On January 27, 2025, President Trump issued Executive Order (EO) 14186, titled The Iron Dome for America. The EO announced a shift in U.S. missile defense policy, expanding the scope of the homeland missile defense mission and directing the Department of Defense (DOD) to develop "a next generation missile shield." The EO directed the Secretary of Defense to submit several deliverables to begin implementing this new policy. In February 2025, the executive branch redubbed the project "Golden Dome for America."
Some Members of Congress have asserted Golden Dome's potential benefit to homeland defense and have introduced legislation to support it. Other Members have questioned its possible effects on strategic stability—that is, the balance of capabilities and policies among potential adversaries that diminishes incentives for engaging in a nuclear arms race or nuclear use. Projected costs, which vary widely, may feature prominently in debates over the FY2026 defense budget.
The security benefits, strategic impact, and cost of Golden Dome depend in part on characteristics of the proposed missile shield that have not been publicly detailed. Parts of the EO are stated generally and could be viewed as subject to interpretation. When Members of Congress have sought additional detail in public hearings, DOD officials testifying have largely refrained from commenting. DOD may provide more detail in the deliverables required by the EO, but it is unclear whether DOD will release these deliverables publicly or share them with Congress. Several of these deliverables were due to the President 60 days after the EO was issued. On March 27, it was reported that the President would receive three options for the architecture the following week, and on April 9, a DOD official testified that the Secretary was discussing options with the President.
The EO generally expanded the scope of the U.S. homeland missile defense mission, in terms of the actors and the threats that the United States intends to defend against. The order declared that it is U.S. policy to "deter—and defend its citizens and critical infrastructure against—any foreign aerial attack on the Homeland." It specified that this policy includes defending "against ballistic, hypersonic, advanced cruise missiles, and other next-generation aerial attacks from peer, near-peer, and rogue adversaries." Previously, under the Biden Administration, first Trump Administration, and Obama Administrations, homeland missile defense policy focused on the threat from intercontinental ballistic missiles and emphasized developing capabilities to defend against strikes from rogue states, such as North Korea and Iran, while relying on U.S. nuclear capabilities to deter attacks from peer and near-peer states, such as Russia and China.
The EO also directed the Secretary of Defense to take several actions. Within 60 days, the Secretary was to submit to the President
Although the EO focused on the U.S. homeland, it also directed the Secretary of Defense to review theater missile defense capabilities. (U.S. policymakers often use the descriptor theater—or regional—to differentiate between defenses tailored for threats abroad versus the U.S. homeland.) The theater missile defense review is to identify opportunities for increased international cooperation on missile defense and improved defense of U.S. forward-deployed troops and allied territories, troops, and populations.
As Congress assesses the Trump Administration's homeland missile defense plans and their potential budgetary and strategic implications, it may consider the following issues:
If the EO envisions protecting a limited set of locations, Congress may consider what criteria DOD uses to select those locations. Additionally, some Members may be reluctant to fund a shield that does not expressly aim to protect their constituents.
Although both options would require overcoming technological challenges and investing significant resources, defending the entire homeland as defined in the 2022 MDR would likely pose greater technological challenges and require more funding. Some observers have questioned the feasibility or affordability of defending the entire homeland.
Congress also may consider second-order issues, including potential responses from competitors, allies, and partners, and requirements for basing, launch platforms, industrial capacity, and manpower. The outcomes for these issues likely depend in part on answers to the aforementioned potential questions.