance Iraq's reconstruction needs and underwrite a new economic chapter for the country. The size of Iraq's internal market and its advantages as a low-cost energy producer with identified infrastructure investment needs help make it attractive to investors. Overcoming persistent concerns about security, service reliability, and corruption, however, may prove challenging. Foreign firms active in Iraq's oil sector evacuated some foreign personnel during U.S.-Iran confrontations in December 2019 and January 2020. The security situation, Iraqi government's ongoing response to the demands of protestors, and the success or failure of new authorities in pursuing reforms may provide key signals to parties exploring investment opportunities.

Economic and Fiscal Challenges

The public finances of the national government and the KRG remain strained, amplifying the pressure on leaders working to address the country's security and service-provision challenges. The combined effects of lower global oil prices from 2014 through mid-2017, expansive public-sector liabilities, and the costs of the military campaign against the Islamic State have exacerbated national budget deficits.77 The IMF estimated Iraq's 2017-2018 financing needs at 19% of GDP. Oil exports provide nearly 90% of public-sector revenue in Iraq, while non-oil sector growth has been hindered over time by insecurity, weak service delivery, and corruption. The 2019 budget expanded public salaries and investments.

Iraq's oil production and exports have increased since 2016, but fluctuations in oil prices undermined revenue gains until the latter half of 2017. Revenues have since improved, and Iraq has agreed to manage its overall oil production in line with mutually agreed Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) output limits. In December 2019, Iraq exported an average of nearly 3.4 million barrels per day (mbd, including KRG-administered oil exports), below the March 2019 budget's 3.9 mbd export assumption, but at prices above the budget's $56 per barrel benchmark.78 The IMF projects modest GDP growth over the next five years and expects growth to be stronger in the non-oil sector if Iraq's implementation of agreed measures continues as oil output and exports plateau.

Fiscal pressures are more acute in the Kurdistan region, where the fallout from the national government's response to the September 2017 referendum further strained the KRG's already weakened ability to pay salaries to its public-sector employees and security forces. The KRG's loss of control over significant oil resources in Kirkuk governorate, coupled with changes implemented by national government authorities over shipments of oil from those fields via the KRG-controlled export pipeline to Turkey, contributed to a sharp decline in revenue for the KRG during 2018. The resumption of exports from Kirkuk in late 2018, and an agreement between the KRG and Baghdad providing for the payment of some public sector salaries in exchange for KRG oil export proceed deposits in national accounts improved the situation during 2019, but disputes over export levels and budget transfers remain unresolved.

Related issues shaped consideration of the 2018 and 2019 budgets in the COR, with Kurdish representatives criticizing the government's budget proposals to allocate the KRG a smaller percentage of funds to the KRI than the 17% benchmark reflected in previous budgets. National government officials argue that KRG resources should be based on a revised population estimate, and agreements reached for the national government to pay KRG civil service and peshmerga salaries in the 2019 budget were linked to the KRG placing 250,000 barrels per day of oil exports under federal control in exchange for financial allocations for verified expenses. KRG oil contracts may limit the region's ability to meet Baghdad-requested targets, but the transfer of national funds to the KRG in 2019 eased some fiscal pressures that had required the KRG to impose payment limits that fueled protests.

U.S. Policy and Issues in the 116th Congress

Security Cooperation and U.S. Training

The U.S.-Iran confrontation in Iraq has raised fundamental questions about the future of U.S. and Coalition operations and training programs in Iraq, although U.S. officials insisted as of January 8 that the United States had not decided to withdraw forces from Iraq. As discussed above, Iraqi military and counterterrorism operations against remnants of the Islamic State group are ongoing, and the United States military and its coalition partners have continued to provide support to those efforts at the request of the Iraqi government.79 Counter-IS operations and trainings were paused for force-protection reasons during U.S.-Iran confrontations in January 2020, and force-protection concerns under similar circumstances could disrupt or delay the resumption of U.S. and coalition activities.

U.S. and coalition training efforts for various Iraqi security forces have been implemented at different locations, including in the Kurdistan region, with U.S. training activities carried out pursuant to the authorities granted by Congress for the Iraq Train and Equip Program and the Office of Security Cooperation at the U.S. Embassy in Baghdad (OSC-I).80 From FY2015 through FY2020, Congress authorized and appropriated more than $6.5 billion for train and equip assistance in Iraq (Table 3).

Congress appropriated $745 million in FY2020 defense funding for Iraq programs under the Counter-ISIS Train and Equip Fund. The Administration's FY2020 request proposed continued support to the Iraqi Counterterrorism Service (CTS), Army, Federal Police, Border Guards, Emergency Response Battalions, Energy Police, Special Forces (Qwat Khasah), and KRG Ministry of Peshmerga forces (see below).81 Congress also authorized $30 million in FY2020 funding for OSC-I, but limited the availability of some OSC-I funding until the Administration certifies that it has, among other things, initiated a

bilateral engagement with the government of Iraq with the objective of establishing a joint mechanism for security assistance planning, including a five-year security assistance roadmap for developing sustainable military capacity and capabilities and enabling defense institution building and reform.

The Trump Administration, like the Obama Administration, has cited the 2001 Authorization for Use of Military Force (AUMF, P.L. 107-40) as the domestic legal authorization for U.S. military operations against the Islamic State in Iraq and has notified Congress of operations against the Islamic State in periodic reports on the 2002 Iraq AUMF (P.L. 107-243). The U.S. government has referred to both collective and individual self-defense provisions of the U.N. Charter as the relevant international legal justifications for ongoing U.S. operations in Iraq and Syria. The U.S. military presence in Iraq is governed by an exchange of diplomatic notes that reference the security provisions of the 2008 bilateral Strategic Framework Agreement.82 To date, this arrangement has not required the approval of a separate security agreement by Iraq's Council of Representatives. According to former Special Presidential Envoy for the Global Coalition to Counter ISIL Brett McGurk, the 2014 U.S.-Iraq diplomatic notes, which are not public, contain a one-year cancelation clause.83

U.S. military officials stopped officially reporting the size of the U.S. force in Iraq in 2017, but have confirmed that there has been a reduction in the number of U.S. military personnel and changes in U.S. capabilities in Iraq since that time.84 As of January 2020, 87 U.S. troops have been killed or have died as part of Operation Inherent Resolve (OIR), and 81 have been wounded.85 Through March 2019, OIR operations since August 2014 had cost $34.1 billion.86

As of October 2019, U.S. and coalition forces have trained more than 200,000 Iraqi security personnel since 2014, including more than 30,000 Kurdish peshmerga.87 Under the Reliable Partnership initiative of Operation Inherent Resolve, coalition forces are working to develop more capable and numerous Iraqi trainers to meet identified needs.88 NATO leaders agreed in 2018 to launch NATO Mission Iraq (NMI) to support Iraqi security sector reform and military professional development.89

U.S. arms transfers and security assistance to Iraq are provided with the understanding that U.S. equipment will be responsibly used by its intended recipients. The 115th Congress was informed about the unintended or inappropriate use of U.S.-origin defense equipment, including a now-resolved case involving the possession and use of U.S.-origin tanks by elements of the Popular Mobilization Forces.90

Assistance to the Kurdistan Regional Government and in the Kurdistan Region

Congress has authorized the President to provide U.S. assistance to the Kurdish peshmerga (and certain Sunni and other local security forces with a national security mission) in coordination with the Iraqi government, and to do so directly under certain circumstances. Pursuant to a 2016 U.S.-KRG memorandum of understanding (MOU), the United States has offered more than $400 million in defense funding and in-kind support to the Kurdistan Regional Government of Iraq, delivered in smaller monthly installments. The December 2016 continuing resolution (P.L. 114-254) included $289.5 million in FY2017 Iraq training program funds to continue support for peshmerga forces.

In 2017, the Trump Administration requested an additional $365 million in defense funding to support programs with the KRG and KRG-Baghdad cooperation as part of the FY2018 train and equip request. The Administration also proposed a sale of infantry and artillery equipment for peshmerga forces that Iraq agreed to finance using a portion of its U.S.-subsidized Foreign Military Financing loan proceeds.

The Administration's FY2019 Iraq Train and Equip program funding request referred to the peshmerga as a component of the ISF and discussed the peshmerga in the context of a $290 million request for potential ISF-wide sustainment aid. The conference report (H.Rept. 115-952) accompanying the FY2019 Defense Appropriations Act (Division A of P.L. 115-245) said the United States "should" provide this amount for "operational sustainment" for Ministry of Peshmerga forces.

Kurdish officials report that U.S. training support and consultation on plans to reform the KRG Ministry of Peshmerga and its forces continue. The Department of Defense reports that it has resumed paying the salaries of peshmerga personnel in units aligned by the Ministry of Peshmerga, after a pause following the September 2017 independence referendum.

The Administration's FY2020 Iraq Train and Equip funding request sought more than $249 million to continue U.S. support to KRG peshmerga reform efforts, including the continued equipping and organization of Ministry of Peshmerga Regional Guard Brigades (RGBs) "equivalent to a U.S. light infantry brigade standard" and the payment of RGB stipends and logistical support.91

Congress has directed in recent years that U.S. foreign assistance, humanitarian aid, and loan guarantees be implemented in Iraq in ways that benefit Iraqis in all areas of the country, including in the Kurdistan region.

Table 3. Iraq Train and Equip Program: Appropriations FY2015-FY2020

in millions of dollars

 

FY2015

FY2016

FY2017

FY2018

FY2019

FY2020

Iraq Train and Equip Fund (ITEF)

1,618

715

630

-

-

-

 

 

 

289.5 (FY17 CR)

 

 

 

Counter-ISIS Train and Equip Fund (CTEF)—Iraq Allocation

-

-

446.4

1,269

850

745

Total

1,618

715

1,365.9

1,269

850

745

Source: Executive branch appropriations requests and appropriations legislation.

U.S. Foreign Assistance

Since 2014, the U.S. government has provided Iraq with State Department- and USAID-administered assistance to support a range of security and economic objectives (in addition to the humanitarian assistance mentioned above). U.S. Foreign Military Financing (FMF) funds have supported the costs of continued loan-funded purchases of U.S. defense equipment and have helped fund other Iraqi acquisitions, training, and defense institution-building efforts. U.S. loan guarantees also have supported well-subscribed Iraqi bond issues to help Baghdad cover its fiscal deficits. Since 2014, the United States also has contributed nearly $2.7 billion to humanitarian relief efforts in Iraq, including more than $470 million in humanitarian support in FY2019.92 The Trump Administration also has directed additional support since 2017 to persecuted religious minority groups in Iraq, negotiating with UNDP to direct U.S. contributions to the UNDP Funding Facility for Stabilization to the Ninewa Plains and other minority populated areas of northern Iraq (see "Stabilization and Issues Affecting Religious and Ethnic Minorities" below).

The FY2020 foreign operations appropriations act (Division G, P.L. 116-94) appropriates $150 million in Economic Support Fund (ESF) aid, along with $250 million in FMF and other security assistance funds. The act also directs funds to support transitional justice programs and accountability for genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes in Iraq. (Table 4).

Recent Changes to the U.S. Civilian Presence in Iraq

In early 2019, the State Department conducted a "zero-based" review of the U.S. citizen direct hire and contractor personnel footprint at the U.S. Embassy in Baghdad. The review considered options for maintaining then-current U.S. policy efforts in Iraq while reducing costs, decreasing U.S. citizen deployments, and increasing the use of Iraqi and other third-country national personnel.93 In May 2019, the State Department ordered the departure of nonemergency U.S. government personnel from Iraq, citing an "increased threat stream."94 This order resulted in the departure of personnel from the State Department, U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), and other federal agencies. The Administration extended the ordered departure through November 2019, and, in December 2019, the Administration notified Congress of its plan to reduce personnel levels in Iraq on a permanent basis. The State Department has not confirmed publicly the number of U.S. nationals currently serving in Baghdad for security reasons.

According to USAID officials' reports to the USAID OIG, "staff reductions associated with the ordered departure have had significant adverse effects on program planning, management, and oversight activities in Iraq."95 Asked about the current U.S. presence in a Senate hearing in December 2019, Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary of State (PDAS) for Near East Affairs Joey Hood stated the Administration's view that the current posture is "exactly what we need—no more, no less—to get the mission accomplished."96

The FY2020 Foreign Operations appropriations act states that "any change in the status of operations at United States Consulate General Basrah, including the return of Consulate property located adjacent to the Basrah International Airport to the Government of Iraq, shall be subject to prior consultation with the appropriate congressional committees and the regular notification procedures of the Committees on Appropriations."

Table 4. U.S. Assistance to Iraq: Select Obligations, Allocations, and Requests

(in millions of dollars)

Account

FMF

ESF/ESDF

INCLE

NADR

DF

IMET

Total

FY2012 Obligated

79.56

275.90

309.35

16.55

0.54

1.99

683.90

FY2013 Obligated

37.29

128.04

-

9.46

26.36

1.12

202.27

FY2014 Obligated

300.00

61.24

11.20

18.32

18.11

1.47

410.33

FY2015 Obligated

150.00

50.28

3.53

4.04

-

0.90

208.75

FY2016 Obligated

250.00

116.45

-

38.31

0.03

0.99

405.78

FY2017 Actual

250.00

553.50

0.20

56.92

-

0.70

1061.12

FY2018 Actual

250.00

100.00

5.60

46.86

-

0.82

403.28

FY2019 Allocation

250.00

150.00

5.60

45.00

-

0.91

451.51

FY2020 Allocation

250.00

150.00

5.60

45.00

-

1.00

451.60

Sources: Obligations data derived from U.S. Overseas Loans and Grants (Greenbook), January 2017. FY2017-FY2020 data from congressional joint explanatory statements, State Department Congressional Budget Justifications, and executive branch estimates.

Notes: FMF = Foreign Military Financing; ESF/ESDF = Economic Support Fund/Economic Support and Development Fund; INCLE = International Narcotics Control and Law Enforcement; NADR = Nonproliferation, Antiterrorism, Demining, and Related Programs; DF = Democracy Fund; IMET = International Military Education and Training.

The United States contributed to Iraqi programs to stabilize the Mosul Dam on the Tigris River, which remains at risk of collapse due to structural flaws, overlooked maintenance, and its compromised underlying geology. Collapse of the dam could cause deadly, catastrophic damage downstream. Major U.S.-supported efforts to stabilize the dam reached completion in 2019, but the State Department continues to warn that "it is impossible to accurately predict the likelihood of the dam's failing."97

Stabilization and Issues Affecting Religious and Ethnic Minorities

State Department reports on human rights conditions and religious freedom in Iraq have documented the difficulties faced by religious and ethnic minorities in the country for years. In some cases, these difficulties and security risks have driven members of minority groups to flee Iraq or to take shelter in different areas of the country, whether with fellow group members or in new communities. Minority groups that live in areas subject to long-running territorial disputes between Iraq's national government and the KRG face additional interference and exploitation by larger groups for political, economic, or security reasons. Members of diverse minority communities express a variety of territorial claims and administrative preferences, both among and within their own groups. While much attention is focused on potential intimidation or coercion of minorities by majority groups, disputes within and among minority communities also have the potential to generate tension and violence.98

In October 2017, Vice President Mike Pence said the U.S. government would direct more support to persecuted religious minority groups in the Middle East, including in Iraq.99 As part of this initiative, the Trump Administration has negotiated with UNDP to direct U.S. contributions to the UNDP Funding Facility for Stabilization to the Ninewa Plains and other minority-populated areas of northern Iraq. In January 2018, USAID officials announced a "renegotiated" contribution agreement with UNDP so that U.S. contributions would "address the needs of vulnerable religious and ethnic minority communities in Ninewa Province, especially those who have been victims of atrocities by ISIS" with a focus on "restoring services such as water, electricity, sewage, health, and education."100 USAID Administrator Mark Green visited Iraq in June 2018 and engaged with ethnic and religious minority groups in Ninewa.

To date, more than $365 million in U.S. stabilization aid has flowed to liberated areas of Iraq, largely through the FFS—which remains the main international conduit for post-IS stabilization assistance in liberated areas of Iraq. According to UNDP, overall stabilization priorities for the FFS program are set by a steering committee chaired by the government of Iraq, with governorate-level Iraqi authorities directly responsible for implementation. UNDP officials report that earmarking of funding by donors "can result in funding being directed away from areas highlighted by the Iraqi authorities as being in great need."101 In January 2019, UNDP identified $426 million in stabilization program funding shortfalls in five priority areas "deemed to be the most at risk to future conflict" and "integral for the broader stabilization of Iraq."102 By December 2019, that funding gap had narrowed to $265 million.103

Trump Administration requests to Congress for FY2018-FY2020 monies for Iraq programs included proposals to fund continued U.S. contributions to post-IS stabilization. Additional funds notified to Congress for U.N.-managed stabilization programs in Iraq were obligated during 2018 and 2019. U.S. officials continue to seek greater Iraqi and international contributions to stabilization efforts in both Iraq and Syria.

Outlook

Leadership, systemic change, and core issues of sovereignty remain under review in Iraq, and continuity in U.S.-Iraqi cooperation is not guaranteed. New leadership and systemic reform might present new opportunities for U.S.-Iraq partnership, but also might further empower Iraqis seeking to minimize U.S. influence and/or weaken bilateral ties. The caretaker Iraqi government now advocates for an end to presence of U.S. and other foreign military forces in Iraq, despite having previously rebuffed calls from other Iraqis, especially Iran-aligned voices, for the withdrawal of U.S. forces. The United States has sought Iraq's cooperation in its maximum pressure campaign against Iran, but has acknowledged limits on Iraq's ability to reduce some types of ties to its neighbor. U.S. officials welcome Iraqi efforts to assert more state control over militias and have insisted that Iraq fulfil its responsibilities to protect U.S. personnel, but have not encouraged Iraqi counterparts to confront pro-Iranian armed groups forcefully or comprehensively.

As Iraqis debated government formation after the 2018 elections, the Trump Administration signaled that decisions about future U.S. assistance efforts would be shaped by the outcome of government formation negotiations. Specifically, the Administration stated at the time that if Iraqis they viewed as close to or controlled by Iran were to assume authority in the new government, then the United States would reconsider its support for and approach to Iraq.104 In the end, Iraqis excluded figures with close ties to Iran from cabinet positions. Nevertheless, Prime Minister Abd al Mahdi's tenure was a product of consensus.

These debates and bilateral dynamics could recur in the coming period, during caretaker government negotiations, transition debates, and the expected seating of a new Iraqi government. Similarly, supporters of Iran who oppose a continued U.S. and foreign military presence in Iraq could seek to re-litigate the issue of withdrawal and assert related demands as a condition of cooperation with political rivals or support for proposed governing coalitions. U.S. threats to withhold or terminate assistance may not resonate with Iraqis seeking to ensure a U.S. departure in any case. U.S. officials have argued that the United States government does not seek to sever all of Iraq's relationships with neighboring Iran, but striking a balance in competing with Iran-linked Iraqi groups and respecting Iraq's independence may continue to pose challenges for U.S. policymakers.105

Iraqis are likely to continue to assess and respond to U.S. initiatives (and those of other outsiders) primarily through the lenses of their own domestic political rivalries, anxieties, hopes, and agendas. Reconciling U.S. preferences and interests with Iraq's evolving politics and security conditions may require continued creativity, flexibility, and patience.

Author Contact Information

Christopher M. Blanchard, Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs ([email address scrubbed], [phone number scrubbed])

Acknowledgments

CRS Visual Information Specialist Amber Hope Wilhelm, CRS Information Research Specialist Hannah Fischer, and CRS Research Assistant Sarah Collins contributed to the maps and graphics in this report.

Footnotes

1.

See CRS Report R45795, U.S.-Iran Conflict and Implications for U.S. Policy.

2.

See CRS Insight IN11195, Iraq: Protests, Transition, and the Future of U.S. Partnership.

3.

U.S. officials blamed Iran-backed groups for "life-threatening attacks" on U.S. diplomatic facilities in Baghdad and Basra after rockets were fired on the airport compound in Basra where the U.S. Consulate is located and the Green Zone in Baghdad where the U.S. Embassy is located. A White House statement said, "The United States will hold the regime in Tehran accountable for any attack that results in injury to our personnel or damage to United States government facilities." Statement by the White House Press Secretary, September 11, 2018. On September 28, the Trump Administration announced it would temporarily remove U.S. personnel from the U.S. Consulate in Basra in response to threats from Iran and Iranian-backed groups. In an interview, an unnamed senior U.S. official described attacks and threats saying that, "The totality of the information available to us leads us to the conclusion that we must attribute ultimate responsibility to the Iranian government, the Qods Force and the proxy militias under the direct command and control of the Qods Force.... Bottom line, if we are attacked we'll respond. We'll respond swiftly and effectively, and it will not be at proxies." Ben Kesling and Michael Gordon, "U.S. to Close Consulate in Iraq, Citing Threats From Iran," Wall Street Journal, September 28, 2018.

4.

Security Alert – U. S. Embassy Baghdad, Iraq, May 15, 2019; and, Chad Garland, "State Department orders evacuation of nonemergency US government employees from Iraq," Stars and Stripes, May 15, 2019.

5.

Under Iraq's constitution, binding legislation originates with the executive and is reviewed and amended by the legislature. Iraqi courts haven't consistently considered COR decisions (akin to concurrent resolutions under the U.S. system) to be binding. However, in past instances where the political mandate of key institutions has been in question, executive authorities have at times deferred to legislative directives contained in COR-adopted decisions. For example, amid a dispute over May 2018 national election results the COR passed a decision mandating a recount on certain terms. Then-Prime Minister Hayder al Abadi was not obliged to implement the decision, but did so out of deference to the COR's representative legitimacy. Under normal political circumstances, an Iraqi prime minister would not require any COR action to amend or end Iraq's bilateral security arrangements with the United States or any other international coalition members since the agreements are not based on legislative decisions but are governed by executive-to-executive decisions. The current COR recognized Prime Minister Abd al Mahdi's resignation in early December 2019, and, in light of the gravity of the pending questions involving foreign forces and the fraught security circumstances prevailing in Iraq, it appears that the prime minister chose to solicit a decision from the COR to bolster the legitimacy of his caretaker government's response.

6.

Media Office of Iraqi Prime Minister Adel Abd Al Mahdi (@Iraqi PMO), Twitter, January 6, 2020, 11:36 AM.

7.

"Once a policy afterthought, Iraq becomes a problem for Trump administration," Washington Post, January 6, 2020.

8.

"Iraqi PM tells US to start work on a troop withdrawal plan," Associated Press, Janaury 10, 2020.

9.

State Department Spokesperson Morgan Ortagus, January 10, 2020.

10.

Masoud Barzani (@masoud_barzani), Twitter, January 7, 2020, 12:39 PM.

11.

Prime Minister Abd la Mahdi remarks to the Iraqi cabinet, January 8, 2020.

12.

Khazali said that the Iraqi response to the killing of Soleimani and Muhandis "will be no less than the size of the Iranian response. That is a promise." Qa'is al Khazali (@QaisAlKhazali), Twitter, January 8, 2020, 4:09 AM.

13.

Briefing with Special Representative for Iran and Senior Advisor to the Secretary of State Brian Hook, December 5, 2019; and, Principal Deputy Secretary of State for Near East Affairs (PDAS) Joey Hood, Statement for the Record, Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee on the Middle East, South Asia, Central Asia, and Counterterrorism (SFRC-ME), December 4, 2019.

14.

Michael Knights, et al., "The Smart Way to Sanction Iranian-Backed Militias in Iraq," Washington Institute for Near East Policy, September 17, 2018.

15.

Alissa J. Rubin and Eric Schmitt, "Trump's Plan for U.S. Forces in Iraq Met With Unified Rejection in Baghdad," New York Times, February 4, 2019. In an interview with CBS News correspondent Margaret Brennan, President Trump said, "We spent a fortune on building this incredible base [Iraq's Al Asad Air Base]. We might as well keep it. [Note: The base belongs to the government of Iraq. U.S. forces operate from the base at the invitation of the Iraqi government.] And one of the reasons I want to keep it is because I want to be looking a little bit at Iran because Iran is a real problem." When Brennan asked the President if he wants to keep troops in Iraq because he wants to be able to strike Iran, the President replied "No, because I want to be able to watch Iran. All I want to do is be able to watch. We have an unbelievable and expensive military base built in Iraq. It's perfectly situated for looking at all over different parts of the troubled Middle East rather than pulling up. And this is what a lot of people don't understand. We're going to keep watching and we're going to keep seeing and if there's trouble, if somebody is looking to do nuclear weapons or other things, we're going to know it before they do." Transcript: President Trump on "Face the Nation," CBS News, February 3, 2019.

16.

On January 9, AAH leader Qa'is al Khazali said in a statement, "Day after day, the United States of America proves its arrogance... The recent U.S. position rejecting the immediate withdrawal from Iraq is evidence of what we are saying."

17.

On January 5, Combined Joint Task Force-Operation Inherent Resolve cited "repeated rocket attacks" as resulting in limitations in their "capacity to conduct training with partners and to support their operations." Combined Joint Task Force-Operation Inherent Resolve Statement on the ongoing Defeat Daesh Mission, January 5, 2020.

18.

Dianne Rennack, Specialist in Foreign Policy Legislation contributed to this section.

19.

Maggie Haberman, "Trump Threatens Iranian Cultural Sites, and Warns of Sanctions on Iraq," New York Times, January 5, 2020.

20.

Isabel Coles and Ali Nabhan, "Oil-Rich Iraq Can't Keep the Lights On," Wall Street Journal, July 21, 2018.

21.

Jeff Stein and Josh Dawsey, "After Trump's threat, administration begins drafting possible sanctions on Iraq," Washington Post, January 6, 2019.

22.

Notice of May 20, 2019: Continuation of the National Emergency With Respect to the Stabilization of Iraq.

23.

Lead Inspector General for Overseas Contingency Operations (LIG-OCO) Report to Congress on Operation Inherent Resolve, Q4 FY2019, July 1 – October 25, 2019.

24.

According to former U.S. Deputy Chief of Mission in Iraq and current Principal Deputy Secretary of State for Near East Affairs (PDAS) Joey Hood, "Although many protesters are too young to remember Saddam's tyranny, most are intimately familiar with the shortcomings of political elites that many believe the United States is responsible for bringing to power." PDAS Hood, Statement for the Record, Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee on the Middle East, South Asia, Central Asia, and Counterterrorism (SFRC-ME), December 4, 2019.

25.

Safwan Al Amin, "What "Inclusivity" Means in Iraq," Atlantic Council – MENASource, March 28, 2016.

26.

PDAS Hood, Testimony before SFRC-ME, op cit.

27.

PDAS Hood, Statement for the Record, SFRC-ME, op cit.

28.

PDAS Hood, Testimony before SFRC-ME, op cit.

29.

Secretary of State Michael Pompeo, Remarks to the Press, November 26, 2019.

30.

White House Press Secretary Statement, November 10, 2019.

31.

Remarks by Secretary of State Michael Pompeo, Nov. 18, 2019; and, PDAS Hood, Statement for the Record, SFRC-ME, op cit.

32.

Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs David Schenker, Special Briefing, Washington, DC, December 2, 2019.

33.

Treasury Sanctions Iran-Backed Militia Leaders Who Killed Innocent Demonstrators in Iraq, December 6, 2019.

34.

PDAS Hood, Testimony before SFRC-ME, op cit.

35.

Ibid.

36.

PDAS Hood, Statement for the Record, SFRC-ME, op cit.

37.

The KDP nominated Masoud Barzani's long-time chief of staff Dr. Fouad Hussein, while the PUK nominated former KRG Prime Minister and former Iraqi Deputy Prime Minister Barham Salih. Several other candidates also ran. Hussein was later appointed and confirmed as Minister of Finance.

38.

Prime Minister Abd al Mahdi has been an interlocutor for U.S. officials since shortly after the 2003 U.S.-led invasion that ousted Saddam Hussein. At the same time, he has been a prominent figure in the Islamic Supreme Council of Iraq (ISCI), which historically received substantial backing from Iran. He served as Minister of Finance in Iraq's appointed interim government (2004-2005) and led the country's debt relief initiatives. He has publicly supported an inclusive approach to sensitive political, religious, and intercommunal issues, but his relationships with other powerful Iraqi Shia forces and Iran raise some questions about his ability to lead independently. See Dexter Filkins, "Shiite Offers Secular Vision of Iraq Future," New York Times, February 10, 2005; and, Mustafa Salim and Tamer El-Ghobashy, "After months of deadlock, Iraqis name new president and prime minister," Washington Post, October 2, 2018.

39.

Worldwide Threat Assessment of the U.S. Intelligence Community, February 13, 2018.

40.

Worldwide Threat Assessment of the U.S. Intelligence Community, January 29, 2019.

41.

LIG-OCO, Report to Congress on Operation Inherent Resolve, Q4 FY2019, July 1 – October 25, 2019.

42.

Ibid.

43.

See Hassan Hassan, "Insurgents Again: The Islamic State's Calculated Reversion to Attrition in the Syria-Iraq Border Region and Beyond," U.S. Military Academy (USMA) Combatting Terrorism Center (CTC) Sentinel, Vol. 10, Issue 11, December 2017; Liz Sly and Mustafa Salim, "ISIS is making a comeback in Iraq just months after Baghdad declared victory," Washington Post, July 17, 2018; Derek Henry Flood, "From Caliphate to Caves: The Islamic State's Asymmetric War in Northern Iraq," USMA CTC Sentinel, Vol. 11, Issue 8, September 2018; Michael Knights, "The Islamic State Inside Iraq: Losing Power or Preserving Strength?" USMA CTC Sentinel, Vol. 11, Issue 11, December 2018; Louisa Loveluck and Mustafa Salim, "ISIS militants return to Iraq, continue fight," Washington Post, July 21, 2019; and Anthony H. Cordesman, Abdullah Toukan, and Max Molot, The Return of ISIS in Iraq, Syria, and the Middle East, Center for Strategic and International Studies, September 3, 2019.

44.

LIG-OCO, Report to Congress on Operation Inherent Resolve, Q4 FY2019, July 1 – October 25, 2019.

45.

Ibid.

46.

Ibid.

47.

LIG-OCO, Report to Congress on Operation Inherent Resolve, July 1 – September 30, 2018.

48.

Ibid.

49.

Some Shia forces discussed recruiting militia to resist IS attacks prior to Grand Ayatollah Ali al Sistani's June 2014 call for citizens to help fight the Islamic State. Many Shia volunteers responded to Sistani's call by joining militias that became the PMF. Then-Prime Minister Nouri al Maliki established the PMC in June 2014 to give volunteer forces "a sense of legal justification and a degree of institutionalization." While the PMC falls under the authority of the Prime Minister's office and has been led by the Abadi-appointed Falih al Fayyadh, Kata'ib Hezbollah leader Abu Mahdi al Muhandis, the PMC's deputy leader, has exerted significant influence over its direction. For background, see Fanar Haddad, "Understanding Iraq's Hashd al-Sha'bi," The Century Foundation, March 5, 2018; Renad Mansour, "More Than Militias: Iraq's Popular Mobilization Forces Are Here to Stay," War on the Rocks, April 3, 2018; Renad Mansour and Faleh Jabar, "The Popular Mobilization Forces and Iraq's Future," Carnegie Middle East Center, April 28, 2017.

50.

Phillip Smyth, "Iranian Militias in Iraq's Parliament: Political Outcomes and U.S. Response," Washington Institute for Near East Policy, PolicyWatch 2979, June 11, 2018.

51.

In December 2017, Khazali and Ameri publicly instructed their political cadres to cut ties to operational PMF units.

52.

Worldwide Threat Assessment of the U.S. Intelligence Community, February 13, 2018. In January 2019, the U.S. intelligence community assessed that the PMC/PMF "plan to use newfound political power gained through positions in the new government to reduce or remove the U.S. military presence while competing with the Iraqi security forces for state resources." Worldwide Threat Assessment of the U.S. Intelligence Community, January 29, 2019.

53.

Kata'ib Hezbollah, Statement released January 8, 2020.

54.

AAH leader Qa'is al Khazali, Statement released January 9, 2020.

55.

The State Department's 2016 Country Reports on Terrorism warned that the permanent inclusion of Kata'ib Hezbollah (KH) in the PMF "could represent an obstacle that could undermine shared counterterrorism objectives."

56.

LIG-OCO, Operation Inherent Resolve (OIR), Report to Congress, July 1, 2019-October 25, 2019, p. 11.

57.

Ibid.

58.

See, U.S. Embassy Baghdad, "Arming Ceremony at Al-Taqaddum Air Base in al-Habbaniya," September 5, 2017; and, Ambassador Matthew H. Tueller, Statement for the Record, Senate Foreign Relations Committee, March 6, 2019.

59.

Treasury Sanctions Iran-Backed Militia Leaders Who Killed Innocent Demonstrators in Iraq, December 6, 2019.

60.

See Reuters, "Exclusive: Iran-backed militias deployed snipers in Iraq protests – sources," October 17, 2019; Michael Knights, "Punishing Iran's Triggermen in Iraq: Opening Moves in a Long Campaign," Washington Institute for Near East Policy, PolicyWatch 3223, December 6, 2019.

61.

Isabel Coles and Ali Nabhan, "Oil-Rich Iraq Can't Keep the Lights On," Wall Street Journal, July 21, 2018.

62.

LIG-OCO, Report to the U.S. Congress on Operation Inherent Resolve and other Overseas Contingency Operations for the period October 1, 2018‒December 31, 2018, February 4, 2019.

63.

For background on the Kurdistan region, see CRS Report R45025, Iraq: Background and U.S. Policy.

64.

"Gov't formation in Iraq Kurdish region closer after KDP-PUK deal," Al Jazeera English, March 4, 2019.

65.

Associated Press, "Iraqi Officials Cite Progress on Oil Deal With Kurds," November 25, 2019.

66.

Dana Taib Menmy, "As Iraqi calls to amend constitution rise, Kurds fear loss of political gains," Al Monitor, Nov. 18, 2019.

67.

U.N. Document S/2019/903, Report of the Secretary-General pursuant to Resolution 2470 (2019), November 22, 2019. In October 2018, the U.N. Secretary General reported to the Security Council that many remaining IDPs then expressed "an unwillingness to return to their areas of origin owing to concerns regarding security and community reconciliation, the destruction of property, insufficient services and livelihoods and the lack of progress in clearing explosive hazards." U.N. Document S/2018/975, Report of the Secretary-General pursuant to Resolution 2421 (2018), October 31, 2018.

68.

International Organization for Migration (IOM), Iraq Displacement Tracking Monitor, January 8, 2020. These figures include those who were displaced and returned home in disputed areas after the September 2017 KRG referendum on independence.

69.

Iraq Humanitarian Response Plan 2019, February 2019, and United Nations Financial Tracking Service, Iraq 2019 (Humanitarian Response Plan), January 8, 2020.

70.

U.S. humanitarian assistance has comprised a range of support such as emergency food and nutrition assistance, safe drinking water and hygiene kits, emergency shelter, medical services, and protection for Iraqis who have been displaced. USAID, Iraq: Complex Emergency Fact Sheet #5, Fiscal Year (FY) 2019, September 30, 2019.

71.

FFS includes a Funding Facility for Immediate Stabilization (FFIS), a Funding Facility for Expanded Stabilization (FFES), and Economic Reform Facilities for the national government and the KRI. U.S. contributions to FFIS support stabilization activities under each of its "Four Windows": (1) light infrastructure rehabilitation, (2) livelihoods support, (3) local official capacity building, and (4) community reconciliation programs.

72.

UNDP-Iraq, Funding Facility for Stabilization Quarter in Review Report – Quarter III 2019, December 17, 2019.

73.

UNDP-Iraq, Funding Facility for Stabilization Quarter III Report - 2018, January 3, 2019.

74.

UNDP-Iraq, Funding Facility for Stabilization Quarter in Review Report – Quarter III 2019, December 17, 2019.

75.

Past UNDP FFS self-assessment reports highlighted rapid growth in the number of projects undertaken nationwide since 2016 and resulting strains created on program systems including procurement, management, and monitoring.

76.

Iraq Ministry of Planning, Reconstruction and Development Framework, February 2018.

77.

IMF Country Report No. 17/251, Iraq: Second Review of the Three-Year Stand-By Arrangement, August 2017.

78.

AFP, "Iraq parliament approves 2019 budget, one of largest ever," January 24, 2019.

79.

See CJTF-OIR, "Coalition" at http://www.inherentresolve.mil/About-CJTF-OIR/Coalition/.

80.

Specific authority for the Iraq train and equip program is provided in Section 1236 of the FY2015 National Defense Authorization Act (P.L. 113-291), as amended. OSC-I activities are authorized by Section 1215 of the FY2012 National Defense Authorization Act (P.L. 112-81), as amended.

81.

Department Of Defense Budget Fiscal Year (FY) 2020 Justification for FY 2020 Overseas Contingency Operations (OCO) Counter-Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) Train and Equip Fund (CTEF), March 2019.

82.

Section III of the agreement states: "In order to strengthen security and stability in Iraq, and thereby contribute to international peace and stability, and to enhance the ability of the Republic of Iraq to deter all threats against its sovereignty, security, and territorial integrity, the Parties shall continue to foster close cooperation concerning defense and security arrangements without prejudice to Iraqi sovereignty over its land, sea, and air territory."

83.

Brett McGurk (@brett_mcgurk), Twitter, January 8, 2020, 10:07 AM.

84.

As of September 2017, when the Trump Administration last reported the number of U.S. personnel, the Department of Defense (DOD) Defense Manpower Data Center (DMDC) reported that there were then nearly 8,900 U.S. uniformed military personnel in Iraq. General Joseph Votel, Commander of U.S. Central Command, stated that in February 2018 that force reductions had occurred. In February 2019, outgoing U.S. Ambassador to Iraq Douglas Silliman said, "At the request of the Iraqi Government and in full cooperation with Baghdad, just over 5,000 American forces continue to partner with the Iraqi Security Forces on their bases to advise, train, and equip them to ensure the lasting defeat of Daesh and to defend Iraq's borders." See Gen. Votel, Testimony before the House Armed Services Committee, February 27, 2018; and U.S. Embassy Baghdad, "Ambassador Silliman bids Farewell to Iraq," February 5, 2019.

85.

Department of Defense Casualty Analysis System, U.S. Military Casualties - Operation Inherent Resolve (OIR) Military Deaths and Wounded in Action, January 8, 2020. Among military deaths, 17 were the result of hostile action.

86.

DOD Comptroller, Cost of War Report, as of March 31, 2019.

87.

U.S. Embassy Baghdad, "Ambassador Silliman bids Farewell to Iraq," February 5, 2019; Statement by Matthew H. Tueller, Nominee to be U.S. Ambassador to Iraq, Senate Foreign Relations Committee, March 6, 2019; and, LIG-OCO, Report to Congress on Operation Inherent Resolve, Q4 FY2019, July 1 – October 25, 2019.

88.

LIG-OCO, Report to the U.S. Congress on Operation Inherent Resolve for the period July 1, 2018‒September 30, 2018, pp. 5, 24-26. These issues were similarly identified among the ISF's shortcomings when the U.S. completed its military withdrawal from Iraq in December 2011.

89.

NATO Mission Iraq, Fact Sheet, December 2018.

90.

LIG-OCO, Report to the U.S. Congress on Operation Inherent Resolve and Operation Pacific Eagle–Philippines for the period October 1, 2017‒December 31, 2017.

91.

Department Of Defense Budget Fiscal Year (FY) 2020 Justification for FY 2020 Overseas Contingency Operations (OCO) Counter-Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) Train and Equip Fund (CTEF), March 2019.

92.

Iraq-Complex Emergency Fact Sheet #5, Fiscal Year (FY) 2019, September 30, 2019.

93.

Executive branch communications to Congress, May 2019.

94.

Security Alert – U. S. Embassy Baghdad, Iraq, May 15, 2019; and, Chad Garland, "State Department orders evacuation of non-emergency US government employees from Iraq," Stars and Stripes, May 15, 2019.

95.

LIG-OCO, OIR, Report to the United States Congress, July 1, 2019-October 25, 2019, pp. 59-60.

96.

SFRC-ME, December 4, 2019.

97.

State Department Bureau of Consular Affairs, Iraq Country Information Page: Iraq, January 2020.

98.

Yousif Kalian, "The Nineveh Plains and the Future of Minorities in Iraq," Washington Institute for Near East Policy, February 7, 2016, and Bryant Harris, "Congress fuels Christian rivalries with bid to arm Iraqi militias," Al Monitor, September 15, 2017.

99.

Remarks by the Vice President at In Defense of Christians Solidarity Dinner, October 25, 2017.

100.

USAID, "Continued U.S. Assistance to Better Meet the Needs of Minorities in Iraq," January 8, 2018.

101.

UNDP response to CRS inquiry, May 2018.

102.

UNDP-Iraq, Funding Facility for Stabilization Quarter III Report - 2018, January 3, 2019.

103.

UNDP-Iraq, Funding Facility for Stabilization Quarter in Review Report – Quarter III 2019, December 17, 2019.

104.

"U.S. Official: We May Cut Support for Iraq If New Government Seats Pro-Iran Politicians," Defense One, Sept. 26, 2018.

105.

Ambassador Matthew H. Tueller, Statement for the Record, Senate Foreign Relations Committee, March 6, 2019.

Tracking Monitor Data. Factors Influencing Return Decisions Overal , returns by the displaced to their home areas increased in late 2017 and by December 2017, more Iraqis had returned to their home areas than those who had remained as IDPs or who were becoming newly displaced. Nevertheless, rates of return “slowed significantly in 2019, leading to a substantial proportion of the internal y displaced population in Iraq experiencing prolonged displacement.”98 In some areas, acute health, electricity, and water sector needs remain 95 UNDP, Iraq Crisis Response and Resilience Program (ICRRP), Annual Report 2019, June 2020. 96 United Nations Financial T racking Service, Iraq 2020 (Humanitarian Response P lan), July 9, 2020. 97 U.S. humanitarian assistance has comprised a range of support such as emergency food and nutrition assistance, safe drinking water and hygiene kits, emergency shelter, medical services, and protection for displaced Iraqis. See USAID, Iraq: Complex Emergency Fact Sheet #2, Fiscal Year (FY) 2020, May 8, 2020. 98 U.N. Document S/2020/363, Report of UNAMI on Implementation of Resolution 2470, May 6, 2020. Congressional Research Service 28 Iraq: Issues in the 116th Congress to be addressed, and, in others, protection concerns remain high, and have been amplified by the impact of COVID-19 and related economic pressures.99 Retaliation against people associated with (or perceived to be affiliated with) IS and sectarian-related violence also remains a complicated problem.100 Those choosing to return have cited “improvements in the security situation, the provision of services, and the rehabilitation of houses in areas of origin”101 as facilitating factors, although COVID-19 related restrictions have erected new barriers to movement between some governorates. In November 2019, the U.N. Secretary General reported to the Security Council and emphasized that returns of internal y displaced persons to their districts of origin should be “informed, safe, dignified, and voluntary.”102 However, according to UNOCHA, in late 2019 the Iraqi government affected “a rapid consolidation and closure of IDP camps, particularly in Ninewa. During that period, many IDPs left camps fearing security screening and/or involuntary relocation, often becoming secondarily displaced in out-of-camp settings due to an inability to successfully return to their areas of origin.”103 Issues Affecting Religious and Ethnic Minorities State Department reports on human rights conditions and religious freedom in Iraq have documented the difficulties faced by religious and ethnic minorities in the country for years . Violent extremist groups have targeted members of some Iraqi religious and ethnic minority groups aggressively. From 2014 through 2017, the Islamic State waged a particularly brutal campaign against Yezidis, Christians, and Shia Muslims in northern Iraq, which both the Obama and Trump Administrations have described as constituting genocide.104 Related difficulties and security risks have continuously driven members of minority groups to flee Iraq or to take shelter in areas perceived as safer, whether with fel ow group members or in new communities. The State Department reports that some minority groups have declined as a relative share of the country’s population since 2003 because of attacks, displacement, and discrimination. Estimates suggest that the Iraqi Christian population has declined particularly precipitously since the 2003 U.S. invasion, with hundreds of thousands of Christians having fled the country. In June 2019, the U.S. State Department reported that 99 UNOCHA, Iraq: Humanitarian Bulletin, May 2020. See also, Special Representative of the United Nations Secretary-General for Iraq Jeanine Hennis-Plasschaert, Briefing to the Security Council, August 28, 2019. 100 Hisham al Hashimi, “ISIS in Iraq: T he Challenge of Reintegrating ‘ISIS Families’” Center for Global Policy, July 7, 2020. T he State Department’s 2019 International Religious Freedom Report on Iraq states that “ According to multiple sources, many alleged Sunni ISIS sympathizers or their families whom government forces and militia groups had expelled in 2018 from their homes in several provinces had not returned home by year’s end. Some of these IDPs said PMF groups, including Saraya al-Khorasani and Kata’ib Hezballah, continued to block their return. ” 101 IOM, Iraq Displacement T racking Monitor, Master List Report 115, March-April 2020. 102 U.N. Document S/2019/903, Report of the Secretary-General pursuant to Resolution 2470 (2019), November 22, 2019. In October 2018, the U.N. Secretary General reported to the Security Council that many remaining IDPs then expressed “ an unwillingness to return to their areas of origin owing to concerns regarding security and community reconciliation, the destruction of property, insufficient services and livelihoods and the lack of progress in clearing explosive hazards.” U.N. Document S/2018/975, Report of the Secretary-General pursuant to Resolution 2421 (2018), October 31, 2018. 103 UNOCHA, Iraq: Humanitarian Bulletin, April 2020. 104 Secretary of State John Kerry, “Remarks on Daesh and Genocide,” March 17, 2016; and, Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs David Schenker, Special Briefing On the U.S.-Iraq Dialogue, June 11, 2020. Congressional Research Service 29 Iraq: Issues in the 116th Congress Christian leaders estimate there are fewer than 250,000 Christians remaining in the country, with the largest population – at least 200,000 – living in the Ninewa Plain and the IKR [Kurdistan Region of Iraq, or KRI]. The Christian population has declined over the past 16 years from a pre-2002 population estimate of between 800,000 and 1.4 million persons.105 Islamic State threats compounded these trends and spurred mass displacement among other groups. The State Department reported in 2019 that of the 400-500,000 Yezidis estimated by community leaders to remain in Iraq, approximately 360,000 were displaced at the end of 2018. The State Department reported in June 2020 that, “Restrictions on freedom of religion, as wel as violence against and harassment of minority groups committed by government security forces, remained widespread outside the Iraqi Kurdistan Region (IKR), according to religious leaders and representatives of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs).”106 Christian and Yezidi leaders have claimed that their communities experience political y and territorial y motivated movement restrictions in both the Ninewa Plains area (aka Nineveh Plain)107 and the KRI as a result of decisions by KRG officials, Kurdish peshmerga and asayish (special police) forces, and PMF).108 According to the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom, “religious minorities, including the Yazidi and Christian communities, are skeptical of the Iraqi government’s wil ingness and capability to protect them from both Shi’a and Sunni violent armed groups, including ISIS and sectarian elements of the PMF.”109 In August 2019, U.S. officials urged Iraq’s government “to make urgent progress” in supporting threatened religious and ethnic communities, “including by preventing armed groups from blocking their return to their homes and vil ages.”110 One complicating factor is the overlay of intra-Iraqi politics and competition over territory in areas where Christians and other minority groups have historical y resided. Minority groups that live in areas subject to long-running territorial disputes between Iraq’s national government and the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) face additional interference and exploitation by larger groups for political, economic, or security reasons. Members of diverse minority communities express a variety of territorial claims and administrative preferences, both among and within their own groups. While much attention is focused on potential intimidation or coercion of minorities by majority groups, disputes within minority communities over various options also have the potential to generate intra-group tension and violence.111 In June 2020, the 105 State Department, Report on International Religious Freedom, June 2019. “ Approximately 67 percent of Christians are Chaldean Catholics (an Eastern Rite of the Roman Catholic Church), and nearly 20 percent are members of the Assyrian Church of the East. T he remainder are Syriac Orthodox, Syriac Catholic, Armenian Catholic, Armenian Apostolic, and Anglican and other Protestants. T here are approximately 2,000 registered members of evangelical Christian churches in the IKR, while an unknown number, mostly converts from Islam, practice the religion secretly. ” 106 State Department, Report on International Religious Freedom, June 2020. T he 2017 report said that such harassment took place “particularly inside the Iraqi Kurdistan Region (IKR).” 107 Ninewa Governorate and the Ninewa Plain also are referred to as Nineveh Governorate and the Nineveh Plain. T he Arabic spelling and pronunciation is Ninewa, and pronunciations of the Kurdish and Syriac names mirror the Arabic. T he alternate English transliteration Nineveh is a historical reference to the ancient Assyrian city of the same name, the Latin word for which was Ninive. According to the Oxford English Dictionary, English usage evolved from Niniue to Nineveh in the 17th century. 108 Ibid. 109 U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom, Iraq Annual Report 2019. 110 Acting U.S. Permanent Representative to the United Nations Ambassador Jonathan Cohen, Remarks at a UN Security Council Meeting on the Situation in Iraq (UNAMI), August 28, 2019. 111 See Yousif Kalian, “T he Nineveh Plains and the Future of Minorities in Iraq,” Washington Institute for Near East Policy, February 7, 2016; Bryant Harris, “Congress fuels Christian rivalries with bid to arm Iraqi militias, ” Al Monitor, September 15, 2017; Mac Skelton and Karam Bahnam, “T he Bishop and the Prime Minister: Mediating Conflict in the Congressional Research Service 30 Iraq: Issues in the 116th Congress State Department reported that “Some Yezidi and Christian leaders continued to report physical abuse and verbal harassment by KRG Peshmerga and Asayish forces in the KRG-controlled portion of Ninewa; some [minority group] leaders said the majority of such cases were motivated more by territorial disputes rather than religious discrimination.”112 In April 2020, IOM reported that more than 262,000 individuals had returned to the Ninewa Plain districts of Hamdaniya and Telkaif east of Mosul out of an overal returnee population in Ninewa governorate of more than 1.76 mil ion.113 These districts have historical y been home to large communities of Iraqi Christians. IOM rated conditions for returnees in Hamdaniya and Telkaif as considerably less severe than districts further west that are home to Yazidi and Shia minorities such as Sinjar and Telafar. This may reflect some results of the prioritized stabilization assistance the Ninewa Plains areas have received with U.S. direction. In October 2017, Vice President Mike Pence said the U.S. government would direct more support to persecuted religious minority groups in the Middle East, including in Iraq.114 As part of this initiative, the Trump Administration negotiated with UNDP to direct U.S. contributions to the UNDP Funding Facility for Stabilization to the Ninewa Plains and other minority-populated areas of northern Iraq. In January 2018, USAID officials announced a “renegotiated” contribution agreement with UNDP so that U.S. contributions would “address the needs of vulnerable religious and ethnic minority communities in Ninewa Province, especial y those who have been victims of atrocities by ISIS” with a focus on “restoring services such as water, electricity, sewage, health, and education.”115 As noted above, subsequent U.S. contributions to the FFS have sought to address stabilization needs in Anbar governorate and aid in supporting the Iraqi health system’s response to the COVID-19 pandemic. The United Nations Security Council and Iraq The United Nations Security Council voted unanimously in May 2020 to extend the mandate for the U.N. Assistance Mission in Iraq (UNAMI) through May 2021. Resolution 2522 (2020) outlines priority issues for UNAMI to address in response to the Al Kadhimi government’s request. Special Representative of the U.N. Secretary-General Jeanine Hennis-Plasschaert of the Netherlands leads UNAMI. Resolution 2379 (2017) established an Investigative Team to Promote Accountability for Crimes Committed by Da'esh/ISIL (UNITAD). Led by Karim A. A. Khan QC of the United Kingdom, UNITAD continues to consult with Iraqi authorities on related accountability issues involving IS crimes and victims. His June 2020 report to the Council cited “close col aboration with national and local authorities across the country.”116 Pursuant to Resolution 2107 (2013), UNAMI continues to support Iraq -Kuwait cooperation on “developments pertaining to missing Kuwaiti and third-country nationals and missing Kuwaiti property, including the national archives” dating to the 1990 Iraqi invasion of Kuwait. A sanctions committee established pursuant to Resolution 1518 (2003) continues to monitor and administer a list of individuals and entities subject to sanctions under Resolution 1483 (2003), which targets members of the former Saddam Hussein regime. Iraq remains liable for $2.8 bil ion in outstanding payments to Kuwait under claims submitted to the United Nations Compensation Commission (UNCC) related to the 1990 invasion. Nineveh Plains,” London School of Economics Middle East Centre, January 25, 2019; and Saad Salloum, “Iraqi decision to remove Shabak PMU from Ninevah Plains stirs conflict,” Al Monitor, August 31, 2019. 112 State Department, Report on International Religious Freedom in Iraq, June 2020. 113 IOM, Displacement T racking Monitor: Iraq, Return Index Governorate Profile: Return Dynamics in Ninewa Governorate, April 2020. 114 Remarks by the Vice President at In Defense of Christians Solidarity Dinner, October 25, 2017. 115 USAID, “Continued U.S. Assistance to Better Meet the Needs of Minorities in Iraq,” January 8, 2018. 116 U.N. Document S/2020/547, June 23, 2020. Congressional Research Service 31 Iraq: Issues in the 116th Congress U.S. Policy and Issues in the 116th Congress The United States has long faced difficult choices in Iraq, and recent U.S.-Iran violence there appears to be complicating U.S. choices further. Even as the 2003 invasion unseated an adversarial regime, it unleashed more than a decade of violent insurgency and terrorism that divided Iraqis. This created opportunities for Iran to strengthen its influence in Iraq and across the region. Since 2003, the United States has invested both militarily and financial y in stabilizing Iraq, but successive Administrations and Congresses have expressed frustration with the results of U.S. efforts. The U.S. government withdrew military forces from Iraq in accordance with Iraq’s sovereign requests in 2011, but deteriorating security conditions soon led Iraqi leaders to request that U.S. and other international forces return. Since 2014, U.S. policy toward Iraq has focused on ensuring the defeat of the Islamic State as a transnational insurgent and terrorist threat, while laying the groundwork for what successive U.S. Administrations have expressed hope could be a long-term bilateral security, diplomatic, and economic partnership with Iraqis. U.S. and other foreign troops have operated in Iraq at the invitation of the Iraqi government to conduct operations against Islamic State fighters, advise and assist Iraqi operations, and train and equip Iraqi security forces, including peshmerga forces associated with the Kurdistan Regional Government. Cooperative efforts have reduced the Islamic State threat, but Iraqi security needs remain considerable. Security cooperation has been the cornerstone of U.S.-Iraqi relations since 2014, but leaders in both countries have faced pressure to reexamine the impetus and terms for continued bilateral partnership. Some Iraqi political groups—including some with ties to Iran—pushed for U.S. and other foreign troops to depart in 2019, launching a campaign in the COR for a vote to evict U.S. forces. However, leading Iraqi officials rebuffed their efforts, citing the continued importance of foreign support to Iraq’s security and the government’s desire for security training for Iraqi forces. The U.S.-Iran confrontation in December 2019 and January 2020 and the subsequent COR vote directing the expulsion of foreign forces il ustrated the potential stakes of conflict involving Iran and the United States in Iraq for these issues. As the Trump Administration has sought proactively to chal enge, contain, and roll back Iran’s regional influence, in Iraq it has reduced U.S. commitments while exploring possibilities for a long-term partnership with the Iraqi government. U.S. officials have continued to declare U.S. support for Iraq’s sovereignty, unity, security, and economic stability.117 These paral el (and sometimes competing) goals may raise several policy questions for, including with regard to  the makeup and viability of Iraq’s governing coalitions;  Iraqi leaders’ approaches to Iran-backed groups and the future of militia forces;  Iraq’s compliance with U.S. sanctions on Iran;  the future extent and roles of the U.S. military presence in Iraq;  the terms and conditions associated with U.S. security assistance to Iraqi forces;  U.S. relations with Iraqi constituent groups such as the Kurds; and  potential responses to U.S. efforts to contain or confront Iran-aligned entities in Iraq or elsewhere in the region. 117 Briefing with Special Representative for Iran and Senior Advisor to the Secretary of State Brian Hook, December 5, 2019; and, Principal Deputy Secretary of State for Near East Affairs (PDAS) Joey Hood, Statement for the Record, Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee on the Middle East, South Asia, Central Asia, and Counterterrorism (SFRC-ME), December 4, 2019. Congressional Research Service 32 Iraq: Issues in the 116th Congress U.S.-Iraq Strategic Dialogue On June 11, 2020, U.S. and Iraqi officials met virtual y to begin a high level strategic dialogue “in accordance with the 2008 Strategic Framework Agreement.” The talks are structured to address four principal areas: security and counterterrorism, economics and energy, political issues, and cultural relations. According to a joint statement, officials in the June meeting “reaffirmed the principles agreed upon by the two sides in the Strategic Framework Agreement (SFA), as wel as the principles in the exchange of diplomatic notes and the letters of the Republic of Iraq to the United Nations Security Council dated 25 June 2014 (S/2014/440) and 20 September 2014 [S/2014/691] respectively. The United States reaffirmed its respect for Iraq’s sovereignty, territorial integrity, and relevant decisions of the Iraqi legislative and executive authorities.”118 While other policy issues are relevant to the bilateral relationship, most attention in Iraq’s media and political debates focuses on whether or how the dialogue wil clarify questions surrounding the future of U.S. military forces and operations in Iraq. Commander, U.S. Central Command Gen. Kenneth McKenzie visited Iraq in July 2020 and afterward stated his expectation that Iraq wil seek to sustain a coalition military presence in the country, notwithstanding the Iraqi COR’s January 2020 vote directing the government to affect the withdrawal of foreign personnel.119 Praising the government of Iraq’s recent steps to improve force protection, McKenzie described his conversations with Iraqi leaders, saying, we established a good back and forth that whatever the future posture is for us in Iraq and for our NATO and coalition partners as wel , it's going to be in col aboration with the government of Iraq. We al agree that's the case, and we al agree we're going to be focused on finishing the final victory again. So the final final conclusion of the campaign against Da’esh, they're no longer holding ground. We just need to finish the insurgency. ...It is my belief that the government of Iraq recognizes the value that we bring for them in their fight against Da’esh. They’re going to want us to stay. As discussed above, several anti-U.S. factions in Iraq continue to insist on the departure of U.S. and coalition forces. Commenting on McKenzie’s statement, Fatah/AAH-affiliated COR member Sa’ad al Sa’adi said The decision of the Iraqi Council of Representatives dictating the expulsion of al foreign forces, and principal y the U.S. forces, is compulsory for Mustafa al Kadhimi’s government and al the government bodies concerned with this issue. It is not possible for any personality or body to procrastinate in implementing this decision, regardless of the pretexts or excuse. ...The government is obligated to implement this matter. ...There can be no accepting any occupying forces remaining in Iraq, especial y since we are in no need of any foreign forces on the ground.120 Possible Issues for Congress Although current policy questions relate to the potential reduction or elimination of ongoing U.S. military efforts in Iraq, successive U.S. Administrations already have sought to keep U.S. involvement and investment minimal relative to the 2003-2011 era. The Obama and Trump Administrations have pursued U.S. interests through partnership with various entities in Iraq and the development of those partners’ capabilities, rather than through extensive U.S. military deployments or outsized U.S. aid investments. That said, the United States remains the leading provider of security and humanitarian assistance to Iraq and supports post-IS stabilization activities across the country through grants to United Nations agencies and other entities. According to inspectors general reporting, reductions in the size of the U.S. civilian presence in Iraq during 2019 affected the ability of U.S. agencies to implement and monitor U.S. programs.121 Significant further reductions in U.S. civilian or military personnel levels could have additional 118 U.S. State Department and Iraqi Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Joint Statement on the U.S. -Iraq Strategic Dialogue, June 11, 2020. 119 CENT COM, Gen McKenzie Interview T ranscript with Lolita Baldor, Luis Martinez, and Missy Ryan, July 8, 2020. 120 “Strongly Worded Iraqi Parliamentary Response to the U.S. Central Command’s Announcement of the Iraqis’ Desire for Its Forces to Stay in the Country ,” Baghdad T oday, July 8, 2020. 121 LIG-OCO, Report to Congress on Operation Inherent Resolve, July 1 -October 25, 2019. Congressional Research Service 33 Iraq: Issues in the 116th Congress implications for U.S. programs, and conditions in Iraq and may require U.S. and Iraqi leaders to consider and pursue alternatives. Congress has continued to authorize and appropriate aid for Iraq, but has not enacted comprehensive legislation defining its views on Iraq or offering alternative frameworks for bilateral partnership. Several enacted provisions have encouraged or required the executive branch to submit strategy and spending plans with regard to Iraq since 2017. The Trump Administration has requested appropriation of additional U.S. assistance since 2017, but also has cal ed on Iraq to increase its contributions to security and stabilization efforts, while reorienting U.S. train and equip efforts to prioritize minimal y viable counterterrorism capabilities and deemphasizing comprehensive goals for strengthening Iraq’s security forces. The consolidation of U.S. forces to a smal er number of bases in Iraq concentrated remaining forces in anticipation of further diplomatic and security discussions between U.S. and Iraqi officials about the future of the bilateral partnership. In December 2019, Congress enacted appropriations (P.L. 116-93 and P.L. 116-94) and authorization (P.L. 116-92) legislation providing for continued defense and civilian aid and partnership programs in Iraq in response to the Trump Administration’s FY2020 requests. Appropriated funds in some cases are set to remain available through September 2021 to support military and civilian assistance should U.S.-Iraqi negotiations al ow. Members of Congress monitoring developments in Iraq, considering new Administration aid requests, and/or conducting oversight of executive branch initiatives may consider a range of related questions, including:  What are U.S. interests in Iraq, and how can they best be secured?  How necessary is a continued U.S. military presence in Iraq? What alternatives exist? What tradeoffs and benefits might these alternatives pose?  What effect might a precipitous U.S. withdrawal from Iraq have on the security of Iraq? How might the redeployment of Iraq-based forces to other countries in the CENTCOM area of responsibility affect regional perceptions and security?  How might the withdrawal of U.S. and other international forces shape Iraqi political dynamics, including the behavior of government and militia forces toward protestors and the relationships between majority and minority communities across the country?  If U.S.-Iraqi security cooperation were to end, how might Iraq compensate? If the United States were to impose sanctions on Iraq or defy Iraqi orders to leave, how might Iraq respond? How might related scenarios affect U.S. security interests? Authorities for Military Operations and Assistance The Trump Administration, like the Obama Administration, has cited the 2001 Authorization for Use of Military Force (AUMF, P.L. 107-40) and the 2002 Authorization for Use of Force in Iraq (P.L. 107-243) as domestic legal authorizations for U.S. military operations against the Islamic State in Iraq.122 Successive Presidents have notified Congress of operations against the Islamic State in periodic reports on the 2002 Iraq AUMF and in letters to Congress concerning war powers. Iraq requested international military intervention to address the threat posed by the 122 Reports on the Legal and Policy Frameworks Guiding the United States’ Use of Military Force and Related National Security Operations, December 2016 and March 2018. Congressional Research Service 34 Iraq: Issues in the 116th Congress Islamic State group in 2014.123 The U.S. government has referred to both collective and individual self-defense provisions of the U.N. Charter as the relevant international legal justifications for ongoing U.S. operations in Iraq and Syria.124 On a bilateral basis, the U.S. military presence in Iraq is governed by an exchange of diplomatic notes that reference the security provisions of the 2008 bilateral Strategic Framework Agreement.125 To date, this arrangement has not required the approval of a separate security agreement by Iraq’s Council of Representatives. According to former Special Presidential Envoy for the Global Coalition to Counter ISIL Brett McGurk, the 2014 U.S.-Iraq diplomatic notes, which are not public, contain a one-year cancelation clause.126 U.S. and coalition training efforts for various Iraqi security forces have been implemented at different locations, including in the Kurdistan region, with U.S. training activities carried out pursuant to the authorities granted by Congress for the Iraq Train and Equip Program and the Office of Security Cooperation at the U.S. Embassy in Baghdad (OSC-I).127 OSC-I helps administer training and support programs funded through Foreign Military Sales and Foreign Military Financing assistance.128 Congress has authorized the continuation of train and equip program activities through December 2020 and appropriated funding for related programs that remains available through FY2021. House and Senate versions of the National Defense Authorization Act for FY2021 would extend the program authorization through December 2021 on different terms (H.R. 6395 and S. 4049). U.S. arms transfers and security assistance to Iraq and counter-IS partners in Syria are provided with the understanding that U.S. equipment wil be responsibly used by its intended recipients. As of May 2020, the coalition had provided Iraqi and Syria partners “more than $4 bil ion worth of armored trucks, weapons, body armor, heavy engineering equipment, as wel as conditions-based stipends.”129 The 115th Congress was informed about the unintended or inappropriate use of U.S.-origin defense equipment, including a now-resolved case involving the possession and use of U.S.-origin tanks by elements of the Popular Mobilization Forces.130 123 U.N. Documents S/2014/691 annex and S/2014/440 annex, Letters from the Ministers of Foreign Affairs of Iraq Addressed to the President of the Security Council, September 20, 2014 an d June 25, 2014. 124 U.N. Document S/2014/695, Letter Dated 23 September 201 from the Permanent Representative of the United States of America to the United Nations Addressed to the Secretary General, September 23, 2014. 125 Section III of the agreement states: “In order to strengthen security and stability in Iraq, and thereby contribute to international peace and stability, and to enhance the ability of the Republic of Iraq to deter all threats against its sovereignty, security, and territorial integrity, the Parties shall continue to foster close cooperation concerning defense and security arrangements without prejudice to Iraqi sovereignty over its land, sea, and air territory.” 126 Brett McGurk (@brett_mcgurk), T witter, January 8, 2020, 10:07 AM. 127 Specific authority for the Iraq train and equip program is provided in Section 1236 of the FY2015 National Defense Authorization Act (P.L. 113-291), as amended. OSC-I activities are authorized by Section 1215 of the FY2012 National Defense Authorization Act (P.L. 112-81), as amended. 128 See description in LIG-OCO, Report to Congress on Operation Inherent Resolve, January 1-March 31, 2020. 129 Special Briefing - Lieutenant General Pat White, Commanding Gen., CJT F-OIR, May 8, 2020. 130 LIG-OCO, Report to Congress on Operation Inherent Resolve and Operation Pacific Eagle–Philippines for the period October 1-December 31, 2017. Congressional Research Service 35 link to page 41 link to page 21 link to page 21 Iraq: Issues in the 116th Congress Appropriations for Military Operations and Assistance Through September 2019, OIR operations in Iraq and Syria since August 2014 had cost $40.5 bil ion, with $11.8 bil ion spent in FY2019.131 This includes some of the more than $6.5 bil ion Congress authorized and appropriated for train and equip assistance in Iraq from FY2015 through FY2020 (Table 1). In FY2020, Congress appropriated $745 mil ion in defense funding for Iraq programs under the Counter-ISIS Train and Equip Fund (CTEF). The Administration’s FY2021 request for $650 mil ion in defense funding proposes support to the Iraqi Army, Counterterrorism Service (CTS), Special Forces (Qwat Khasah), Ministry of Interior Emergency Response Battalions, Federal Police (FP), and Territorial Interdiction Forces (TIF); and KRG Ministry of Peshmerga Regional Guard Brigades (see textbox on “Assistance to the Kurdistan Regional Government” below).132 Congress also authorized $30 mil ion in FY2020 funding for OSC-I, but limited the availability of some OSC-I funding until the Administration certifies that it has, among other things, initiated a “bilateral engagement... with the objective of establishing a joint mechanism for security assistance planning, including a five-year security assistance roadmap for developing sustainable military capacity and capabilities and enabling defense institution building and reform.” Table 1. Iraq Train and Equip Program: FY2015-FY2020 Appropriations and FY2021 Request in mil ions of dol ars FY2021 FY2015 FY2016 FY2017 FY2018 FY2019 FY2020 Request Iraq Train and 630 Equip Fund 1,618 715 - - - - 289.5 (ITEF) (FY17 CR) Counter-ISIS Train and Equip Fund (CTEF)— - - 446.4 1,269 850 745 650 Iraq Al ocation Total 1,618 715 1,365.9 1,269 850 745 650 Source: Executive branch appropriations requests and appropriations legislation. Security Cooperation and U.S. Training The U.S.-Iran confrontation in Iraq has raised fundamental questions about the future of U.S. and coalition operations and training programs in Iraq. As discussed above (“Combatting Islamic State Insurgents”), Iraqi military and counterterrorism operations against remnants of the Islamic State group are ongoing, and the United States military and its coalition partners in the Combined Joint Task Force-Operation Inherent Resolve (CJTF-OIR) have continued to provide support to those efforts at the request of the Iraqi government.133 131 LIG-OCO, Report to Congress on Operation Inherent Resolve, January 1-March 31, 2020. 132 DOD Justification for FY2020 Counter-Islamic State of Iraq and Syria T rain and Equip Fund (CT EF), March 2019. 133 See CJT F-OIR, “Coalition” at http://www.inherentresolve.mil/About-CJT F-OIR/Coalition/. Congressional Research Service 36 link to page 42 Iraq: Issues in the 116th Congress To date, the coalition campaign plan has sought to assist Iraqi forces in defeating IS forces, maintain security in recaptured areas, and pursue remaining IS insurgents. Oversight reporting to Congress in 2018 suggested that DOD then-estimated that the Iraq Security Forces were “years, if not decades” away from ending their “reliance on Coalition assistance,” and DOD expected “a generation of Iraqi officers with continuous exposure to Coalition advisers” would be required to establish a self-reliant Iraqi fighting force.134 At the time, the Lead Inspector General for Overseas Contingency Operations (LIG-OCO) judged that these conditions raised “questions about the duration of the OIR mission since the goal of that mission is defined as the ‘enduring defeat’ of ISIS.”135 More recent oversight reporting citing U.S. officials emphasizes the independent capabilities and operations of some Iraqi units relative to the reduced IS threats they face. As of October 2019, U.S. and coalition forces had trained more than 200,000 Iraqi security personnel since 2014, including more than 30,000 Kurdish peshmerga.136 More than 50,000 Iraqis participated in coalition training during 2019.137 While remaining Iraqi capability gaps identified by U.S. officials reflect long-standing weaknesses that in some cases date back to the U.S. military’s 2003-2011 presence in Iraq, this reporting states that officials believe conditions for transition toward higher level and more long term capacity building effort—“Phase IV” of coalition campaign plan (Figure 9)—is now possible. Figure 9. Combined Joint Task Force-Operation Inherent Resolve Campaign Plan Source: CJTF-OIR, July 2020. CJOA – Combined Joint Operations Area. 134 LIG-OCO, Report to Congress on Operation Inherent Resolve, July 1-September 30, 2018. 135 Ibid. 136 LIG-OCO, Report to Congress on Operation Inherent Resolve, July 1-October 25, 2019. 137 CJT F-OIR, CJT F-OIR reflects on significant gains in 2019, February 9, 2020. Congressional Research Service 37 Iraq: Issues in the 116th Congress Ongoing changes in the scope, footprint, and missions of U.S. and coalition personnel in Iraq may reflect reported improvements in Iraqi capabilities, but also may be influenced by health and security-related force protection concerns and evolving political conditions in the country. As noted above, in July 2020, the coalition announced a transition of its Task Force-Iraq advising element to a smal er Military Advisor Group that wil be central y located in Baghdad and advise Iraqi commanders on operational-level planning.138 Counter-IS operations and trainings were paused for force-protection reasons during heightened U.S.-Iran confrontations in January 2020, and training was again paused with the onset of COVID-19 pandemic in March 2020. Any future increases in force-protection concerns could similarly disrupt or delay U.S. and coalition partnership activities. Assistance to the Kurdistan Regional Government and in the Kurdistan Region Congress has authorized the President to provide U.S. assistance to the Kurdish peshmerga (and certain Sunni and other local security forces with a national security mission) in coordination with the Iraqi government, and to do so directly under certain circumstances. Pursuant to a 2016 U.S.-KRG memorandum of understanding (MOU), the United States has funded stipends, training, and in-kind support to the Kurdistan Regional Government of Iraq. Successive Administrations have requested funding for these purposes, and Congress has directed defense and foreign assistance spending for programs with the KRG and for the benefit of populations in the Kurdistan Region.  The December 2016 continuing resolution (P.L. 114-254) included $289.5 mil ion in FY2017 Iraq training program funds to continue support for peshmerga forces.  In 2017, the Trump Administration requested an additional $365 mil ion in defense funding to support programs with the KRG and KRG-Baghdad cooperation as part of the FY2018 train and equip request. The Administration also proposed a sale of infantry and artil ery equipment for peshmerga forces that Iraq agreed to finance using a portion of its U.S.-subsidized Foreign Military Financing loan proceeds. The Department of Defense paused stipend payments to peshmerga personnel in units aligned with the Ministry of Peshmerga fol owing the September 2017 independence referendum, but resumed them thereafter.  The Administration’s FY2019 Iraq Train and Equip program funding request referred to the peshmerga as a component of the ISF and discussed the peshmerga in the context of a $290 mil ion request for potential ISF-wide sustainment aid. The conference report (H.Rept. 115-952) accompanying the FY2019 Defense Appropriations Act (Division A of P.L. 115-245) said the United States “should” provide this amount for “operational sustainment” for Ministry of Peshmerga forces.  The Administration’s FY2020 Iraq Train and Equip funding request sought more than $249 mil ion to continue U.S. support to KRG peshmerga reform efforts, including the continued equipping and organization of Ministry of Peshmerga Regional Guard Brigades (RGBs) “equivalent to a U.S. light infantry brigade standard” and the payment of RGB stipends and logistical support.139  The Administration’ s FY2021request seeks to complete the force generation of the twelve planned 1,500-person peshmerga RGBs. Equipping of the forces would be completed through FY2022. The request notes that “CTEF is not used to provide support to any of the other Kurdish security services other than the RGBs because of their political y aligned nature,140” and states that although stipend support is set to end in FY2020, U.S. forces plan to continue “training, equipment divestitures, and sustainment support” for the RGBs. Kurdish officials report that U.S. training support and consultation on plans to reform the KRG Ministry of Peshmerga and its forces continue. As discussed below, Congress also has directed in recent years that U.S. foreign assistance, humanitarian aid, and loan guarantees be implemented in Iraq in ways that benefit Iraqis in all areas of the country, including in the Kurdistan region. 138 CJT F-OIR, Coalition T ask Force-Iraq transitions to Military Advisor Group, July 4, 2020. 139 DOD Justification for FY2020 OCO Counter-Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) T rain and Equip Fund (CT EF). 140 DOD Justification for FY2021 OCO Counter-Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) T rain and Equip Fund (CT EF). Congressional Research Service 38 link to page 44 Iraq: Issues in the 116th Congress U.S. Foreign Assistance Since 2014, the U.S. government has provided Iraq with State Department- and USAID- administered assistance to support a range of security and economic objectives (in addition to the humanitarian assistance mentioned above). U.S. Foreign Military Financing (FMF) funds have supported the costs of continued loan-funded purchases of U.S. defense equipment and have helped fund other Iraqi acquisitions, training, and defense institution-building efforts. U.S. loan guarantees also have supported Iraqi bond issues to help Baghdad cover its fiscal deficits. The Trump Administration requested $124.5 mil ion for foreign assistance programs in Iraq for FY2021 (Table 2). Congress al ocated $451.6 mil ion for Iraq programs in FY2020. The Trump Administration continues to notify congressional committees of jurisdiction about plans for obligating funds appropriated for foreign assistance activities in Iraq. Table 2. U.S. Assistance to Iraq: Select Obligations, Allocations, and Requests (in mil ions of dol ars) Account FMF ESF/ESDF INCLE NADR DF IMET Total FY2012 Obligated 79.56 275.90 309.35 16.55 0.54 1.99 683.90 FY2013 37.29 128.04 - 9.46 26.36 1.12 202.27 Obligated FY2014 Obligated 300.00 61.24 11.20 18.32 18.11 1.47 410.33 FY2015 Obligated 150.00 50.28 3.53 4.04 - 0.90 208.75 FY2016 Obligated 250.00 116.45 - 38.31 0.03 0.99 405.78 FY2017 Actual 250.00 553.50 0.20 56.92 - 0.70 1061.12 FY2018 250.00 100.00 5.60 46.86 - 0.82 403.28 Actual FY2019 Al ocation 250.00 150.00 5.60 45.00 - 0.91 451.51 FY2020 Al ocation 250.00 150.00 5.60 45.00 - 1.00 451.60 FY2021 - 75.00 1.00 47.50 - 1.00 124.50 Request Sources: Obligations data derived from U.S. Overseas Loans and Grants (Greenbook), January 2017. FY2017-FY2021 data from joint explanatory statements and State Department Congressional Budget Justifications. Notes: FMF = Foreign Military Financing; ESF/ESDF = Economic Support Fund/Economic Support and Development Fund; INCLE = International Narcotics Control and Law Enforcement; NADR = Nonproliferation, Antiterrorism, Demining, and Related Programs; DF = Democracy Fund; IMET = International Military Education and Training. Congressional Research Service 39 link to page 34 Iraq: Issues in the 116th Congress Since 2014, the United States also has contributed nearly $2.7 bil ion to humanitarian relief efforts in Iraq, including more than $470 mil ion in humanitarian support in FY2019.141 The Trump Administration also has directed additional support since 2017 to persecuted religious minority groups in Iraq, negotiating with UNDP to direct U.S. contributions to the UNDP Funding Facility for Stabilization to the Ninewa Plains and other minority populated areas of northern Iraq (see “Issues Affecting Religious and Ethnic Minorities” above). U.S. funding supported Iraqi programs to stabilize the Mosul Dam on the Tigris River, which remains at risk of collapse due to structural flaws and its compromised underlying geology. Collapse of the dam could cause deadly, catastrophic damage downstream. Major U.S.-supported efforts to stabilize the dam reached completion in 2019, but the State Department continues to warn that “it is impossible to accurately predict the likelihood of the dam’s failing.”142 Changes to the U.S. Civilian Presence in Iraq in 2019 and 2020 In early 2019, the State Department conducted a “zero-based” review of the U.S. citizen direct hire and contractor personnel footprint at the U.S. Embassy in Baghdad. The review considered options for maintaining then-current U.S. policy efforts in Iraq while reducing costs, decreasing U.S. citizen deployments, and increasing the use of Iraqi and other third-country national personnel.143 In May 2019, the State Department ordered the departure of nonemergency U.S. government personnel from Iraq, citing an “increased threat stream.”144 This order resulted in the departure of personnel from the State Department, U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), and other federal agencies. The Administration extended the ordered departure through November 2019, and, in December 2019, notified Congress of plans to reduce personnel levels permanently. According to USAID officials’ reports to the USAID OIG, “staff reductions associated with the ordered departure have had significant adverse effects on program planning, management, and oversight activities in Iraq.”145 In December 2019, Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary of State Joey Hood stated the Administration’s view that the then-current posture was “exactly what we need—no more, no less—to get the mission accomplished.”146 The FY2020 Foreign Operations appropriations act states that “any change in the status of operations at United States Consulate General Basrah, including the return of Consulate property located adjacent to the Basrah International Airport to the Government of Iraq, shal be subject to prior consultation with the appropriate congressional committees and the regular notification procedures of the Committees on Appropriations.” On March 25, 2020, the State Department ordered the departure of designated U.S. government employees from the U.S. Embassy, the Baghdad Diplomatic Support Center, and the U.S. Consulate General in Erbil due to security conditions and restricted means of international travel as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic. Outlook Systemic change, foreign ties, and core issues of sovereignty remain under review in Iraq, and continuity in U.S.-Iraqi cooperation is not guaranteed. New bilateral consensus through strategic dialogue and systemic reform in Iraq might present new opportunities for partnership, but political and economic upheaval in Iraq also might further empower groups seeking to minimize U.S. influence and/or weaken bilateral ties. The Iraqi government is engaged with U.S. officials to define the future of the U.S. military presence in Iraq, amid continuing cal s from other Iraqis, 141 Iraq-Complex Emergency Fact Sheet #5, Fiscal Year (FY) 2019, September 30, 2019. 142 State Department Bureau of Consular Affairs, Iraq Country Information Page: Iraq, July 2020. 143 Executive branch communications to Congress, May 2019. 144 Security Alert – U. S. Embassy Baghdad, Iraq, May 15, 2019; and, Chad Garland, “State Department orders evacuation of non-emergency US government employees from Iraq,” Stars and Stripes, May 15, 2019. 145 LIG-OCO, Report to Congress on Operation Inherent Resolve, July 1-October 25, 2019, pp. 59-60. 146 SFRC-ME, December 4, 2019. Congressional Research Service 40 Iraq: Issues in the 116th Congress especial y Iran-aligned voices, for the withdrawal of U.S. forces. The United States has sought Iraq’s cooperation in its maximum pressure campaign against Iran, but has acknowledged limits on Iraq’s ability to reduce some ties to its neighbor. U.S. officials welcome Iraqi efforts to assert more state control over militias and have insisted that Iraq fulfil its responsibilities to protect U.S. personnel, but have not publicly encouraged Iraqi counterparts to use force against pro-Iranian armed groups comprehensively. As Iraqis debated government formation after the 2018 elections, the Trump Administration signaled that decisions about future U.S. assistance efforts would be shaped by the outcome of government formation negotiations. Specifical y, the Administration stated at the time that if Iraqis they viewed as close to or controlled by Iran were to assume authority in the new government, then the United States would reconsider its support for and approach to Iraq.147 In the end, Iraqis excluded figures with close ties to Iran from cabinet positions. Nevertheless, Prime Minister Abd al Mahdi’s tenure was a product of consensus among leading Iraqi parties, and its failures reflected the limits of status quo approaches to decision making. Prime Minister Mustafa Al Kadhimi’s cabinet similarly reflects political consensus, but the pressures created by U.S.-Iran confrontation, COVID-19, and Iraq’s economic and fiscal crises may create opportunities for and demand different approaches. U.S. officials have argued that the United States government does not seek to compel Iraq to sever al of its relationships with neighboring Iran, but striking a balance in competing with Iran-linked Iraqi groups and respecting Iraq’s independence may continue to pose chal enges for U.S. policymakers.148 New or existing U.S. attempts to sideline Iran-backed Iraqi groups, via sanctions or other means, might chal enge Iran’s influence in Iraq in ways that could serve stated U.S. government goals vis-a-vis Iran, but also might entail risk inside Iraq and international y (see textbox “Is the United States Considering Sanctions on Iraq?” above). While a wide range of Iraqi actors have ties to Iran, the nature of those ties differs, and treating these diverse groups uniformly risks ostracizing potential U.S. partners or neglecting opportunities to create divisions between these groups and Iran. U.S. efforts to counter Iranian activities in Iraq and elsewhere in the region also have the potential to complicate the pursuit of other U.S. objectives in Iraq; including U.S. counter-IS operations and training. When President Trump in a February 2019 interview referred to the U.S. presence in Iraq as a tool to monitor Iranian activity, several Iraqi leaders raised concerns.149 Iran-aligned Iraqi groups then referred to President Trump’s statements in their 2019 political campaign to force a U.S. withdrawal. As discussed above, U.S. strikes against Iranian and Iranian-aligned personnel in Iraq have precipitated a renewed effort to force Iraq’s government to rescind its invitation to foreign militaries to operate in Iraq. More broadly, future U.S. conflict with Iran and 147 “U.S. Official: We May Cut Support for Iraq If New Government Seats Pro -Iran Politicians,” Defense One, Sept. 26, 2018. 148 Ambassador Matthew H. T ueller, Statement for the Record, Senate Foreign Relations Committee, March 6, 2019. 149 Alissa J. Rubin and Eric Schmitt, “T rump’s Plan for U.S. Forces in Iraq Met With Unified Rejection in Baghdad,” New York Tim es, February 4, 2019. In an interview with CBS News correspondent Margaret Brennan, President T rump said, “We spent a fortune on building this incredible base [Iraq’s Al Asad Air Base]. We might as well keep it. [Note: T he base belongs to the government of Iraq. U.S. forces operate from the base at the invitation of the Iraqi government.] And one of the reasons I want to keep it is because I want to be looking a little bit at Iran because Iran is a real problem.” When Brennan asked the President if he wants to keep troops in Iraq because he wants to be able to strike Iran, the President replied “No, because I want to be able to watch Iran. All I want to do is be able to watch. We have an unbelievable and expensive military base built in Iraq. It’s perfectly situated for looking at all over different parts of the troubled Middle East rather than pulling up.... We're going to keep watchin g and we're going to keep seeing and if there’s trouble, if somebody is looking to do nuclear weapons or other things, we’re going to know it before they do.” T ranscript: President T rump on “Face the Nation,” CBS News, February 3, 2019. Congressional Research Service 41 Iraq: Issues in the 116th Congress its al ies in Iraq could disrupt relations among parties to the transitional government in Baghdad, or even contribute to conditions leading to civil conflict among Iraqis, undermining the U.S. goal of ensuring the stability and authority of the Iraqi government. Iran also may seek to avoid these outcomes, concerned that conflict in Iraq could threaten its security. The U.S.-Iraq strategic dialogue may produce a new understanding that al ows U.S. military advisers and forces to remain in Iraq, but supporters of Iran and others who oppose a continued U.S. and foreign military presence could seek to re-litigate the issue of withdrawal and assert related demands as a condition of cooperation with political rivals or support for future governments. Armed groups could adopt a more actively hostile posture under circumstances in which the United States is perceived to be ignoring or defying requests from Iraqi authorities or to be violating Iraq’s sovereignty. More broadly, current or future U.S. threats to withhold or terminate assistance may not influence Iraqis seeking to ensure a U.S. departure in any case. A reduced and redefined U.S. military presence—if acceptable to Iraqis—could pursue a limited and less controversial mission set (e.g., more proscribed military operations or a focus solely on training), but also might stil entail considerable force-protection requirements if prevailing security conditions persist or confrontation recurs. Other international actors appear more wil ing and capable of contributing to training efforts than to active counterterrorism operations and could compensate for that component of any reduced U.S. presence if Iraq’s government endorses new arrangements. However, foreign troop contributors rely implicitly on force protection from the United States and Iraq, and persistent threats could limit contributions. Recent U.S. assessments of the counter-IS campaign and the capabilities of Iraqi forces suggest that a reduced or training-only presence could create security risks. U.S. officials judge that the Islamic State poses a continuing and reorganizing threat in Iraq, while Iraqi forces continue to use international intel igence and air support to conduct effective operations. Islamic State fighters and other armed groups presumably could take advantage of any reduced operating capacity or tempo by Iraqi security forces associated with changes in coalition support or presence. A precipitous withdrawal of most or al U.S. and/or coalition military forces, whether preemptive or required, could carry greater security risks. Under circumstances in which Iraqi authorities insist on changes or reductions in U.S. and coalition posture, compliance might have some diplomatic and strategic benefits. While Iranian al ies might welcome such changes, other nationalist Iraqis might see the United States and other international actors as respecting Iraqi sovereignty and thus remain open to further partnership. As noted above, U.S. defiance, whether real or perceived, could invite backlash. Iraqis are likely to continue to assess and respond to U.S. initiatives (and those of other outsiders) primarily through the lenses of their own domestic political rivalries, anxieties, hopes, and agendas. Reconciling U.S. preferences and interests with Iraq’s evolving politics and security conditions may require continued creativity, flexibility, and patience. Author Information Christopher M. Blanchard Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Congressional Research Service 42 Iraq: Issues in the 116th Congress Acknowledgments CRS Visual Information Specialist Amber Hope Wilhelm, CRS Geospatial Information Systems Analyst Calvin DeSouza, and CRS Research Assistant Sarah Collins contributed to the maps and graphics in this report. Disclaimer This document was prepared by the Congressional Research Service (CRS). CRS serves as nonpartisan shared staff to congressional committees and Members of Congress. It operates solely at the behest of and under the direction of Congress. Information in a CRS Report should n ot be relied upon for purposes other than public understanding of information that has been provided by CRS to Members of Congress in connection with CRS’s institutional role. CRS Reports, as a work of the United States Government, are not subject to copyright protection in the United States. Any CRS Report may be reproduced and distributed in its entirety without permission from CRS. However, as a CRS Report may include copyrighted images or material from a third party, you may need to obtain the permission of the copyright holder if you wish to copy or otherwise use copyrighted material. Congressional Research Service R45633 · VERSION 10 · UPDATED 43