Legal Sidebari 
 
Recent Developments in Marijuana Law 
Updated December 6, 2022 
Marijuana and other products derived from the cannabis plant are regulated under both federal and state 
law. In recent years, 
a significant divide has developed between federal and state regulation. Under the 
federal
 Controlled Substances Act (CSA), marijuana is strictly regulated and may not legally be used for 
medical or recreational purposes. In contrast, a
 substantial majority of states have relaxed state law 
prohibitions on medical or recreational marijuana. 
The fall of 2022 saw several key developments in federal and state marijuana regulation. In October 2022, 
President Joe Bid
en granted clemency to certain low-level federal marijuana offenders and
 directed the 
Attorney General to review the status of marijuana under federal law. While some observers consider 
President Biden’s grant of clemency to r
epresent a significant change in federal marijuana policy, as a 
legal matter it did little to alter the growing disparity between federal and state marijuana regulation. 
Then, in November 2022, voters in five states conside
red ballot initiatives to legalize recreational 
marijuana at the state level
, two of which were adopted. Congress also subsequently enacted th
e Medical 
Marijuana and Cannabidiol Research Expansion Act, which aims to facilitate research on marijuana and 
cannabidiol (CBD). Legislators and commentators have proposed a number of other legal reforms that 
would alter federal marijuana regulation and potentially reduce the divergence between federal and state 
law. 
This Legal Sidebar provides an overview of the legal status of marijuana under federal and state law and 
then discusses recent developments including the grant of clemency for federal marijuana possession 
offenses, November 2022 state ballot initiatives related to marijuana, and the enactment of federal 
legislation to expand marijuana and CBD research. The Sidebar concludes with an overview of selected 
legislative proposals related to marijuana. 
The Legal Status of Marijuana 
Under federal law, unless a statutory exemption applies, most cannabis and cannabis derivatives are 
classified as 
marijuana, a Schedule I controlled substance under the
 CSA. (The CSA generally uses an 
alternative spelling, “marihuana,” but this Sidebar uses the more common spelling.) The CSA imposes a 
comprehensive regulatory framework on certain drugs and other substances—whether medical or 
recreational, legally or illicitly distributed—that pose a significant risk of abuse and dependence. The 
framework broadly aims to protect public health from those risks while ensuring that patients have access 
to pharmaceutical controlled substances for medical purposes. To advance those goals, the CSA (1) 
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requires entities engaged in legitimate activities involving controlled substances to
 register with the 
government and take steps to prevent diversion and misuse and (2) impos
es criminal penalties for various 
unauthorized activities involving controlled substances. 
Substances become subject to the CSA through placement in one of five lists, known 
as Schedules I 
through V. A lower schedule number carries greater restrictions, so controlled substances in Schedule I are 
subject to the most stringent controls. Schedule I controlled substances h
ave no currently accepted 
medical use, and it is illegal to produce, dispense, and possess such substances except in the context of 
federally approved scientific studies. By contrast, substances in Schedules II through V have accepted 
medical uses and may be dispensed for medical purposes, generally by
 prescription. 
A substance can be placed in a CSA schedule, moved to a different schedule, or removed from control 
under the CSA either b
y legislation or through
 an administrative rulemaking process overseen by the 
Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) and based on criteria set out in the CSA. Congress
 placed 
marijuana in Schedule I in 1970 when it enacted the CSA. Since that time
, DEA has denied multiple 
petitions from stakeholders seeking to move marijuana to a less restrictive schedule or remove the 
substance from control under the CSA. In 2018, Congress
 amended the CSA to provide that 
hemp—
defined to include cannabis products containing no more than 0.3 percent of the psychoactive cannabinoid 
delta-9 tetrahydrocannabinol (THC)—is not a controlled substance subject to the CSA. (Hemp products 
remain subject to regulation u
nder other provisions of
 federal law.) 
In addition to the federal CSA, each state has its own controlled substances laws. As a general matter, 
state controlled substances laws often mirror federal law and are relatively uniform across jurisdictions, 
but th
ere is not a complete overlap between drugs subject to federal and state control.
 Marijuana 
regulation is one area where the gap between federal and state controlled substance laws is particularly 
salient. In contrast to the stringent federal control of marijuana, in recent decade
s most of the states have 
changed their laws to permit the use of marijuana (or other cannabis products) for medical purposes. In 
addition, at the time of writing, 21 states and the District of Columbia have removed certain state criminal 
prohibitions on recreational marijuana use by adults. 
Notably, however, sta
tes cannot fully legalize marijuana, because states cannot change federal law. So 
long as marijuana is a Schedule I controlled substance under the CSA, all activities involving marijuana 
prohibited by that statute 
are federal crimes anywhere in the United States, including in states that have 
legalized medical or recreational marijuana under state law. 
While the current state-legal marijuana industry generally operates in violation of the CSA, certain factors 
mitigate the disparity between federal and state law. A
n appropriations rider enacted every year since 
FY2015
 prohibits the Department of Justice (DOJ) from using taxpayer funds to prevent states from 
“implementing their own laws that authorize the use, distribution, possession, or cultivation of medical 
marijuana.” In addition, DOJ may exercise prosecutorial discretion to decline to prosecute marijuana 
offenses not covered by the appropriations rider. While official DOJ policy h
as varied somewhat across 
Administrations, recent presidential Administratio
ns have not prioritized prosecution of state-legal 
activities involving marijuana.  
Federal Clemency for Marijuana Possession 
On October 6, 2022, President Biden issued 
a proclamation granting “a full, complete, and unconditional 
pardon” to “all current United States citizens and lawful permanent residents” who had committed or 
been convicted of simple possession of marijuana under th
e CSA or a related provision of the
 D.C. Code. President Biden’s invocation of t
he clemency power means that persons who committed simple 
possession of marijuana before the date of the proclamation may not be prosecuted or punished for the 
offense under the relevant provisions of the CSA or the D.C. Code. (Although the District of Columbia 
  
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has its own criminal code, its criminal justice system 
has some overlap with the federal system and is 
subject to the President’s clemency power.) 
Several factors limit the scope of the pardon. First, it applies only to violations of federal and D.C. law 
and
 does not affect other state law marijuana offenses. In announcing the pardon, President Biden also 
encouraged state governors to take similar steps but, under the United States’
 federalist system of 
government, the President has no direct power to change state law or compel the states to adopt federal 
policies. While some governors have taken similar steps or expressed willingness to do so, in some states, 
governors cannot
 independently grant clemency. 
Second, the pardon applies only to simple possession of marijuana, not to other marijuana-rel
ated CSA 
offenses such as
 manufacture, distribution, or possession with intent to distribute or to ot
her federal 
crimes. Federal prosecutions of simple possession of marijuana are relatively uncommon. The U.S. 
Sentencing Commission (USSC) reports th
at about 7,700 people subject to the pardon were convicted of 
only simple possession since FY1992, none of whom are currently in federal custody. (Additional 
individu
als not subject to the pardon were convicted during that period.) In FY2021, 117 people subject to 
the pardon were convicted o
f only simple possession. A smaller number of people were convicted of 
possessing marijuana and
 possessing other illicit drugs or committing
 other crimes. Those people would 
remain liable for the other offenses. Shortly after the pardon was announced, the USSC issue
d policy 
priorities including “consideration of possible amendments to the [Sentencing] Guidelines Manual 
relating to criminal history to address … the impact of simple possession of marihuana offenses.” 
Third, the pardon
 by its terms “does not apply to individuals who were non-citizens not lawfully present 
in the United States at the time of their offense.” According to a
 2016 USSC report, the vast majority of 
federal marijuana possession arrests occur at the border between the United States and Mexico. Among 
offenders sentenced for marijuana possession in FY2013, the USSC reports that over 94% of those 
arrested at the border were not U.S. citizens. To the extent those individuals were not lawfully present in 
the country, they would not benefit from the pardon. 
Fourth, the pardon applies only to offenses committed before the proclamation. The Supreme Court has 
explained that the President may issue a pardon “at any tim
e after [an offense’s] commission, either 
before legal proceedings are taken, or during their pendency, or after conviction and judgment.” While 
DOJ is currently not prioritizing prosecuting low-level marijuana offenses, the October 2022 pardon does 
not prevent prosecution of 
future offenses if the current Administration or a future Administration adopts 
a different policy.  
Fifth, the pardon may not remove all legal consequences of marijuana possession, 
because it does not 
expunge convictions. Moreover, som
e collateral consequences of marijuana-related activities do not 
depend on a person being charged with or convicted of a CSA violation. 
Finally, and most fundamentally, the pardon does not change the status of marijuana under federal law. 
The Presiden
t lacks the power to make such a change unilaterally. In announcing the grant of clemency, 
President Biden directed the Attorney General to
 review the classification of marijuana under the CSA, 
which is one way the federal government could change the status of the substance consistently with 
relevant
 separation-of-powers principles and the CSA’s procedural requirements. Any agency action in 
response to that directive would likely occur through notice-and-comment rulemaking, subject to
 judicial 
review and app
licable international treaty obligations. 
Notwithstanding the foregoing limitations, some commentators have described the October 2022 pardon 
as a significant development in 
national marijuana policy that may
 restore some civic rights to those who 
benefit from it. Some have expressed concerns that the pardon might benefit offenders who
 committed 
more serious offenses but pleaded guilty to simple possession or that relaxing controls on marijuana may 
generally lead to
 an increase in crime. Others advocate fo
r further pardons, expungements, and legal 
reforms to decriminalize marijuana. 
  
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State Ballot Initiatives 
Recent years have seen numerous states repeal criminal prohibitions on medical and recreational 
marijuana use. Despite some failures,
 marijuana legalization proposals have regularly appeared in state 
legislatures and on state ballots and, where successful, have significantly changed the legal landscape. 
That trend continued in the 2022 elections, where on November 8, 2022, voters in five states considered 
ballot measures that would relax state controls on recreational marijuana. 
Two of the measures were adopted. In
 Maryland, voters approved 
a ballot initiative to amend the state 
constitution to legalize the use of marijuana by persons 21 or older and direct the state legislature to enact 
laws regulating and taxing marijuana-related activities within the state. In
 Missouri, voters approved a 
ballot initiative to amend the state constitution to remove cannabis from the state schedules of controlled 
substances and provide that cannabis “shall hence forth be considered a food and not a controlled 
substance or a drug, by Missouri law.” Among other things, the Missouri measure provided that cannabis 
use could not be grounds for denial of housing, employment, or possession of a firearm. 
Three of the November 2022 marijuana initiatives were unsuccessful. 
In Arkansas, voters rejected 
a ballot 
initiative to amend the state constitution to legalize the use of recreational marijuana by persons 21 or 
older subject to licensing, regulation, and taxation by state authorities. In
 North Dakota, voters 
disapproved a
 ballot initiative to amend state law to remove hashish, marijuana, and THC from the state 
schedules of controlled substances; allow persons over the age of 21 to use, possess, and transport up to 
two ounces of prepared marijuana; and provide for state regulation and taxation of marijuana businesses. 
In
 South Dakota, voters rejected 
a ballot initiative to amend state law to, among other things, legalize the 
use, possession, or distribution of up to an ounce of marijuana by persons 21 or older. South Dakota 
voters previously voted in 2020 to amend the state constitution to legalize recreational marijuana, but 
state cou
rts struck down the measure for failure to comply with procedural requirements.  
All of the states where voters considered recreational marijuana ballot measures in November 2022 had 
previously enacted laws authorizing the u
se of medical marijuana. Medical marijuana laws remain in 
effect in the three states where voters declined to adopt recreational marijuana measures. As noted above, 
state laws legalizing medical or recreation marijuana or other controlled substances at the state level do 
not affect the status of marijuana under federal law. 
Marijuana and CBD Research 
The CSA autho
rizes scientific research involving Schedule I controlled substances such as marijuana and 
imposes stringent controls on such research. Some have expressed concerns that the CSA places too many 
restrictions on marijuana research, including limitin
g the type and amount of marijuana that researchers 
can use. (For many years, there was only one registered manufacturer that legally produced marijuana for 
research, though DEA recently
 approved additional marijuana manufacturers.)
 CBD is not a controlled 
substance bu
t is regulated by the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) under the Federal Food, Drug, 
and Cosmetic Act. 
On December 2, 2022, President Biden signed into law the Medical Marijuana and Cannabidiol Research 
Expansion Act 
(H.R. 8454), which aims to ease requirements for research involving marijuana and CBD. 
Title I of the Act creates specialized, expedited procedures for DEA approval of marijuana research and 
manufacture of marijuana for research purposes. Title II authorizes CSA registrants to “manufacture, 
distribute, dispense, or possess marijuana or cannabidiol ... for purposes of medical research for drug 
development or subsequent commercial production.” It also directs DEA to register applicants to 
manufacture or distribute CBD or marijuana for the purpose of commercial production of FDA-approved 
drugs in accordance with CSA requirements. Title III provides that it shall not be a violation of the CSA 
for physicians to discuss “the currently known potential harms and benefits of marijuana and marijuana 
  
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derivatives,” including CBD, with patients and their guardians. Title IV directs the Secretary of Health 
and Human Services to submit to certain congressional committees a report on the potential therapeutic 
effects of CBD and marijuana on serious medical conditions; potential effects of marijuana on the body, 
brain development, and cognitive abilities; and barriers to researching marijuana or CBD in states that 
have legalized the use of such substances. 
Federal Legislative Proposals 
Numerous proposals before the 117th Congress would change how the federal government regulates 
marijuana. Congress h
as broad power to regulate marijuana or relax federal regulation of the substance as 
part of its authority over
 interstate commerce. 
Several recent proposals would remove marijuana from control under the CSA. For instance, the 
Marijuana Opportunity Reinvestment and Expungement Act (MORE Act
, H.R. 3617) would remove 
marijuana and THC from control under the CSA and require expungement of past convictions for many 
federal marijuana offenses. Among other things, it would also remove some collateral consequences for 
marijuana-related activities, impose a 5% tax on cannabis products, and use revenues from the tax to fund 
certain grant programs for disadvantaged individuals and “individuals most adversely impacted by the 
War on Drugs.” The MORE 
Act passed the House in April 2022 and is currently pending before the 
Senate. 
Another descheduling proposal, the Cannabis Administration and Opportunity Act 
(S. 4591), would 
remove from Schedule I marijuana and THC derived from the cannabis plant. It would also provide for 
expungement of certain past marijuana convictions, but it would retain federal criminal liability for 
cannabis-related activities not authorized under the law of the states where they occur. In addition, among 
other things, it would provide guidance for regulation of cannabis products under th
e Federal Food, Drug, 
and Cosmetic Act. It would also impose a 10%-25% tax on cannabis products and use revenues from the 
tax to fund programs including small business development, community reinvestment, and opioid abuse 
treatment. Other legislativ
e proposals from the 117th Congress would
 also remove marijuana from
 control, allow fo
r expungement or
 sealing of certain federal marijuana convictions, o
r facilitate expungement of 
state convictions. 
In the alternative, some proposals would continue to regulate marijuana as a controlled substance but 
would move it to 
a less restrictive schedule, potentially allowing it to be dispensed by prescription for 
medical purposes. Several legislative proposals from the 116th Congress would have left marijuana in 
Schedule I b
ut limited enforcement of
 federal marijuana law in states t
hat legalize marijuana. In the 117th 
Congress, the Small and Homestead Independent Producers Act of 2022 
(H.R. 8825) would allow 
shipment of marijuana within and between states that have legalized the substance. 
Some proposals would address specific legal consequences of marijuana’s Schedule I status. For example, 
the SAFE Banking Act of 20
21 (H.R. 1996/S. 910), which passed the House in April 2021, seeks to 
protect depository institutions that provide financial services to cannabis-related businesses from 
regulatory sanctions. Other proposals would seek to ensure access t
o insurance and
 other financial 
resources, furth
er facilitate federally
 approved clinical research involvin
g marijuana, or enable
 veterans to 
access information about 
or use m
edical marijuana. Additional proposals would remove
 collateral legal 
consequences of marijuana-related activities for individuals in areas such
 as immigration, gun ownership, 
and
 federally assisted housing. 
While most recent proposals would relax federal regulation of marijuana, Congress could also impose 
more stringent controls. As one example, the Welfare for Needs not Weed Act 
(H.R. 4536) would prohibit 
the use of benefits under the
 Temporary Assistance for Needy Families block grant at any store that offers 
marijuana for sale. Other proposals would seek to address the issues of
 workplace impairment or
 driving 
under th
e influence of marijuana and other substances. 
  
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Author Information 
 Joanna R. Lampe 
   
Legislative Attorney  
 
 
 
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