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Legislation to reauthorize Trade Promotion Authority (TPA)—sometimes called "fast track"—the Bipartisan Congressional Trade Priorities and Accountability Act of 2015 (TPA-2015), was signed into law by President Obama on June 29, 2015 (P.L. 114-26). If the President negotiates an international trade agreement that would reduce tariff or nontariff barriers to trade in ways that require changes in U.S. law, the United States can implement the agreement only through the enactment of legislation. If the trade agreement and the process of negotiating it meet certain requirements, TPA allows Congress to consider the required implementing bill under expedited procedures, pursuant to which the bill may come to the floor without action by the leadership, and can receive a guaranteed up-or-down vote with no amendments.
Under TPA, an implementing bill may be eligible for expedited consideration if (1) the trade agreement was negotiated during the limited time period for which TPA is in effect; (2) the agreement advances a series of U.S. trade negotiating objectives specified in the TPA statute; (3) the negotiations were conducted in compliance with an extensive array of required notifications to and consultations with Congress and other stakeholders; and (4) the President submits to Congress a draft implementing bill, which must meet specific content requirements, and a range of required supporting information. If, in any given case, Congress judges that these requirements have not been met, TPA provides mechanisms through which the eligibility of the implementing bill for expedited consideration may be withdrawn in one or both chambers.
TPA is authorized through July 1, 2021. The United States is now engaged in renegotiation of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), for which TPA could be used to consider implementing legislation. The issue of TPA reauthorization raises a number of questions regarding TPA itself and the pending legislation. This report addresses a number of those questions that are frequently asked, including the following:
For more information on TPA, see CRS Report RL33743, Trade Promotion Authority (TPA) and the Role of Congress in Trade Policy, by [author name scrubbed] and CRS In Focus IF10038, Trade Promotion Authority (TPA), by [author name scrubbed].
Trade promotion authority (TPA), sometimes called "“fast track,"” refers to the process Congress
has made available to the President for limited periods to enable legislation to approve and
implement certain international trade agreements to be considered under expedited legislative
procedures. Certain trade agreements negotiated by the President, such as agreements that reduce
barriers to trade in ways that require changes in U.S. law, must be approved and implemented by
Congress through legislation. If the content of the implementing bill and the process of
negotiating and concluding it meet certain requirements, TPA ensures time-limited congressional
consideration and an up-or-down vote with no amendments. In order to be eligible for this
expedited consideration, a trade agreement must be negotiated during the limited time period for
which TPA is in effect, and must advance a series of U.S. trade negotiating objectives specified in
the TPA statute. In addition, the negotiations must be conducted in conjunction with an extensive
array of required notifications to and consultations with Congress and other public and private
sector stakeholders. Finally, the President must submit to Congress a draft implementing bill,
which must meet specific content requirements, and a range of supporting information. If, in any
given case, Congress judges that these requirements have not been met, TPA provides
mechanisms through which the implementing bill may be made ineligible for expedited
consideration. More generally, TPA defines how Congress has chosen to exercise its
constitutional authority over a particular aspect of trade policy, while affording the President
added leverage and credibility to negotiate trade agreements by giving trading partners assurance
that final agreements can receive consideration by Congress in a timely manner and without
amendments.11 TPA may apply both when the President is seeking a new agreement as well as
when he is seeking changes to an existing agreement.2
TPA can be used for legislation to implement trade agreements reached before July 1, 2021.
Under TPA, it originally was effective until July 1, 2018, but it could be extended through July 1,
2021 provided the President asked for an extension—as he did on March 20, 2018—and
Congress did not enact an extension disapproval resolution within 60 days of July 1, 2018. (See
What is the effect of an "“Extension Disapproval Resolution"?)
The Bipartisan Congressional Trade Priorities and Accountability Act of 2015 (TPA-2015) (H.R. 1890; H.R.
1890; S. 995) was introduced on April 16, 2015. Similar, though not identical, bills were ordered
to be reported by the Senate Finance Committee on April 22, 2015, and by the House Ways and
Means Committee the next day. The legislation, as reported by the Senate Finance Committee,
was joined with legislation extending Trade Adjustment Assistance (TAA) into a substitute
amendment to H.R. 1314 (an unrelated revenue measure), and that legislation was passed by the
Senate on May 22 by a vote of 62-37.
1
For more detailed background and analysis of TPA, see, CRS Report RL33743, Trade Promotion Authority (TPA)
and the Role of Congress in Trade Policy, by Ian F. Fergusson, and CRS In Focus IF10038, Trade Promotion Authority
(TPA), by Ian F. Fergusson.
2 P.L. 114-26, Sec. 105(a)(1)(A).
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In the House of Representatives, the measure was voted on under a procedure known as "division “division
of the question,"” which requires separate votes on each component, but approval of both to pass.
Voting on June 12, TPA (Title I) passed by a vote of 219-211, but TAA (Title II) was defeated
126-302. A motion to reconsider that vote was entered by then-Speaker Boehner shortly after that
vote. On June 18, the House again voted on TPA, in an amendment identical to the Senate version
attached to H.R. 2146, an unrelated House bill. This amendment did not include TAA. This
legislation passed the House by a vote of 218-206 and by the Senate on June 24 by a vote of 60-386038. It was signed by the President on June 29, 2015 (P.L. 114-26).
The U.S. Constitution assigns express authority over the regulation of foreign trade to Congress.
Article I, Section 8, gives Congress the power to "“regulate Commerce with foreign Nations"” and
to "“lay and collect Taxes, Duties, Imposts, and Excises."” In contrast, the Constitution assigns no
specific responsibility for trade to the President. Under Article II, however, the President has
exclusive authority to negotiate treaties (though his authority to enter into treaties is subject to the
advice and consent of the Senate) and exercises broad authority over the conduct of the nation's ’s
foreign affairs.
In a sense, TPA grants no new authority to the President. The President possesses inherent
authority to negotiate with other countries to arrive at trade agreements. However, some
agreements require congressional approval in order to take effect. For example, if a trade
agreement requires changes in U.S. law, it could be implemented only through legislation enacted
by Congress. (In some cases, as well, Congress has enacted legislation authorizing the President
in advance to implement certain kinds of agreements on his own authority. An example is the
historical reciprocal tariff agreement authority described under the next question.) TPA legislation
provides expedited legislative procedures (also known as "“fast track"” procedures) to facilitate
congressional action on legislation to approve and implement trade agreements of the kinds
specified in the TPA statute. TPA legislation also establishes trade negotiating objectives and
notification and consultation requirements described later.
The President has the authority to negotiate international agreements, including free trade
agreements (FTAs), but the Constitution gives Congress sole authority over the regulation of
foreign commerce and tariffs. For 150 years, Congress exercised this authority over foreign trade
by setting tariff rates directly. This policy changed with the Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act of
1934, in which Congress delegated temporary authority to the President to enter into (sign)
reciprocal trade agreements that reduced tariffs within preapproved levels and implement them by
proclamation without further congressional action. This authority was renewed a number of times
until 1974.
In the 1960s, as international trade expanded, nontariff barriers, such as antidumping measures,
safety and certification requirements, and government procurement practices, became subjects of
trade negotiations and agreements. Congress altered the authority delegated to the President to
require enactment of an implementing bill to approve the agreement and authorize changes in
U.S. law required to meet obligations of these new kinds. For trade agreements that contained
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such provisions, preapproval was no longer an option. Because an implementing bill faced
potential amendment by Members of Congress that could alter a long-negotiated agreement,
Congress adopted fast track authority in the Trade Act of 1974 (P.L. 93-618) to ensure that the
implementing bill could receive floor consideration and to provide a procedure under which it
could not be amended. The act also established U.S. trade negotiating objectives and attempted to
ensure executive branch notification of and consultation with Congress and the private sector.
Fast track was renamed Trade Promotion Authority (TPA) in the Bipartisan Trade Promotion Authority
Authority Act of 2002 (P.L. 107-210).
).
Many observers point out that U.S. trade partners might be reluctant to negotiate with the United
States, especially on politically sensitive issues, unless they are confident that the U.S. executive
branch and Congress speak with one voice, that a trade agreement negotiated by the executive
branch would receive timely legislative consideration, that it would not unravel by congressional
amendments, and that the United States would implement the terms of the agreement reached.
Others, however, have argued that because trade negotiations and agreements have become more
complex and more comprehensive, bills to implement the agreements should be subject to
amendment like other legislation. In practice, even though TPA is designed to ensure that
Congress will act on implementing bills without amending them, it also affords Congress several
procedural means to maintain its constitutional authority.3
In general, under TPA, Congress has required the President to notify Congress and consult with
Congress and with private sector stakeholders before, during, and upon completion of trade
agreement negotiations, whether for a new agreement or changes to an existing agreement. TPA-2015TPA2015 instituted additional requirements for consultation during implementation of agreements
approved by Congress. Congress also has required the President to strive to adhere to general and
specific principal trade negotiating objectives in any trade agreement negotiated under TPA. After
signing the agreement, the President submits a draft implementing bill to Congress, along with
the text of the trade agreement and a statement of administrative action required to implement it.
(See sections below.)
No. If the United States enters into (signs) a trade agreement within a period for which
TPA is provided, the President may submit the implementing bill to Congress a day on
which both the House and the Senate are in session, regardless of whether TPA expired
before that date. In practice, the submission of the implementing bill usually has been
coordinated with leadership of the House and Senate.
Trade promotion authority was first enacted on January 1, 1975, under the Trade Act of 1974. It
was used to enact the Tokyo Round Agreements Act of 1979 (P.L. 96-39), which implemented the
1974-1979 multilateral trade liberalization agreements reached under the Tokyo Round
negotiations under the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), the predecessor to the
World Trade Organization (WTO). Since that time it has been renewed four time times—1979,
3
See “Expedited Procedures and the Congressional Role,” below.
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1988, 2002, and 2015. In 1993, Congress provided a short-term extension to accommodate the
completion of the GATT Uruguay Round negotiations.
Since 1979, the authority has been used for 14 bilateral/regional free trade agreements (FTAs) and
one additional set of multilateral trade liberalization agreements under the GATT (now the World
Trade Organization [WTO])—the Uruguay Round Agreements Act of 1994.44 One FTA—the
U.S.-Jordan FTA—was negotiated and approved by Congress without TPA. That FTA was largely
considered noncontroversial and applies to only a small portion of U.S. total trade.
In some countries, the executive may possess authority to conclude trade agreements without
legislative approval. In others, especially in parliamentary systems, the head of government is
typically able to secure approval of any requisite legislation without amendment under regular
legislative procedures. In addition, some countries prohibit amendments to trade agreement
legislation and others treat trade agreements as treaties that are self-executing.
Yes. TPA applies both to negotiations of new agreements as well as changes to existing
agreements.55 On May 18, 2017, pursuant to TPA, the President sent Congress a 90-day
notification of his intent to begin talks with Canada and Mexico to renegotiate and modernize
NAFTA, allowing the first round of negotiations to begin on August 16, 2017. The U.S. Trade
Representative (USTR) submitted detailed negotiating objectives 30 days prior to the start of
negotiations on July 17. USTR received public comments and held public hearings in June 2017.
After a year of negotiations, USTR Lighthizer announced a preliminary agreement with Mexico
on August 27, 2018. On August 31, President Trump gave Congress the required notice 90-day
notice that he would sign a revised deal with Mexico, and potentially bring Canada into the pact "if it is willing." This announcement would allow the current Mexican President Enrique Pena Nieto to sign the proposed agreement prior to leaving office on December 1, 2018. Negotiations will continue to bring Canada into the agreement and to finalize the agreement with Mexico. It is unclear whether legislation implementing a bilateral agreement only with Mexico could be considered under TPA.
Congress exercises its trade policy role, in part, by defining trade negotiating objectives in TPA
legislation. The negotiating objectives are definitive statements of U.S. trade policy that Congress
expects the Administration to honor, if the implementing legislation is to be considered under
expedited rules. Since the original fast track authorization in the Trade Act of 1974, Congress has
revised and expanded the negotiating objectives in succeeding TPA/fast track authorization
statutes to reflect changing priorities and the evolving international trade environment. For
example, since the last grant of TPA in 2002, new issues associated with state-owned enterprises,
digital trade in goods and services, and localization policies have come to the forefront of U.S.
trade policy and are included in TPA-2015 as principal negotiating objectives.
Under TPA-2015, Congress established trade negotiating objectives in three categories: (1)
overall objectives; (2) principal objectives; and (3) capacity building and other priorities. These
begin with broad goals that encapsulate the "overall"“overall” direction trade negotiations are expected to
take, such as fostering U.S. and global economic growth and obtaining more favorable market
access for U.S. products and services. Principal objectives are more specific and are considered
the most politically critical set of objectives, the advancement of which is necessary for a U.S.
trade agreement to receive expedited treatment under TPA. Capacity building objectives involve
the provision of technical assistance to trading partners.
The market access negotiating objectives under TPA seek to reduce or to eliminate tariff and
nontariff barriers and practices that decrease market access for U.S. products. One new provision
in TPA-2015 considers the "“utilization of global chains"” in the goal of trade liberalization. It also
calls for the use of sectoral tariff and nontariff barrier elimination agreements to achieve greater
market access.66 Agriculture (see below) and textiles and apparel are addressed by separate
negotiating objectives. For textiles and apparel, U.S. negotiators are to seek competitive export
opportunities "“substantially equivalent to the opportunities afforded foreign exports in the U.S.
markets and to achieve fairer and more open conditions of trade"” in the sector.77 Both the general
market access provisions and the textile and apparel provisions in TPA-2015 are the same as
those in the 2002 act.
Services have become an increasingly important element of the U.S. economy, and the sector
plays a prominent role in U.S. trade policy.88 The rising importance of services is reflected in their
treatment under TPA statutes as a principal negotiating objective beginning with the 1984 Trade Act.
Act.
6
P.L. 114-26, Sec. 102(b)(1).
Ibid., Sec. 102(b)(20).
8 For more information, see CRS Report R43291, U.S. Trade in Services: Trends and Policy Issues, by Rachel F. Fefer,
and CRS In Focus IF10311, Trade in Services Agreement (TiSA) Negotiations, by Rachel F. Fefer.
7
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Liberalization of trade in services was expressed in the 2002 Trade Act as a principal negotiating
objective. It required that U.S. negotiators to make progress in reducing or eliminating barriers to
trade in services, including regulations that deny nondiscriminatory treatment to U.S. services and
inhibit the right of establishment (through foreign investment) to U.S. service providers. The
content of the negotiating objective on services has not changed appreciably over the years.
(Because foreign direct investment is an important mode of delivery of services, negotiating
objectives on foreign investment [see below] pertain to services as well.)
TPA-2015 expands the principal negotiating objectives on services in the 2002 TPA by
highlighting the role of services in global value chains and calling for the pursuit of liberalized
trade in services through all means, including plurilateral trade agreements (presumably referring
to the proposed Trade in Services Agreement [TISA]).9
TPA-2015 adds three new agriculture negotiating objectives to the 18 previously listed in the
2002 act.1010 One lays out in greater detail what U.S. negotiators should achieve in negotiating
robust trade rules on sanitary and phytosanitary (SPS) measures (i.e., those dealing with a country'
country’s food safety and animal and plant health laws and regulations). This increased emphasis
aims to address the concerns expressed by U.S. agricultural exporters that other countries use SPS
measures as disguised nontariff barriers, which undercut the market access openings that the
United States negotiates in trade agreements. The second calls for trade negotiators to ensure
transparency in how tariff-rate quotas (TRQs)1111 are administered that may impede market access
opportunities. The third seeks to eliminate and prevent the improper use of a country'’s system to
protect or recognize geographical indications (GI). These are trademark-like terms used to protect
the quality and reputation of distinctive agricultural products, wines, and spirits produced in a
particular region of a country. This new objective is intended to counter in large part the European Union'
Union’s efforts to include GI protection in its bilateral trade agreements for the names of its
products that U.S. and other country exporters argue are generic in nature or commonly used
across borders, such as parma ham or parmesan cheese.
The United States is the largest source and destination of foreign direct investment in the world.
Both the 2002 act and TPA-2015 include identical principal negotiating objectives on foreign
investment.1212 The principal negotiating objectives on foreign investment are designed "to reduce or eliminate artificial or trade distorting barriers to foreign investment, while ensuring that foreign investors in the United States are not accorded greater substantive rights with respect to investment protections than domestic investors in the United States, and to secure for investors important rights comparable to those that are available under the United States legal principles and practices.... "13 Like the 2002 TPA, TPA-2015 seeks to accomplish these goals by including provisions establishing protections for U.S. foreign investment, such as nondiscriminatory treatment, free transfer of investment-related capital flows, reducing or eliminating local performance requirements, and including established standards for compensation for expropriation consistent with U.S. legal principles and practices. These provisions are also part of the bilateral investments treaties (BIT) that the United States negotiates with other countries.
Investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) allows for private foreign investors to seek international
arbitration against host governments to settle claims over alleged violations of foreign investment
provisions in FTAs. TPA-2015While TPA does not mention a specific ISDS mechanism. It, it states that trade
agreements should
provide meaningful procedures for resolving investment disputes;
seek to improve mechanisms used to resolve disputes between an investor and a
government through mechanisms to eliminate frivolous claims and to deter the
filing of frivolous claims;
provide procedures to ensure the efficient selection of arbitrators and the
expeditious disposition of claims;
provide procedures to enhance opportunities for public input into the formulation
of government positions; and
seek to provide for an appellate body or similar mechanism to provide coherence
to interpretations of investment provisions in trade agreements.14
Two negotiating objectives relating to foreign investment were initially listed under the Omnibus
Trade and Competitiveness Act of 1988 fast-track authority. The 2002 TPA and TPA-2015 list
eight. In addition to TPA, U.S. investment negotiating objectives are shaped by the U.S. Model
BIT, the template used to negotiate U.S. BITs and FTA investment chapters. The Model BIT has
been revised periodically in an effort to balance investor protections and other policy interests.
The 2004 Model BIT, for instance, narrowed the definitions of covered investment and minimum
standard of treatment, and connected the definition of direct and indirect expropriation to "
“property rights or property interests,"” reflecting the U.S. Constitution'’s Takings Clause and with
possible implications for expropriation protection depending on foreign countries'’ definitions of
property. It also clarified that only in rare cases do nondiscriminatory regulatory actions by
governments to protect legitimate public welfare objectives result in indirect expropriation. In
(IIAs): Frequently Asked Questions, coordinated by Martin A. Weiss; CRS In Focus IF10052, U.S. International
Investment Agreements (IIAs), by Martin A. Weiss and Shayerah Ilias Akhtar; and CRS Report R43988, Issues in
International Trade: A Legal Overview of Investor-State Dispute Settlement, by Brandon J. Murrill.
13 P.L. 114-26, Sec. 102(b)(4).
14 Ibid., Sec. 102(b)(4)(F)-(H); An amendment to bar agreements containing ISDS from TPA eligibility was offered
during the Senate debate in 2015, but was rejected 39-60.
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response to global economic changes, the 2012 Model BIT, among other things, clarified that its
obligations apply to state-owned enterprises, as well as to the types of financial services that may
fall under a prudential exception (such as to address balance of payments problems). Other
examples of revisions to the Model BIT over time include more detailed provisions on ISDS,
stronger aspirational language on environmental and labor standards, and enhanced transparency
obligations.
TPA-2015 states that no trade agreement is to lead to the granting of foreign investors in the
United States greater substantive rights than are granted to U.S. investors in the United States.
Some have argued, however, that the use of ISDS itself implies greater procedural rights.
"”
“Trade remedies"” are statutory provisions that provide U.S. firms with the means to redress unfair
trade practices by foreign actors, whether firms or governments. Examples are antidumping and
countervailing duty laws.1515 The "“escape clause"” or "“safeguard provision"” permits temporary
restraints on import surges not considered to be unfairly traded that cause or threaten to cause
serious injury, and thus may also be considered trade remedies.
The principal trade negotiating objective concerning trade remedies in TPA-2015 and previous
TPA legislation has been to "“preserve the ability of the United States to rigorously enforce its
trade laws"” and to avoid concluding "“agreements that weaken the effectiveness of domestic and
international disciplines on unfair trade."16”16 Trade remedies have usually been addressed in the
context of multilateral WTO negotiations, though some FTAs have included commitments related
to trade remedies. Significantly, NAFTA includes —and USMCA maintains—a controversial
mechanism ("“Chapter 19"”) that enables other parties to challenge (and potentially overturn) trade
remedy decisions using special tribunals. The objective reflects the perception by some Members
of Congress that other countries have sought to weaken U.S. trade remedy laws. TPA-2015 also
maintains past notification provisions that require the President to notify Congress about any
proposals advanced in a negotiation that involve potential changes to U.S. trade remedy laws 180
days before signing (entering into) a trade agreement.
The extent to which some countries may use the value of their currency to gain competitive
market advantage is a source of concern for certain industries and some Members of Congress. In
TPA-2002, the President was to seek to establish consultative mechanisms with trading partners
to examine the trade consequences of significant and unanticipated currency movements and to
15
16
For more information, please see CRS Report RL32371, Trade Remedies: A Primer, by Vivian C. Jones.
P.L. 114-26, Sec. 102(b)(17).
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scrutinize whether a foreign government has manipulated its currency to promote a competitive
advantage in international trade. This provision was contained in the section on "“Promotion of
Certain Priorities."
TPA-2015 elevates the topic of currency manipulation to a principal U.S. negotiating objective.
The legislation, as introduced, stipulates that U.S. trade agreement partners "“avoid manipulating
exchange rates in order to prevent effective balance of payments adjustment or to gain unfair
competitive advantage."17”17 It does not specifically define currency manipulation to include or
exclude central bank intervention in the domestic economy, and, hence, it does not differentiate
among the ways a government can affect the value of its currency, such as currency market
intervention or central bank activities to increase the money supply to stimulate the domestic
economy. The language calls for multiple remedies, "“as appropriate,"” including "cooperative “cooperative
mechanisms, enforceable rules, reporting, monitoring, transparency, or other means."
”
During floor consideration, the Senate considered and passed the so-called Hatch/Wyden
amendment, which was adopted by the Senate by a vote of 70-29. This amendment sought to
head off concerns that the language could be used to discourage central bank activities such as an
increase in the money supply to stimulate the domestic economy, as well as to head off a currency
amendment introduced by Senators Portman and Stabenow (defeated 48-51) that would have
required the United States to negotiate "“strong and enforceable rules against exchange rate
manipulation,"” enforceable through the dispute settlement system of a potential agreement.
The Hatch/Wyden amendment modified the currency language of the bill as introduced, defining
unfair currency practices as "“protracted large scale intervention in one direction in the exchange
market and a persistently undervalued foreign exchange rate to gain an unfair competitive
advantage in trade."” The amended objective seeks to "“establish accountability"” through potential
remedies such as "“enforceable rules, transparency, reporting, monitoring, cooperative mechanism,
or other means to address exchange rate manipulation."” The legislation contains the original
negotiating objective, as well as the language of the Hatch/Wyden amendment.
On May 10, 2007, a bipartisan group of congressional leaders and the Bush Administration
released a statement on agreed principles in five policy areas, which were to besubsequently reflected in provisions of
in four U.S. FTAs then being considered for ratification, with Colombia, Panama, Peru, and South
Korea. The policy areas covered included worker rights, environment protection, intellectual
property rights, government procurement, and foreign investment. This agreement has since been
referred to as the "“May 10thMay 10th Agreement"” (for details, see box on "“The May 10th10th Agreement," ”
below). The extent to which these principles would be incorporated in negotiating objectives in
any renewal of TPA authority, and reflected in future FTAs, was a source of debate among
policymakers.
17
Ibid., Sec. 102(b)(11)-(12).
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The “May 10th Agreement”
The agreement of May 10thpolicymakers.
The "May 10th Agreement"
Regarding worker rights, the May
The Agreement also required FTAs to adhere to seven major multilateral environmental agreements: the
Furthermore, the parties were not to waive or otherwise derogate from their labor or environmental protection
The Agreement also required the FTAs to include provisions related to patents and approval of pharmaceuticals
Regarding foreign investment, the Agreement required each of the FTAs to state that none of its provisions would
The Agreement also clarified that FTA parties may require compliance with core labor standards in government |
TPA-2015 incorporates the labor and environmental principles of the May 10th10th agreement,
including requirements that a negotiating party'’s labor and environmental statutes adhere to
internationally recognized core labor standards and to obligations under common multilateral
environmental agreements. TPA-2015 also includes the language of the May 10th10th agreement on
investment, "“ensuring that foreign investors in the United States are not granted greater
substantive rights with respect to investment protections than U.S. investors in the United States."
”
TPA-2015 does not specifically refer to the language of the May 10th10th agreement on patent
protection for pharmaceuticals, which were designed to achieve greater access to medicine in
developing country FTA partners. Instead, TPA-2015 language seeks to "“ensure that trade
agreements foster innovation and access to medicine."
The United States has long supported the strengthening of intellectual property rights through
trade agreements, and Congress has placed IPR protection as a principal negotiating objective
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since the 1988 grant of fast-track authority.1818 The overall objectives on IPR under the 2002 TPA
authority were the promotion of adequate and effective protection of IPR; market access for U.S.
persons relying on IPR; and respect for the WTO Declaration on the Trade-related Aspects of
Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) Agreement and Public Health. This last objective addressed
concerns for the effect of patent protection for pharmaceuticals on innovation and access to
medicine, especially in developing countries.
These objectives are largely reflected in the five objectives in TPA-2015.1919 The promotion of
adequate and effective protection of IPR through the negotiation of trade agreements that reflect a
standard of protection similar to that found in U.S. law is a key provision, as are provisions for. Other provisions
include strong protection of new technologies,; standards of protection that keep pace with
technological developments,; nondiscrimination in the treatment of IPR,; and strong enforcement
of IPR. TPA-2015 also seeks to ensure that agreements negotiated foster innovation and access to
medicine.
A new objective in TPA-2015 seeks to negotiate the prevention and elimination of government
involvement in violations of IPR such as cybertheft or piracy.2020 The enhanced protection of trade
secrets and proprietary information collected by governments in the furtherance of regulations is
contained in the negotiating objective on regulatory coherence.
Both the 2002 TPA and TPA-2015 include several negotiating objectives on labor issues and
worker rights.2121 While similar, they also differ in some fundamental ways. For example, the 2002
authority states that trade agreements are to ensure that a trading partner does not fail effectively
to enforce its own labor statutes. The TPA-2015 requires that the United States ensure not only
that a trading partner enforces its own labor statutes but also that those statutes include
internationally recognized core labor standards as defined in the bill to mean the "“core labor
standards as stated in the ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights to Work and its
Follow-Up (1998)."22”22 It also states that parties shall not waive or derogate statutes or regulations
implementing internationally recognized core labor standards in a manner affecting trade or
investment between the United States and the parties to an agreement.23
In addition, the 2002 TPA allowed some discretion on the part of a trading partner government in enforcing its laws and stated that the government would be considered fulfilling its obligations if it exercised discretion, either through action or inaction, reasonably. TPA-2015, on the other hand, states that while the government retains discretion in implementing its labor statutes, the exercise 23
18
For additional information, please see CRS Report RL34292, Intellectual Property Rights and International Trade,
by Shayerah Ilias Akhtar and Ian F. Fergusson, and CRS In Focus IF10033, Intellectual Property Rights (IPR) and
International Trade, by Shayerah Ilias Akhtar and Ian F. Fergusson.
19
P.L. 114-26 (b)(5).
20 Ibid., Sec. 102(b)(5)(A)(6).
21 For more information, please see CRS In Focus IF10046, Worker Rights Provisions in Free Trade Agreements
(FTAs), by Cathleen D. Cimino-Isaacs and M. Angeles Villarreal.
22 The ILO declaration lists these core labor principles: the freedom of association and the effective recognition of the
right to collective bargaining; the elimination of all forms of forced or compulsory labor; the effective abolition of child
labor and the prohibition on the worst forms of child labor; and the elimination of discrimination in respect of
employment and occupation.
23 P.L. 114-26, Sec. 102(b)(10).
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In addition, the 2002 TPA allowed some discretion on the part of a trading partner government in
enforcing its laws and stated that the government would be considered fulfilling its obligations if
it exercised discretion, either through action or inaction, reasonably. TPA-2015, on the other hand,
states that while the government retains discretion in implementing its labor statutes, the exercise
of that discretion is not a reason not to comply with its obligations under the trade agreement.24
of that discretion is not a reason not to comply with its obligations under the trade agreement.24 The labor—and environmental—provisions also contain language to strengthen the capacity of
trading partners to adhere to labor and environmental standards, as well as a provision to reduce
or eliminate policies that unduly threaten sustainable development.
Like the labor negotiating objectives, TPA-2015 provides not only that a party enforce its own
environmental standards as in the 2002 act, but also that those laws be consistent with seven
internationally recognized multilateral environmental agreements (MEAs) and other provisions.25 25
It also contains the abovementioned prohibition of waiver or derogation from environmental law
in matters of trade and investment. The environmental objective contains language allowing a
reasonable exercise of prosecutorial discretion in enforcement and allocation of resources:
language similar to, but seemingly more flexible than, that included in the labor provisions.26
TPA-2015 commits negotiators "“to ensure that enforceable labor and environmental standards are
subject to the same dispute settlement and remedies as other enforceable provisions under the
agreement."27”27 Under the most recent U.S. trade agreements, this could mean the withdrawal of
trade concessions as an end result until a dispute is resolved. By contrast, the 2002 TPA did not prescribe
particular remedies—only suggesting that remedies should be "equivalent"“equivalent”—and trade
agreements implemented using 2002 TPA provided separate remedies under dispute settlement,
including the use of monetary penalties and technical assistance.
The regulatory practices negotiation objective seeks to reduce or eliminate the use of
governmental regulations (nontariff barriers)—such as discriminatory certification requirements
or nontransparent health and safety standards—from impeding market access for U.S. goods,
services, or investment.2828 Like the 2002 TPA, it attempts to obtain commitments in trade
agreements that proposed regulations are based on scientific principles, cost-benefit risk
assessment, or other objective, nondiscriminatory standards. It also seeks more transparency and
participation by affected parties in the development of regulations, consultative mechanisms to
24
Ibid., Sec. 102(b)(10)(B)(ii).
Ibid., Sec. 102(b)(10).
26 See CRS In Focus IF10166, Environmental Provisions in Free Trade Agreements (FTAs), by Richard K. Lattanzio
and Ian F. Fergusson.
27 Ibid., Sec. 102(b)(10)(H).
28 Ibid., Sec. 102(b)(7).
25
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increase regulatory coherence, regulatory compatibility through harmonization or mutual
recognition, and convergence in the standards-development process. A new provision in TPA-2015TPA2015 seeks to limit governmental collection of undisclosed proprietary data—"“except to satisfy a
legitimate and justifiable regulatory interest"”—and to protect those data against public
disclosure.29
Yes, the regulatory practices negotiating objective contains language applicable to a foreign country'
country’s drug pricing system. TPA-2015 seeks to eliminate government price controls and
reference prices "“which deny full market access for United States products."” TPA-2015 also seeks
to ensure that regulatory regimes adhere to principles of transparency, procedural fairness, and
nondiscrimination.30
TPA legislation has sought to establish DS mechanisms to resolve disputes first through
consultation, then by the withdrawal of benefits to encourage compliance with trade agreement
commitments. TPA-2015 provisions aim to apply the principal DS negotiating objectives equally
through equivalent access, procedures, and remedies. In addition, as noted above, TPA requires
that labor and environmental disputes be subject to the same procedures and remedies as other
disputes—an obligation that, in practice, allows for full dispute settlement of labor and
environmental disputes under the agreement.31
TPA-2015, like its predecessors, also seeks to ensure that WTO DS panels and its appeals venue,
the Appellate Body, "“apply the WTO Agreement as written, without adding to or diminishing
rights and obligations under the agreement,"” and use a standard of review applicable to the
Uruguay Round Agreement in question, "“including greater deference, where appropriate, to the
fact finding and technical expertise of national investigating authorities."32”32 These provisions
address the perception by some Members of Congress that the WTO dispute settlement bodies
have interpreted WTO agreements in ways not foreseen or reflected in the agreement.
The internet not only has become a facilitator of international trade in goods and services given
its borderless nature, but also is itself a source of trade in digital services, such as search engines
or data storage. At the same time, however, digital trade and cross-border data flows increasingly
29
Ibid., Sec. 102(b)(7)(H).
Ibid., Sec. 102(b)(7)(F)-(G).
31 Ibid., Sec. 102(b)(16).
32 Ibid., Sec. 102(b)(16)(C).
30
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have become the target of trade restricting measures, especially in emerging markets. The digital
trade provisions update and expand upon the e-commerce provisions from the 2002 TPA that call
for trade in digital goods and services to be treated no less favorably than corresponding physical
goods or services in terms of applicability of trade agreements, the classification of a good or
service, or regulation. Aside from ensuring that governments refrain from enacting measures
impeding digital trade in goods and services, TPA-2015 extends that commitment to cross-border
data flows, data processing, and data storage. It also calls for enhanced protection of trade secrets
and proprietary information collected by governments in the furtherance of regulations. The
promotion of strong IPR for technologies to facilitate digital trade is included in the IPR
objectives, which extends the existing WTO moratorium on duties on electronic commerce
transactions.33
U.S. firms often face competition from state-owned or state-influenced firms. The TPA-2015
principal negotiating objective for SOEs seeks to ensure that SOEs are not favored with
discriminatory purchases or subsidies and that competition is based on commercial considerations
in order that U.S. firms may compete on a "“level playing field."34
”34
Localization
TPA-2015 adds a principal negotiating objective on "“localization,"” the practice by which firms
are required to locate facilities, intellectual property, services, or assets in a country as a condition
of doing business. While localization can be motivated by privacy and security interests, there are
concerns that such measures can be trade distorting and may be used for protectionist purposes.
TPA-2015 directs U.S. negotiators to prevent and eliminate such practices, as well as the practice
of indigenous innovation, where a country seeks to develop local technology by the enforced use
of domestic standards or local content.3535 The digital trade objectives described above also include
localization provisions concerning the free flow of data.3636 Localization barriers are also addressed
in the foreign investment chapter with provisions to restrict or eliminate performance
requirements or forced technology transfers in the establishment or operation of U.S. investments
abroad.37
Human Rights
abroad.37
TPA-2015 contains a negotiating objective to ensure the implementation of trade commitments
through promotion of good governance, transparency, and the rule of law with U.S. trade
partners, "“which are important parts of the broader effort to create more open democratic societies
and to promote respect for internationally recognized human rights."38”38 During floor consideration,
the Senate adopted unopposed an amendment by Senator Lankford to add an overall negotiating
objective to "“take into account conditions relating to religious freedom of any party to
negotiations for a trade agreement with the United States."39
The Senate Finance Committee adopted three amendments to TPA-2015 that were incorporated
into the legislation ultimately passed by Congress. These amendments:
The House placed its amendments to TPA-2015 in the subsequently passed Trade Facilitation and
Trade Enforcement Act of 2015 (P.L. 114-125).42).42 These five amendments added the following:
trafficking.
40
Ibid., Sec. 102(b)(20).
Ibid., Sec. 106(b)(6).
42 P.L. 114-125, Sec. 914 (a)-(e).
41
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Congressional Consultation and Advisory
Requirements
The consultative, notification, and reporting requirements of TPA are designed to achieve greater
transparency in trade negotiations and to maintain the role of Congress in shaping trade policy.
Congress has required the executive branch to consult with Congress prior to and during trade
negotiations, as well as upon their completion and the signing of (entering into) a trade
agreement. TPA/fast track statutes have required the USTR to meet and consult with the House
Ways and Means Committee, the Senate Finance Committee, and other committees that have
jurisdiction over laws possibly affected by trade negotiations.
While many of the provisions on consultation have some precedent in past grants of TPA in terms
of advisory structure and transparency commitments, TPA-2015 contains some new provisions.
These provisions require the following:
TPA-2015 includes consultation requirements similar to those under the 2002 TPA and previous
trade negotiating authorities. TPA-2015 provides for the establishment of separate Congressional
Advisory Groups on Negotiations (CAGs) for each house—a House Advisory Group on
Negotiations (HAGON), chaired by the chairman of the Ways and Means Committee, and a
Senate Advisory Group on Negotiations (SAGON), chaired by the chairman of the Finance
Committee. In addition to the chairmen, each CAG includes the ranking member and three
additional members of the respective committee, no more than two of whom could be from the
same political party. Each CAG also includes the chair and ranking member, or their designees, of
committees of the respective chamber with jurisdiction over laws that could possibly be affected
by the trade agreements.4848 The CAGs replaces the Congressional Oversight Group (COG), a
bicameral group with similar membership created under the 2002 TPA that reportedly met
infrequently.
For the CAGs, USTR is required to develop guidelines "“to facilitate the useful and timely
exchange of information between them and the Trade Representative."” These guidelines include
fixed-timetable briefings and access by members of the CAG and their cleared staffers to
pertinent negotiating documents. The President also is required to meet with either group upon
the request of the majority of that group prior to launching negotiations or at any time during the
negotiations. TPA-2015 mandates that the USTR draw up several sets of guidelines to enhance
consultations with Congress, the private sector Advisory Committee for Trade Policy and
Negotiations (see below), sectoral and industry advisory groups, and the public at large. USTR
was directed to produce the guidelines, in consultation with the chairmen and ranking members of
the Senate Finance Committee and the House Ways and Means Committee, no later than 120
days after TPA-2015 was enacted.4949 The guidelines are to provide for timely briefings on the
negotiating objectives for any specific trade agreement, the status of the negotiations, and any
changes in laws that might be required to implement the trade agreement. In addition, TPA-2015
requires the USTR to consult on trade negotiations with any Member of Congress who requests to
do so.
Designated Congressional Advisors (DCAs) are Members of Congress who are accredited as
official advisers to U.S. delegations to trade negotiations. Under Section 161 of the Trade Act of
1974, as amended, the Speaker of the House selects five Members from the Ways and Means
Committee (no more than three of whom are to be of the same political party), and the President
Pro Tempore of the Senate selects five Members from the Senate Finance Committee (no more
than three of whom can be of the same political party), as DCAs.5050 In addition, the Speaker and
the Senate President Pro Tempore may each designate as DCAs members of committees that
48
Ibid., Sec. 104(c).
USTR released these guidelines on October 27, 2015, https://ustr.gov/sites/default/files/
USTR%20Guidelines%20for%20Consultation%20and%20Engagement.pdf.
50 The appointment power of the President pro tempore of the Senate is subject to the conditions of 2 U.S.C. 199, which
requires involvement of the majority and minority leaders if a statute specifies that the appointment is to be made on
the basis of the appointee’s affiliation with a political party, or if not, upon the joint recommendation of the Senate
majority and minority leaders.
49
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would have jurisdiction over matters that are the subject of trade policy considerations or trade
negotiations. Members of the CAG who are not already DCAs may also become DCA members.
Under TPA-2015, in addition to the above, any Member of the House may be designated by the
Speaker as a DCA upon consultation with the chairman and ranking member of the House Ways
and Means Committee and the chairman and ranking member of the committee from which the
Member is selected. Similarly, any Member of the Senate may be designated a DCA upon
consultation with the President Pro Tempore and the chairman and ranking member of the
committee from which the Senator is selected. In addition, USTR is to accredit members of the HAG and SAG
HAGON and SAGON as official trade advisers to U.S. trade negotiation delegations by the
USTR.51
USTR.51
Under the authority of Executive Order 13526, the USTR gives classified status to draft texts of
trade agreements. According to USTR, nevertheless, any Member may examine draft trade
agreements and related trade negotiating documents, although the 2002 TPA did not explicitly
provide for this practice. TPA-2015 expressly requires that the USTR provide Members and their
appropriate staff, as well as appropriate committee staff, access to pertinent documents relating to
trade negotiations, including classified materials.52
In order to ensure that private and public stakeholders have a voice in the formation of U.S. trade
policy, Congress established a three-tier advisory committee system under Section 135 of the
Trade Act of 1974, as amended. These committees advise the President on negotiations,
agreements, and other matters of trade policy. At the top of the system is the 30-member Advisory
Committee for Trade Policy and Negotiations (ACTPN) consisting of presidentially appointed
representatives from local and state governments and representatives from the broad range of
U.S. industries and labor groups. At the second tier are policy advisory committees—Trade and
Environment Policy, Intergovernmental Policy, Labor Policy, Agriculture Policy, and Africa.53 53
The third tier consists of 17 sector-specific committees—one agricultural and 16 industrial
sectors—which provide technical advice. In addition to consultations with the advisory
committees, the USTR solicits the views of stakeholders through Federal Register notices and
hearings. The legislation requires the USTR to develop guidelines on consultations with the
private sector advisory committees also no later than 120 days after the legislation'’s entry into
effect.54
54
The TPA/fast track authorities under the Trade Act of 1974, and under authorities thereafter, have
required the President to submit reports from the various advisory committees on their views
51
Ibid., Sec. 104(b).
Ibid., Sec. 104(a)(3)(B).
53 On February 18, 2015, then-USTR Michael Froman announced the formation of a Public Interest Advisory
Committee (PIAC) that will advise the Administration on issues of public health, consumer protection and transparency
in trade negotiations.
54 P.L. 114-26, Sec. 104(e).
52
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regarding the potential impact of an agreement negotiated under the TPA before the agreement is
submitted for congressional approval. For example, the 2002 TPA requires the President to submit
to Congress the reports of the advisory committees on a trade agreement no later than 30 calendar
days after notifying Congress of his intent to enter into (sign) the trade agreement. Those reports
are also required under TPA-2015.55
trade policy?
TPA-2015 expands the existing statutory requirement for consultation with the public.5656 For
example, it requires the USTR to develop guidelines for enhanced consultation with the public
and to provide these guidelines no later than 120 calendar days after the legislation'’s entry into
effect.5757 The guidelines committed USTR to provide detailed information regarding trade policy
online, as well as to provide public stakeholder events for interested parties to meet with and
share their views with negotiators, typically during negotiating rounds. The President also is
required to make public other mandated reports on the impact of future trade agreements on the
environment, employment, and labor rights in the United States (see below). These guidelines did
not provide for the public release of negotiating positions or texts during the course of the
negotiations.
Under the 2002 Trade Act and TPA-2015, import sensitive products58products58 in the agriculture, fishing,
and textile sectors have special assessment and consultation requirements before initiating
negotiations.
Another tool Congress has employed under TPA to ensure transparency of the negotiating process
is to require the President to notify Congress prior to launching trade negotiations and prior to
entering into (signing) a trade agreement.
TPA 2015 maintains TPA-2002 requirements that the President
The U.S. International Trade Commission (ITC) is an independent, quasijudicial federal agency
with broad investigative responsibilities on matters related to international trade. One of its
analytic functions is to examine and assess international trade agreements. Under TPA-2015, the
President must submit the details of the proposed agreement to the ITC 90 calendar days prior to
entering into (signing) the agreement. The ITC is required to produce an assessment of the
potential economic impact of the agreement no later than 105 calendar days after the agreement is
signed. Unlike TPA-2002, TPA-2015 requires that the reports be made public.59
Several reporting requirements were established in past TPA legislation; TPA-2015 maintains
similar requirements and establishes new ones. These include the following:
TPA-2015 incorporates existing expedited procedures ("“trade authorities procedures"”) prescribed
in Section 151 of the Trade Act of 1974 for consideration of trade agreement implementing bills
(see the text box).
Trade Authorities Procedures
Under Section 151 of the Trade Act of 1974 (19 U.S.C. 2191), an implementing bill submitted by the President is
In each chamber, once the committee reports or is discharged, the implementing bill may be called up for
In each chamber, once the measure is under consideration, debate is limited to 20 hours, no amendments may be
Most trade agreements affect tariffs, in which case the implementing bill will be a revenue bill, which, under the |
The expedited TPA procedures include three core elements: a mechanism to ensure timely floor
consideration, limits on debate, and a prohibition on amendment. The guarantee of floor
consideration is intended to ensure that Congress will have an opportunity to consider and vote on
the implementing bill whether or not the committees of jurisdiction or the leadership favor the
legislation. Especially in the Senate, the limitation on debate helps ensure that opponents cannot
prevent a final vote on an implementation bill by filibustering. The prohibition on amendments is
intended to ensure that Congress will vote on the implementing bill in the form in which it is
presented to Congress.
In these ways, the expedited procedures help assure that Congress will act on an implementing
bill, and that if the bill is enacted, its terms will implement the trade agreement that was
negotiated. This arrangement helps to increase the confidence of U.S. negotiating partners that
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law enacted by the United States will implement the terms of the agreement, so that they will not
be compelled to renegotiate it or give up on it.
prohibit amendments?
As noted above, if Congress were to amend an implementing bill, the legislation ultimately
enacted might fail to implement the terms of the agreement that had actually been agreed to. In addition, if
either house were to amend the implementing bill, it would likely become necessary to resolve
the differences between the House and Senate versions through a conference committee (or
through amendments between the houses). Since there is no way to compel the House and Senate
to reach an agreement on a single version of the legislation, this prospect would make it
impossible to ensure that Congress could complete action on the implementing bill expeditiously
or, possibly, at all.
Because trade agreement implementing bills are eligible for expedited congressional
consideration under TPA, Congress has imposed restrictions on what may be included in these
bills. The 2002 TPA legislation required that the implementing bill consist only of provisions that
approve the trade agreement and a statement of administrative action proposed to implement it,
together with provisions "“necessary or appropriate"” to implement the agreement, "“repealing or
amending existing laws or providing new statutory authority."
”
What constitutes "“necessary or appropriate"” has been the subject of debate, with some Members
arguing that the terms should not be interpreted too loosely, while others may argue for a broader
interpretation. TPA-2015 includes the same basic language as the 2002 authority, except it
requires that, in addition to provisions approving the trade agreement and statement of
administrative action, an implementing bill may include "only“only such provisions as are strictly strictly
necessary or appropriate"” (italics added).67
Along with a draft implementing bill, the President submits to Congress a Statement of
Administrative Action (SAA) and other supporting information. An SAA contains an authoritative
expression of Administration views regarding the interpretation and application of the trade
agreement for purposes of U.S. international obligations and domestic law. It describes significant
administrative actions to be taken to implement the trade agreement. To support this statement,
the President submits an explanation of how the implementing bill and administrative action will "
“change or affect U.S. law."68
”68
The President is also to submit with the draft implementing bill a statement explaining how the
agreement makes progress in achieving the "“purposes, policies, priorities, and objectives"” of the
TPA, whether it changes an agreement previously negotiated, and how it "“serves the interests of United States commerce,"
67
68
P.L. 114-125, Sec. 103 (b)(3)(B)(ii).
Ibid., Sec. 106 (a)(1)(E).
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United States commerce,” as well as how the implementing bill meets the requirement that its
provisions altering existing law are "“strictly necessary or appropriate."69
Each renewal of TPA has provided means by which Congress can determine not to extend
expedited consideration to certain implementing bills. In TPA-2015, these mechanisms include
the following:
The following paragraphs discuss how each of these mechanisms functions to enable Congress to
limit the use of TPA, implications of each, and relations among them.
”?
As already noted, TPA-2015 makes the expedited procedures available until July 1, 2018, and
authorizes the President to request that this period be extended through June 30, 2021. The
President made a request to extend TPA on March 20, 2018, but the extension would be denied if,
before that date, either chamber adopts an "“extension disapproval resolution"” (EDR).7070 This
provision enables either chamber to deny TPA altogether for any trade agreement entered into
(signed) after June 30, 2018. The 2002 renewal and other earlier TPA statutes contained similar
provisions for an extension and EDR.
Like previous grants of TPA, TPA-2015 effectively places the use of the EDR in the control of the
House Committee on Ways and Means and the Senate Committee on Finance. Although any
Member of the respective house may introduce an EDR, such a resolution may be considered on
the floor in each chamber only if the respective revenue committee (and, in the House, also the
Committee on Rules) reports it. If reported, however, the measure can be considered under an
expedited procedure of its own, known as the "“Section 152 procedure,"” which makes privileged a
motion for consideration, limits debate, and prohibits amendment at any stage of the process.71
71
69
Ibid., Sec. 106 (a)(2)(A).
Ibid, Sec. 103(c).
71 Sections 152(d) and (e) of the Trade Act of 1974 (P.L. 93-618), 19 U.S.C. 2192(d) and (e).
70
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What is the effect of a “Procedural Disapproval Resolution”?
Under TPA-2015, Congress may withdraw expedited legislative consideration from a particular
implementing bill if it determines either (1) that the President has not adequately notified or
consulted Congress on that agreement in the ways required by the act, or (2) that the agreement "
“fails to make progress in achieving the purposes, policies, priorities, and objectives"” of the act. If
both houses, within 60 days of each other, adopt a "“procedural disapproval resolution"” (PDR) on
the same implementing bill, neither can use the expedited procedure to consider that
implementing bill. In each chamber, the PDR is a simple resolution (H.Res. or S.Res.), requiring
action only in the chamber of origin, so that no conference committee or other mechanism to
resolve differences between the two chambers'’ measures is needed. Like an EDR, a PDR can be
considered in each chamber under the expedited procedure of Section 152 (see previous
paragraph), with a privileged motion for consideration, limited debate, and a prohibition on
amendment.72
72
This mechanism affords Congress a means to enforce the requirements that a trade agreement
advance the negotiating objectives established in statute and that the specified consultations,
which enable Congress to engage with the process of negotiation, will occur. If, in the judgment
of both houses, these conditions are not met, then Congress can decide not to accord expedited
consideration to the implementing bill.7373 As with the EDR, however, TPA-2015 effectively places
the use of the PDR in the control of the House Committee on Ways and Means and the Senate
Committee on Finance. Any Member of the respective chamber may introduce the resolution, but
it may be considered on the floor only if the respective revenue committee (and, in the House,
also the Committee on Rules) reports it. In this way the revenue committees serve, in effect, as
the agent of Congress in maintaining its legislative prerogatives.
With respect to a given trade agreement, moreover, the expedited procedure for considering a
PDR may be used only for the first such resolution reported in each chamber. The effect of this
limitation is that each chamber may attempt to withdraw expedited consideration from an
implementing bill on a given trade agreement under this procedure only once. (Further
implications of this limitation are noted in the later discussion on changes in trade remedy laws.)
Although not embedded in statute, a "“mock markup"” has been a traditional, informal method for
the House Ways and Means Committee and Senate Finance Committee to provide advice on the
contents of the implementing bill before the President formally sends the draft bill to both houses,
thus triggering the expedited procedures for the bill. Subsequent to the signing of the agreement,
the committees generally conduct hearings on a draft implementing bill sent by the White House,
followed by the advisory "“markup."” If the versions produced by the House and Senate
Committees have significant differences, the two panels might hold a "“mock conference."
”
This process is not legally binding, and it is at presidential discretion whether to accept the
advice. The process is called a "mock"“mock” markup because the bill under consideration is only a
draft, it is not actually reported to the House or Senate, and the action of the committees operates
only as a signal of their preferences to the executive. Often, nevertheless, the implementing bill
that the President later submits to Congress tracks the results of the mock markup. If the revenue
72
73
P.L. 114-26, Sec. 106(b)(1) and Sec. 106(b)(2).
If a PDR becomes effective, the two houses could still consider the implementing bill under their general rules.
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committees are dissatisfied with the implementing bill as submitted, they may respond by asking
Congress to deny expedited consideration through the use of a PDR or one of the other methods
described next, including bringing the bill to the floor under the general rules rather than the
statutory expedited procedures.
TPA-2015 retains a procedural mechanism from the 2002 authority, under which either house can
adopt a simple resolution (H.Res. or S.Res.) finding that changes to U.S. trade remedy laws
provided for in a trade agreement implementing bill submitted by the President are inconsistent
with statutory negotiating objectives on that subject. Such action would respond to the report by
the President to the revenue committees on this subject mentioned under "“Trade Remedies," ,”
above. Like a PDR, such a resolution could be introduced by any Member, but could receive floor
consideration only if reported by the respective revenue committee (and, in the House, also by the
Committee on Rules). If the respective committees had not previously reported any other such
resolution with respect to the same agreement, the resolution would be subject to consideration
under the expedited procedure of Section 152 (see "“What is the effect of an "Extension Disapproval Resolution"?").74
“Extension
Disapproval Resolution”?”).74
Unlike a PDR, however, TPA-2015 (like the 2002 authority) does not specify what effect the
adoption of a such resolution, finding an implementing bill inconsistent with trade remedy
objectives, would have on consideration of the implementing bill. As a result, it is not clear that
adoption of a resolution of this kind would prevent either chamber from considering the
implementing bill under its expedited procedure. Yet TPA-2015 (again like the 2002 authority)
prescribes that if such a resolution has been reported in either chamber, then that chamber may
not use the Section 152 expedited procedure to consider a PDR to deny expedited consideration
to the same implementing bill.75
TPA-2015 incorporates a mechanism, not present in previous TPA statutes, that permits either
house, by its own action, to make a given implementing bill ineligible for expedited consideration
in that chamber. As with the PDR, the emphasis of this proposal is on its potential use to counter
what the chamber may consider inadequate consultation by the executive branch with respect to a
trade agreement. This mechanism provides for use of a "“Consultation and Compliance Resolution"
Resolution” (CCR), which is a simple resolution of either chamber (S.Res. or H.Res.) asserting
that the President had "“failed or refused to notify or consult"” as required by the act, and therefore
that "“the trade authorities procedures ... shall not apply"” in that chamber to the implementing bill
in question.76
76
This form of action, however, contrasts with the use of the PDR, which has the effect of
withdrawing expedited consideration in both chambers, but only if both agree to similar
74
P.L. 114-26, Sec. 105(b)(3).
Ibid., Sec. 106(b)(2)(B).
76 Ibid., Sec 106. (b)(3)(C) and Sec. 106. (b)(4)(C).
75
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resolutions. Withdrawal of expedited consideration in only one chamber, nevertheless, would
presumably suffice to prevent the effective operation of the expedited procedure as a whole, for
the acting chamber might then either decline to consider the implementing bill at all, or might
never bring consideration to a close and proceed to a vote, or might amend the bill, in which case
a conference committee or other process of resolving differences between the two houses might
become necessary, and might never be concluded.
TPA-2015 provides separate procedures for a CCR in each chamber, and does not provide for
expedited consideration in either. In the Senate, if the Committee on Finance "“meets on whether
to report an implementing bill,"” but does not report it favorably, it must then, instead, report a
CCR. The Senate is not required to consider this resolution, but if a motion is offered to proceed
to its consideration, it would normally be debatable, and could be filibustered, in which case a
motion for cloture could be offered in order to limit consideration. If this motion does not receive
the 60 votes necessary for adoption, the resolution is returned to committee,7777 thereby preserving
the eligibility of the implementing bill for expedited consideration. In order for the Senate to
withdraw expedited consideration from an implementing bill under this procedure, accordingly,
the resolution would have to secure the support of 60 Senators for cloture (unless opponents
permitted the motion to consider the resolution, and then the resolution itself, to come to a vote
without cloture). In addition, a cloture vote does not occur until two days after the cloture motion
is offered, a matter under cloture may be considered for 30 additional hours after the cloture vote,
and if the Senate agrees to the motion to proceed, the same conditions apply to consideration of
the measure itself. As a result, adoption of a CCR in the Senate might require Senators to be
willing to spend as much as two days getting to a cloture vote, plus 30 hours consideration, plus
another two days until a cloture vote on the resolution itself, plus a further 30 hours consideration
before a final vote on the resolution.
In the House, the CCR process is triggered if the Committee on Ways and Means reports an
implementing bill "“with other than a favorable recommendation."” If, on the day after the
committee files such a report, a Member of the House submits a CCR, the committee must
consider one such resolution within the next four days of session and report it within six days of
session or be discharged from its consideration.7878 The act does not specify how such a resolution
would then reach the floor or under what terms it would be considered. Normally, a resolution
affecting the order of business (often called a "“special rule"”) would be considered by the
Committee on Rules and reported as privileged, which means the committee could call it up by
motion. In the past, when the House wished to withdraw expedited consideration from an
implementing bill, it has used such resolutions reported by the Committee on Rules, as described
below.
As the TPA statutes acknowledge, the expedited procedures for which they provide operate as
procedural rules of each house, and therefore each house retains full authority, under the
Constitution, to change or override them at any point. Under this authority, either house could
77
Ibid., Sec. 106(b)(3).
Ibid., Sec. 106(b)(4). The bill specifies these periods in legislative days, but in the House these are normally
equivalent to days of session.
78
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choose not to consider an implementing bill under the expedited procedure, but instead under its
general rules, which might, among other things, permit amendments.79
79
In practice, the House has usually considered implementing bills not under the statutory expedited
procedure, but pursuant to special rules reported from the Committee on Rules. These special
rules have normally retained the statutory prohibition against amendment (thereby duplicating the
conditions under which the House usually considers any revenue bill). Such special rules have
usually also barred a minority motion to recommit. However, the House could adopt a special rule
permitting amendments to an implementation bill, and it has also adopted a resolution prohibiting
consideration of an implementing bill for a specified trade agreement.
The Senate normally considers implementing bills under the statutory expedited procedure,
because supporters thereby avoid the possible need, in that chamber, to obtain a super-majority
vote for cloture in order to limit debate. By unanimous consent, nevertheless, the Senate could
agree to override any or all of the TPA procedures, including those that prohibit amendments to
an implementing bill.
Congress does not have the constitutional authority to prevent the President from entering into
negotiations with a foreign government. Under the Trade and Tariff Act of 1984 (P.L. 98-573) and
the Omnibus Trade and Competitiveness Act of 1988 (P.L. 100-418), however, a bill to
implement a trade agreement could have been denied expedited consideration if, within a 60-day
period after the President notified the House Ways and Means Committee and the Senate Finance
Committee of his intention to begin negotiations, either committee voted to disapprove the
negotiation. This provision was not included either in the 2002 statute or TPA-2015.
Even though the TPA procedures are designed to ensure that Congress will act on implementing
bills, and will do so without amending them, TPA legislation affords Congress several procedural
means to maintain arguably tight reins on the executive branch'’s exercise of the delegated trade
authority. In the provisions of successive TPA statutes, Congress has developed the various
mechanisms just discussed for preserving its authority in relation to the content of implementing
bills, even when those bills are eligible for consideration under the expedited procedure. In
practice, these mechanisms enable enable the House Committee on Ways and Means and the Senate
Committee on Finance (the "“revenue committees"”) to operate as agents of Congress as a whole in
protecting congressional prerogatives.
TPA statutes include extensive, specific negotiating objectives to be pursued in covered trade
agreements (see above). They also include extensive requirements for Congress to be notified of
any trade agreement negotiations and consulted during their course. These requirements enable
the revenue committees to monitor the negotiations actively and work to ensure that any trade
agreements reached will be acceptable (see other sections above).
79
As noted earlier, if either house adopted amendments, a conference committee might be necessary to reach
agreement on a version to send to the President.
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The procedural mechanisms discussed in the preceding paragraphs, including the extension
disapproval resolution, the procedural disapproval resolution, and the mock markup, enable
Congress, and the two revenue committees in particular, to exercise a degree of control over the
content and consideration of covered trade agreements that is comparable, in many respects, to
that which these panels generally exercise over other legislation within their jurisdiction.
Inasmuch as an implementing bill (if considered under the statutory expedited procedure)
normally cannot be amended, however, the revenue committees exercise control in these cases
instead through actions to shape the content of the implementing bill before it is introduced.
In addition to these TPA-specific procedures, finally, each house retains the ability to consider
implementing bills under its general rules rather than under the expedited procedure.
Neither the 2002 TPA authority nor previous TPA/fast track authorities contained provisions
addressing the issue of national sovereignty. TPA-2015 states that no provision of any trade
agreement entered into under the TPA inconsistent with any law of the United States, of any state,
or any locality of the United States could have any effect. Nor could any provision of a trade
agreement prevent the government of the United States, of any state, or any U.S. locality from
amending its laws. This provision essentially provides that, for domestic purposes, any trade
agreement adopted under the TPA authority is not self-executing. Therefore, any potential
agreement adopted through the TPA procedures would not displace any federal, state, or local law
without further action being taken by the appropriate legislature.
If the implementing legislation amends or changes U.S. law, then it would supersede existing
U.S. law. However, under previous grants of TPA, changes to U.S. law made by an implementing
bill are to be "“necessary or appropriate"” to implement the commitments under the trade
agreement. TPA-2015 changes this provision to "“strictly necessary or appropriate."
In general, if the United States does adopt an agreement with foreign countries, it would be bound
by international law under the agreement. If a federal, state, or local law is found to be in
violation of the free trade agreement, then the United States could be subject to removal of some
benefits under the agreement, such as an increase in tariffs on its products, through a potential
dispute resolution with a challenging country. The federal, state, or local government potentially
would have to amend the law that is inconsistent with the trade agreement in order for the United
States to avoid removal of benefits under the international agreement, but is not required to do so.
|
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Figure 1. Congressional Timeline
Source: |
Author Contact Information
Acknowledgments
This report was originally written with [author name scrubbed], longtime Specialist on Congress and the CRS.
CRS-30
Trade Promotion Authority (TPA): Frequently Asked Questions
Author Information
Ian F. Fergusson
Specialist in International Trade and Finance
Christopher M. Davis
Analyst on Congress and the Legislative Process
Acknowledgments
This report was originally written with Richard S. Beth, longtime Specialist on Congress and the
Legislative Process.
Disclaimer
This document was prepared by the Congressional Research Service (CRS). CRS serves as nonpartisan
shared staff to congressional committees and Members of Congress. It operates solely at the behest of and
under the direction of Congress. Information in a CRS Report should not be relied upon for purposes other
than public understanding of information that has been provided by CRS to Members of Congress in
connection with CRS’s institutional role. CRS Reports, as a work of the United States Government, are not
subject to copyright protection in the United States. Any CRS Report may be reproduced and distributed in
its entirety without permission from CRS. However, as a CRS Report may include copyrighted images or
material from a third party, you may need to obtain the permission of the copyright holder if you wish to
copy or otherwise use copyrighted material.
Congressional Research Service
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31
Legislative Process.
1. |
For more detailed background and analysis of TPA, see, CRS Report RL33743, Trade Promotion Authority (TPA) and the Role of Congress in Trade Policy, by [author name scrubbed], and CRS In Focus IF10038, Trade Promotion Authority (TPA), by [author name scrubbed]. |
2. |
P.L. 114-26, Sec. 105(a)(1)(A). |
3. |
See "Expedited Procedures and the Congressional Role," below. |
4. |
In the House, many of these agreements were actually considered not under TPA procedures themselves, but under special rules from the Committee on Rules. |
5. |
P.L. 114-26, Sec. 105(a)(1)(A). |
6. |
P.L. 114-26, Sec. 102(b)(1). |
7. |
Ibid., Sec. 102(b)(20). |
8. |
For more information, see CRS Report R43291, U.S. Trade in Services: Trends and Policy Issues, by [author name scrubbed], and CRS In Focus IF10311, Trade in Services Agreement (TiSA) Negotiations, by [author name scrubbed]. |
9. |
Ibid., Sec. 102(b)(2). |
10. |
Ibid., Sec. 102(b)(3). |
11. |
A TRQ is a trade policy tool used to protect a domestically produced commodity or product from competitive imports. It combines two policy instruments that nations historically have used to restrict such imports: quotas and tariffs. In a TRQ, the quota component works together with a specified tariff level to provide the desired degree of import protection. Imports entering during a specific time period under the quota portion of a TRQ are usually subject to a lower, or sometimes a zero, tariff rate. Imports above the quota's quantitative threshold face a much higher (usually prohibitive) tariff. |
12. |
For more information, please see CRS Report R43052, U.S. International Investment Agreements: Issues for Congress, by [author name scrubbed] and [author name scrubbed]; CRS Report R44015, International Investment Agreements (IIAs): Frequently Asked Questions, coordinated by [author name scrubbed]; CRS In Focus IF10052, U.S. International Investment Agreements (IIAs), by [author name scrubbed] and [author name scrubbed]; and CRS Report R43988, Issues in International Trade: A Legal Overview of Investor-State Dispute Settlement, by [author name scrubbed]. |
13. |
P.L. 114-26, Sec. 102(b)(4). |
14. |
Ibid., Sec. 102(b)(4)(F)-(H); An amendment to bar agreements containing ISDS from TPA eligibility was offered during the Senate debate in 2015, but was rejected 39-60. |
15. |
For more information, please see CRS Report RL32371, Trade Remedies: A Primer, by [author name scrubbed]. |
16. |
P.L. 114-26, Sec. 102(b)(17). |
17. |
Ibid., Sec. 102(b)(11)-(12) |
18. |
For additional information, please see CRS Report RL34292, Intellectual Property Rights and International Trade, by [author name scrubbed] and [author name scrubbed], and CRS In Focus IF10033, Intellectual Property Rights (IPR) and International Trade, by [author name scrubbed] and [author name scrubbed]. |
19. |
P.L. 114-26 (b)(5). |
20. |
Ibid., Sec. 102(b)(5)(A)(6). |
21. |
For more information, please see CRS In Focus IF10046, Worker Rights Provisions in Free Trade Agreements (FTAs), by [author name scrubbed] and [author name scrubbed]. |
22. |
The ILO declaration lists these core labor principles as: the freedom of association and the effective recognition of the right to collective bargaining; the elimination of all forms of forced or compulsory labor; the effective abolition of child labor and the prohibition on the worst forms of child labor; and the elimination of discrimination in respect of employment and occupation. |
23. |
P.L. 114-26, Sec. 102(b)(10). |
24. |
Ibid., Sec. 102(b)(10)(B)(ii). |
25. |
Ibid., Sec. 102(b)(10). |
26. |
See CRS In Focus IF10166, Environmental Provisions in Free Trade Agreements (FTAs), by [author name scrubbed] and [author name scrubbed]. |
27. |
Ibid., Sec. 102(b)(10)(H). |
28. |
Ibid., Sec. 102(b)(7). |
29. |
Ibid., Sec. 102(b)(7)(H). |
30. |
Ibid., Sec. 102(b)(7)(F)-(G). |
31. |
Ibid., Sec. 102(b)(16). |
32. |
Ibid., Sec. 102(b)(16)(C). |
33. |
Ibid., Sec. 102(b)(6). |
34. |
Ibid., Sec. 102(b)(8). |
35. |
Ibid., Sec. 102(b)(9). |
36. |
Ibid., Sec. 102(b)(6)(C). |
37. |
Ibid., Sec. 102(b)(4)(c). |
38. |
Ibid., Sec. 102(b)(21). |
39. |
Ibid., Sec. 102(a)(13). |
40. |
Ibid., Sec. 102(b)(20). |
41. |
Ibid., Sec. 106(b)(6). |
42. |
P.L. 114-125, Sec. 914 (a)-(e). |
43. |
P.L. 114-26, Sec. 104(f). |
44. |
Ibid., Sec. 105(a)(1)(D). |
45. |
Ibid., Sec. 105(c). |
46. |
Ibid., Sec. 105(f)(3)(A). |
47. |
Ibid., Sec. 106(a)(1). |
48. |
Ibid., Sec. 104(c). |
49. |
USTR released these guidelines on October 27, 2015, https://ustr.gov/sites/default/files/USTR%20Guidelines%20for%20Consultation%20and%20Engagement.pdf. |
50. |
The appointment power of the President pro tempore of the Senate is subject to the conditions of 2 U.S.C. 199, which requires involvement of the majority and minority leaders if a statute specifies that the appointment is to be made on the basis of the appointee's affiliation with a political party, or if not, upon the joint recommendation of the Senate majority and minority leaders. |
51. |
Ibid., Sec. 104(b). |
52. |
Ibid., Sec. 104(a)(3)(B). |
53. |
On February 18, 2015, then-USTR Michael Froman announced the formation of a Public Interest Advisory Committee (PIAC) that will advise the Administration on issues of public health, consumer protection and transparency in trade negotiations. |
54. |
P.L. 114-26, Sec. 104(e). |
55. |
Ibid., Sec. 105(b)(4). |
56. |
Ibid., Sec. 104(d). |
57. | |
58. |
P.L. 114-26, Sec. 105(a)(2)(B); Import sensitive products are those with tariff rates above 5% or subject to a tariff rate quota ("TRQ," described above). |
59. |
Ibid., Sec. 105(c). |
60. |
Ibid., Sec. 103(c). |
61. |
Ibid., Sec. 105(b)(3). |
62. |
Ibid., Sec. 105(b)(4). |
63. |
Ibid., Sec. 105(c). |
64. |
Ibid., Sec. 105(d)-(e). |
65. |
Ibid., Sec. 105(f)(1). |
66. |
Ibid., Sec. 105(f)(2). |
67. |
P.L. 114-125, Sec. 103 (b)(3)(B)(ii). |
68. |
Ibid., Sec. 106 (a)(1)(E). |
69. |
Ibid., Sec. 106 (a)(2)(A). |
70. |
Ibid, Sec. 103(c). |
71. |
Sections 152(d) and (e) of the Trade Act of 1974 (P.L. 93-618), 19 U.S.C. 2192(d) and (e). |
72. |
P.L. 114-26, Sec. 106(b)(1) and Sec. 106(b)(2). |
73. |
If a PDR becomes effective, the two houses could still consider the implementing bill under their general rules. |
74. |
P.L. 114-26, Sec. 105(b)(3). |
75. |
Ibid., Sec. 106(b)(2)(B). |
76. |
Ibid., Sec 106. (b)(3)(C) and Sec. 106. (b)(4)(C). |
77. |
Ibid., Sec. 106(b)(3). |
78. |
Ibid., Sec. 106(b)(4). The bill specifies these periods in legislative days, but in the House these are normally equivalent to days of session. |
79. |
As noted earlier, if either house adopted amendments, a conference committee might be necessary to reach agreement on a version to send to the President. |