Legal Sidebari
The Twenty-Fifth Amendment and
Presidential Inability, Part 3: History of
Presidential Succession
March 28, 2024
This Legal Sidebar post is the third in a seven-part series that discusses t
he Twenty-Fifth Amendment to
the Constitution. In an effort to ensure that the United States will always possess a functioning President
and Vice President, the Twenty-Fifth Amendment seeks to promote the
prompt, orderly, and democratic
transfer of executive power. In particular, the Amendment establishes procedures for addressing
presidential inability and vacancies that arise in the presidency or vice presidency. Because Congress may
play a role in implementing the Twenty-Fifth Amendment, understanding the Amendment’s history and
drafting may assist Congress in its legislative activities.
This Sidebar post discusses the history of presidential and vice presidential succession prior to the
Twenty-Fifth Amendment’s 1967 ratification. Other Sidebars in this series provide
an overview of the
Twenty-Fifth Amendment’s procedures; discuss the
history of the Presidential Succession Clause; and
examine the Amendment’
s drafting i
n Congress, implementation, and unresolved issues. Additional
information on this topic is available at t
he Constitution Annotated: Analysis and Interpretation of the
U.S. Constitution and i
n several CRS reports.
Presidential and Vice-Presidential Vacancies Before the Twenty-Fifth
Amendment’s Ratification
From President George Washington’s 1789 inauguration to the Twenty-Fifth Amendment’s 1967
ratification, eight Presidents died while in office. (During this time, no President resigned or was removed
from office as a result of impeachment proceedings.) In 1841, President William Henry Harrison became
the first President to die in office when
he succumbed to illness shortly after his inauguration. Vice
President John Tyler took the presidential oath of office a
nd claimed that he had succeeded to the
presidency automatically for the remainder of Harrison’s term by operation of
Article II, Section 1, Clause
6. However, some of Tyler’s contemporaries
questioned whether Tyler had actually become the President
or would merely exercise the President’s power and duties as “Acting President” until a special election
could fill the vacancy. After debating the issue, the House and Senat
e enacted a joint resolution addressing
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Tyler as the President. Tyler’s actions established a historical precedent that subsequent Vice Presidents
would follow for more than a century until the Twenty-Fifth Amendment
formally incorporated this
succession rule into the Constitution.
After Tyler succeeded to the presidency following Harrison’s demise, seven other presidents died in office
before the Twenty-Fifth Amendment’s ratification:
• 1850: President Zachary Taylor
died of illness. Vice President Millard Fillmore,
following Tyler’s precedent, succeeded to the presidency.
• 1865: Less than a week after the Civil War’s end, President Abraham Lincol
n was
assassinated at Ford’s Theatre in Washington, DC. Vice President Andrew Johnson
assumed the presidency.
• 1881: President James A. Garfield died 80 days after h
e was wounded by an assassin’s
bullet. Vice President Chester A. Arthur became President.
• 1901: President William McKinley died eight days after he was
shot by an assassin. Vice
President Theodore Roosevelt became President.
• 1923: President Warren G. Hardin
g died of a heart attack. Vice President Calvin Coolidge
became President.
• 1945: President Franklin D. Roosevelt
died of a cerebral hemorrhage during his fourth
term in office. Vice President Harry S. Truman became President.
• 1963: President John F. Ke
nnedy was assassinated while on a campaign trip to Dallas,
TX. Vice President Lyndon B. Johnson became President.
In addition to the eight presidential vacancies that resulted from the incumbent’s death, the vice
presiden
cy was vacant 16 times for a total of more than 37 years before the Twenty-Fifth Amendment’s
ratification. These vacancies resulted from the Vice President’s death, resignation, or succession to the
presidency. Because th
e Presidential Succession Clause empowered Congress to provide by law only for
simultaneous presidential and vice presidential vacancies, it was unclear whether Congress could address
sole vice presidential vacancies by enacting ordinary legislation.
Presidential Inability Before the Twenty-Fifth Amendment’s Ratification
Prior to the Twenty-Fifth Amendment’s ratification, several President
s became incapacitated for a
significant period of time while leading the nation. These include James Madison, who “suffered from a
severe fever in the summer of 1813”; James A. Garfield, who survived for 80 days after an assassin shot
him; Woodrow Wilson, who suffered a stroke and was incapacitated for a significant part of his second
term; and Dwight D. Eisenhower, who “suffered three major illnesses while in office.” During these
episodes of presidential inability, the Constituti
on lacked a clear mechanism by which the Vice President
could declare the President disabled. Moreover, some commentator
s argued that if the Vice President
assumed the President’s powers and duties, then the President could not legally resume them upon
recovery.
Significant uncertainty over the Presidential Succession Clause’s operation surfaced in 1881 when
President James A. Garfield was
shot by an assassin but survived for 80 days before dying. Although
many important national issues required attention during Garfield’s inability, Vice President Chester A.
Arthur declined to assume the presidency before Garfield’s death in part because he and a majority of the
Cabinet
believed that such an action would permanently oust Garfield. For similar reasons, after President
Woodrow Wilson suffered a stroke in 1919, Vice President Thomas R. Marshall
refused to declare Wilson
disabled and assume the powers and duties of the presidency.
Instead, important national business
went
unaddressed. Wilson’s wife, physician, and private secretary reportedl
y limited officials’ access to the
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President during his illness, which was hidden from the public and lasted for many months of his second
term. After recovering, President Wilson dismissed Secretary of State Robert Lansing for encouraging
Vice President Marshall to serve as Acting President and for calling Cabinet meetings to address some
executive branch business in Wilson’s absence.
Beginning in the 1950s, some Presidents developed public, informal protocols for addressing presidential
inability. For example, in 1958, citing Article II’s Presidential Succession Clause, President Eisenhower
and then-Vice President Richard Ni
xon agreed to procedures for temporarily transferring Eisenhower’s
presidential powers to Nixon if Eisenhower became disabled as a result of ongoing health issues. These
procedures allowed the President to transfer his power voluntarily. However, if the President were unable
to communicate with the Vice President, then the Vice President could assume the President’s powers and
duties as Acting President “after such consultation as seem[ed] to him appropriate under the
circumstances.” In either event, the President could resume his powers and duties at any time when he
determined that he was able to do so. Presidents John F. Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson reache
d similar
agreements with their potential successors before the Twenty-Fifth Amendment’s ratification.
Questions about the legality and workability of such informal agreements
prompted significant
congressional interest in establishing formal procedures to address presidential inability. President
Kennedy’s 1963 assassinati
on added urgency to these efforts, helping to motivate the Twenty-Fifth
Amendment’s proposal and ratification in the 1960s.
Author Information
Brandon J. Murrill
Attorney-Adviser (Constitution Annotated)
Disclaimer
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to congressional committees and Members of Congress. It operates solely at the behest of and under the direction of
Congress. Information in a CRS Report should not be relied upon for purposes other than public understanding of
information that has been provided by CRS to Members of Congress in connection with CRS’s institutional role.
CRS Reports, as a work of the United States Government, are not subject to copyright protection in the United
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