Legal Sidebari 
 
The Twenty-Fifth Amendment and 
Presidential Inability, Part 4: Early 
Congressional Action 
March 28, 2024 
This Legal Sidebar post is the fourth in a seven-part series that discusses t
he Twenty-Fifth Amendment to 
the Constitution. In an effort to ensure that the United States will always possess a functioning President 
and Vice President, the Twenty-Fifth Amendment seeks to promote the
 prompt, orderly, and democratic 
transfer of executive power. In particular, the Amendment establishes procedures for addressing 
presidential inability and vacancies that arise in the presidency or vice presidency. Because Congress may 
play a role in implementing the Twenty-Fifth Amendment, understanding the Amendment’s history and 
drafting may assist Congress in its legislative activities.  
This Sidebar post discusses early congressional action with respect to the issues of presidential inability 
and succession. Other Sidebars in this series discuss the Twenty-Fifth Amendment’
s procedures; the 
framing of th
e Presidential Succession Clause at t
he Constitutional Convention of 1787; t
he history of 
presidential succession; and the Amendment’
s drafting i
n Congress, implementation, and unresolved 
issues. Additional information on this topic is available at t
he Constitution Annotated: Analysis and 
Interpretation of the U.S. Constitution and i
n several CRS reports.  
Early Congressional Action 
For more than a century before the Twenty-Fifth Amendment’s ratification, Members of Congress 
periodically
 raised concerns about
 ambiguities in the Constitution’s
 Presidential Succession Clause. Congressional action on presidential inability acquired new urgency after President Dwight D. 
Eisenhower
 suffered a heart attack in 1955. Representative Emanuel Celler of New York, chairman of the 
House Judiciary Committee, and Senator Estes Kefauver of Tennessee, chairman of the Senate Judiciary 
Committee’s Subcommittee on Constitutional Amendments, held hearings in t
he House a
nd Senate, 
respectively, on legislation to address presidential inability. The hearings explored several issues, 
including (1) how, if at all, to define presidential inability; (2) who should initiate the transfer of an 
incapacitated President’s powers and duties to an Acting President; (3) who should determine presidential 
inability and its termination; and (4) whether an amendment to the Constitution on the subject was 
necessary or desirable.  
Congressional Research Service 
https://crsreports.congress.gov 
LSB11134 
CRS Legal Sidebar 
Prepared for Members and  
 Committees of Congress 
 
  
 
Congressional Research Service 
2 
By early 1958, after President Eisenhower suffered a third illness in office
, many Senators had concluded 
that a constitutional amendment was necessary. However, no proposal was considered on the House or 
Senate floors. 
The 88th Congress: Reaction to the Kennedy Assassination  
President John F. Kennedy’s assassination in November 1963 prompt
ed renewed congressional interest in 
a constitutional amendment addressing presidential succession and inability. Lyndon B. Johnson’s 
succession to the presidency, which left the vice presidency vacant for 14 months, als
o highlighted the 
Constitution’s lack of a mechanism for filling vice presidential vacancies. At the time, Johnson’s potential 
successors under the Presidential Succession Act, House Speaker John McCormack and Senate President 
pro tempore Carl Hayden, wer
e 71 and 86 years of age, respectively. 
In the 88th Congress, Senator Birch Bayh of Indian
a became Chair of the Senate Judiciary Committee’s 
Subcommittee on Constitutional Amendments after Senator Estes Kefauver’s death. On December 12, 
1963, Senator B
ayh introduced S.J. Res 139, a joint resolution proposing a constitutional amendment 
addressing presidential vacancy, vice presidential vacancy, and presidential inability. In statements on the 
Senate floor, B
ayh emphasized the importance of ensuring that the nation would always possess a 
President “capable of making rational decisions and rational determinations” in an age of nuclear 
weapons. S.J. Res. 139, whi
ch drew in part upon earlier proposals and protocols developed by the 
Eisenhower Administration on the issue of presidential inability, was referred to the Senate Judiciary 
Committee.  
In August 1964, the Senate Judiciary Committe
e favorably reported a revised version of the joint 
resolution. According to the committee’s report, the draft amendment was intended to (1) separate 
constitutional rules on presidential succession, which involves a permanent vacancy, from rules on 
inability, which may be temporary; (2) specify who should determine presidential inability so that the 
President’s powers and duties could be transferred promptly to the Vice President; (3) clarify that an 
incapacitated President may “resume the functions of his office upon recovery” if he had self-certified his 
inability; (4) provide that the Vice President serves only as Acting President during periods of presidential 
inability; and (5) provide rules for vice presidential succession. The Senat
e approved the joint resolution 
unanimously on September 29, 1964. However, the 88th Congress adjourned 
sine die—without a date to 
reconvene—without the House taking action on the proposed amendment. 
The 89th Congress: Committee Action and Initial Passage 
On January 4, 1965, one day after the 89th Congress convened, President Lyndon B. Johnson
 referenced 
presidential succession and inability in his State of the Union Speech. Johnson noted that “[e]ven the best 
of government is subject to the worst of hazards.” He promised to “propose laws to insure the necessary 
continuity of leadership should the President become disabled or die.” On January 6, Senator Bayh 
reintroduced his presidential succession and inability amendment from the 88th Congress as S.J. Res. 1, 
and it was referred to the Senate Judiciary Committee. Representative Celler, again Chairman of the 
House Judiciary Committee
, introduced identical legislation in the House as H.J. Res. 1.  
The next month, the Senate Judiciary Committe
e reported S.J. Res. 1 favorably with amendments. 
According to the committee’s report, one of the amendment’
s key purposes was to encourage the 
President to relinquish his powers and duties voluntarily in the event of inability by assuring that he could 
resume his office upon recovery in such circumstances. The committee
 wrote that a constitutional 
amendment was necessary because of uncertainty over whether Congress could achieve the committee’s 
goals by legislation and a need to ensure presidential successors’ legal and political legitimacy. 
  
Congressional Research Service 
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The House Judiciary Committee
 favorably reported H.J. Res. 1 with amendments that designated specific 
congressional officers to receive presidential inability determinations and specifically allowed the 
President to resume office upon recovery from a self-declared inability without challenge. The committee 
al
so clarified that only certain Cabinet-level officers should participate in presidential inability 
determinations unless Congress provided by law for a different body to exercise that function jointly with 
the Vice President. To prevent Congress from
 indefinitely blocking a healthy President from resuming 
office, the committee
 specified a 10-day deadline for Congress to assemble and decide disputes between 
the President and other relevant officials on the issue of presidential inability. 
On February 19, 1965, the Senat
e unanimously approved the revised S.J. Res. 1. T
he House approved the 
revised H.J. Res. 1 as a substitute for the Senate joint resolution on April 13, 1965, by a vote of 368 to 29. 
 
Author Information 
 Brandon J. Murrill 
   
Attorney-Adviser (Constitution Annotated)  
 
 
 
Disclaimer 
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to congressional committees and Members of Congress. It operates solely at the behest of and under the direction of 
Congress. Information in a CRS Report should not be relied upon for purposes other than public understanding of 
information that has been provided by CRS to Members of Congress in connection with CRS’s institutional role. 
CRS Reports, as a work of the United States Government, are not subject to copyright protection in the United 
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