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 INSIGHTi  
Is High Inflation a Risk in 2021? 
April 6, 2021 
Assuming public health continues to improve, many economists project rapid economic growth in 2021. 
The unprecedente
d fiscal a
nd monetary stimulus in response to the COVID-19 pandemic is also expected 
to continue in 2021. Some observers have questioned whether the combination of stimulus and rapid 
growth wil  result in
 rising prices. 
Historical Trends in Inflation 
The economy experienced persistentl
y high inflation in the 1970s and early 1980s, last reaching double-
digits in 1981 (se
e Figure 1). Most economists believe this high inflation was caused by overly 
expansionary monetary and fiscal policies, along with significant increases in energy prices. Additional y, 
as expectations of higher inflation became incorporated into consumer and business decisions, these 
expectations contributed to actual increases in inflation. The Federal Reserve (Fed) raised short-term 
interest rates significantly in the early 1980s, which successfully brought inflation down quickly, though 
at the cost of a recession.  
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Figure 1. Inflation Rate 
January 1960 to January 2021 
 
Source: Federal  Reserve  Economic Data (FRED). 
Since 1991, inflation has remained below 5%, and inflation expectations have been low and stable. Since 
the 2007-2009 Great Recession, inflation has mostly been below the Fed’s target of 2%
 (established in 
2012) despite the fact that fiscal and monetary policy seem to have been more stimulative than they were 
in the high inflation period of the 1970s and early 1980s. Adjusting for inflation, however, lowers the real 
interest rate, making monetary policy more stimulative in the 1970s than it might appear
. Figure 2 shows 
the Fed’s short-term interest rate—the federal funds rate—both nominal y and adjusted for inflation. 
Figure 2. Federal Funds Rate 
January 1960 to February 2021 
 
Source: CRS calculations usin
g FRED data. 
  
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The Fed kept short-term interest rates near zero from late 2008 to late 2015 and again in  2020 in response 
to the pandemic. The Fed has also made large-scale asset purchases (popularly cal ed 
“quantitative 
easing”) during both periods, resulting in historical y rapid growth in the money supply. At the same time, 
federal budget deficits have been larger as a share of GDP from FY2009 to FY2012 and in FY2020 than 
at any time since World War II (se
e Figure 3). 
Figure 3. Federal Budget Balance as a Share of GDP 
FY1946-FY2020 
 
Source: Source: Office of Management and Budget. 
The recent period of low inflation despite simulative fiscal and monetary policies is likely  due, in part, to 
the 2007-2009 Great Recession and the COVID-19-induced recession—the two deepest recessions since 
the Great Depression. In both downturns, rapidly fal ing output and rising unemployment made a rise in 
inflation unlikely. Although historical y large, fiscal and monetary stimulus were unable to fully offset 
these economic shocks. Even when unemployment became low in the years preceding the pandemic, 
inflation was contained, and inflationary expectations remained stable
. Globalization, technological 
innovation, demographics, and various other factors have been offered as additional forces countering 
inflationary pressures.  
2021 Outlook 
Many observers expect a combination of rapid economic growth and the continuation of highly 
expansionary monetary and fiscal support in 2021, raising concerns over the potential for higher inflation. 
For example, the Fed has
 pledged to keep short-term interest rates at zero until the economy reaches full 
employment and inflation is modestly above 2%—which Fed leadership does not expect until 2023 at the 
earliest. On the fiscal side, the
 budget deficit is projected to be around 15% of GDP in FY2021 fol owing 
the enactment of the American Rescue Plan Act of 2021 
(P.L. 117-2).  
Some economists believe that
 P.L. 117-2 is too large relative to the 
output gap and wil  result in the 
economy overheating, with the potential for a significant
 increase in inflation. The output gap is the 
difference in actual output and potential output (i.e., what the economy is capable of producing when it is 
at full employment). Even though the output gap is currently large, and therefore inflationary pressures 
are low, rapid growth and too much fiscal and monetary stimulus could cause actual output to overshoot
  
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 potential  output, causing the economy to overheat. Further, it is uncertain if potential output wil  return to 
its pre-pandemic trend. Lockdowns, social distancing, a
nd fears of being infected disrupted production in 
2020. While some of those disruptions have been al eviated, others remain in place. Thus, output in 2021 
may be much closer to potential than the pre-pandemic trend would indicate, given prevailing health-
related barriers to economic activity. If so, the likelihood of inflation rising could be higher. 
Another unusual development in this recession is tha
t personal income has risen because of the various 
income support measures included in recent fiscal stimulus packages. As a result, and in part because 
spending opportunities were constrained by the health situation, the personal saving rate rose from 7.5% 
in 2019 to 16.3% in 2020. Once health conditions normalize, consumers may spend down some of this 
savings, which could cause the economy to overheat.   
Despite these concerns, most forecasters and policymaker
s expect inflation to remain low. Fed leadership 
projects that inflation will rise modestly to 2.4% in 2021 before decreasing to 2%. But if an overheating 
economy caused inflation to rise too quickly or be persistently high, fiscal and monetary policy could, in 
principle, be tightened (through reduced deficits and higher interest rates, respectively) until inflation was 
contained. This would run the risk of causing another recession, however. Thus, whether a long-term rise 
in inflation would be prevented depends on policymakers’ wil ingness to tighten policy sufficiently if 
necessary. (The fact tha
t inflationary expectations have remained low suggests that investors believe they 
would, and it makes it easier to avoid a long-term rise.) The Fed is statutorily required to maintain price 
stability. Its current plans to modestly overshoot its inflation target and keep interest rates at zero until full 
employment is restored are untested, however, and raise questions about the Fed’s wil ingness to raise 
rates if inflation rose before full employment was restored. Likewise, Congress might find it difficult to 
quickly reverse fiscal stimulus were high inflation to persist. 
 
Author Information 
 Mark P. Keightley 
  Lida R. Weinstock 
Specialist in Economics  
Analyst in Macroeconomic Policy 
 
 
Marc Labonte 
   
Specialist in Macroeconomic Policy  
 
 
 
Disclaimer 
This document was prepared by the Congressional Research Service (CRS). CRS serves as nonpartisan shared staff 
to congressional committees and Members of Congress. It operates solely at the behest of and under the direction of 
Congress. Information in a CRS Report should not be relied upon for purposes other than public understanding of 
information that has been provided by CRS to Members of Congress in connection with CRS’s institutional role. 
CRS Reports, as a work of the United States Government, are not subject to copyright protection in the United 
States. Any CRS Report may be reproduced and distributed in its entirety without permission from CRS. However, 
as a CRS Report may include copyrighted images or material from a third party, you may need to obtain the 
permission of the copyright holder if you wish to copy or otherwise use copyrighted material. 
 
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