Russian Law Enforcement and Internal Security Agencies
September 14, 2020
Russian Law Enforcement and Internal Security Agencies
Russia has an extensive internal security system, with
of opportunities for enrichment and political advancement.
multiple, overlapping, and competitive security agencies
Competition frequently leads to arrests and prosecutions,
vying for bureaucratic, political, and economic influence.
often for real or imagined corruption allegations to undercut
Since Vladimir Putin assumed Russia’s leadership, these
targeted organizations and senior leadership both
agencies have grown in both size and power, and they have
institutionally and politically.
become integral to the security and stability of the
government. If Putin extends his rule beyond 2024, as is
Russian Law Enforcement and Internal
now legally permissible, these agencies could play a role in
Security Agencies and Heads
the leadership succession process and affect the ability of a
(as of September 2020)
transitional regime to quell domestic dissent. For Members
of Congress, understanding the numerous internal s ecurity
Ministry of Interior (MVD): Vladimir Kolokoltsev
agencies in Russia could be helpful in assessing the
National Guard (Rosgvardiya, FSVNG): Viktor Zolotov
prospects of regime stability and dynamics of a transition
Special Purpose Mobile Units (OMON)
after Putin leaves office. In addition, Russian security
Special Rapid Response Detachment (SOBR)
agencies and their personnel have been targeted by U.S.
sanctions for cyberattacks and human rights abuses.
Interior Troops (VV)
Kadyrovtsy
Overview and Context
Federal Security Service (FSB): Alexander Bortnikov
After the Soviet Union’s dissolution in 1991, Russia
inherited the vast internal security apparatus overseen by
Federal Protective Service (FSO): Dmitri Kochnev
the Committee for State Security (KGB). Although the
Presidential Security Service (SBP)
KGB initially was broken up into several smaller
Investigative Committee (SK): Alexander Bastrykin
organizations that were weakened by corruption, Putin’s
Prosecutor General’s Office: Igor Krasnov
rise to the presidency in 2000 increased the security
services’ power and importance for regime security. As a
former KGB member and head of Russia’s Federal Security
Interior Ministry
Service (FSB) from 1998 to 1999, Putin valued the security
The Interior Ministry (MVD) oversees Russia’s local police
services; he installed close associates, many with
and criminal investigative forces. In 2011, Russia initiated a
backgrounds in security agencies, to head the various
wide-ranging reform effort to professionalize its historicaly
agencies. The relative power and influence of these
low-paid and corrupt police by raising salaries and training
agencies are often shaped by their leaders’ close, personal
standards. Although media reporting and analysts still
connections to Putin.
consider corruption to exist within the police, the MVD is
largely a professional force with responsibilities ranging
In Russia, internal security agencies are responsible for
from criminal investigation to traffic control. It also has
both the maintenance of law and order and the regime’s
broad investigative powers into lucrative areas for
security. They have overlapping roles, leading to
corruption, such as economic and organized crime.
competition among agencies to increase political influence,
budgets, and control over lucrative issue areas for illicit
Under the MVD’s current leader, career police officer
gain. As a result, some observers contend, various internal
Vladimir Kolokoltsev, analysts have noted a hesitance to
security agencies use fabricated or selective prosecutions of
conduct blatantly political prosecutions and public order
regime opponents to demonstrate their utility to the political
operations. This reflects, in part, the fact that most MVD
leadership.
officers spend much of their careers in the same
communities, as well as the progress made in
Competition is also a feature of Russia’s internal security
professionalizing the police. The MVD’s hesitation to
architecture. Analysts have noted the cannibalistic nature of
engage in political activities and Kolokoltsev’s professional
the security agencies, with some conflicts leading to the
rather than personal relationship with Putin may have
ousting of agency leaders, the creation of new agencies, or
contributed to the loss of some political influence and
even the total dissolution of agencies (such as the Tax
increased the MVD’s susceptibility to power grabs by rival
Police in 2003 or the Federal Drug Control Service in
agencies.
2016). In practice, competition prevents any one
organization or leader from becoming too powerful,
National Guard
independent, or threatening to the political leadership.
Russia’s National Guard (Rosgvardiya) was created in 2016
Often competition is factional, defined by personal
under the command of Putin’s former bodyguard, Viktor
relationships, and can cross organizational lines in pursuit
Zolotov. The National Guard brings together 200,000-
250,000 of Russia’s various public order and internal
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Russian Law Enforcement and Internal Security Agencies
security forces deemed essential for regime security; these
prosecutions of regime opponents and operates as a key
forces had been under the MVD’s command. Many analysts
political enforcer. Not invulnerable, the FSB has been
contend the National Guard was created in response to
challenged by competing agencies seeking to exploit its
questions about the MVD’s willingness to suppress dissent
overreach. Although primarily focused domestically, the
and the need to ensure the loyalty of key security forces.
FSB has gradually increased its international presence and
The National Guard also took control of the MVD’s private
developed significant offensive cyber capabilities. It has a
security arm, the FGUP Okhrana, an important source of
large operational capability in neighboring countries
funding and potential opportunities for illicit gain.
(including Ukraine) and allegedly has been linked to
extraterritorial assassinations across Europe and Turkey.
The National Guard commands the Special Purpose Mobile
Analysts and reporting also allege the FSB has close
Units (OMON), Special Rapid Response Detachment
connections to organized crime and has often used criminal
(SOBR), and Interior Troops (VV). OMON are well-trained
networks to aid its operations.
units that focus on riot and crowd control, public order, and
armed response backup for the police. They are deployed in
Federal Protective Service
every region and large city, and they are commonly seen
The Federal Protective Service (FSO) is responsible for
controlling protests. SOBR are elite police units that
guarding the Russian president, government officials, and
operate in a similar fashion to SWAT teams in the United
state property. It controls the Presidential Security Service
States. The VV include some 140,000 paramilitary troops
(SBP), which directly protects the president, and the
spread across the country. Some units are professionally
presidential (or Kremlin) regiment that guards the Kremlin
manned and can act as mechanized light infantry in
grounds. The FSO also controls the Service of Special
counterinsurgency operations (organized into two divisions
Communications and Information (Spetssviaz), which
and 10 brigades). The most famous and capable of these
oversees much of Russia’s signals intelligence capabilities
units is the Moscow-based 1st Independent Special Purpose
and the protection of government communications. In 2016,
Division, (ODON), also known as the “Dzerzhinsky
longtime head Evgeny Murov was replaced by career FSO
Division.” The VV also have numerous elite special forces
officer and former SBP head Dmitri Kochnev.
(spetsnaz) units, such as the units of the 604th Special
Purpose Center. Other VV units are far less capable, staffed
In addition to protecting government officials and property,
by conscripts, and primarily act as static security
the FSO reportedly fulfills a key regime security role by
conducting garrison duties.
monitoring other security agencies. This responsibility
includes not only ensuring information reaching the
Also nominally under the National Guard’s command are
political leadership is truthful but also monitoring conflicts
the forces of Chechen Republic head Ramzan Kadyrov. The
and ambitions among various agencies and personnel. The
so-called Kadyrovtsy number anywhere from 20,000 to
FSO also conducts important public opinion surveys and
30,000, swear personal loyalty to Kadyrov, and generally
monitoring of the population.
operate autonomously from Moscow. Kadyrov reportedly
has been linked to numerous assassinations in Russia and
Investigative Committee
abroad in recent years and is subject to U.S. sanctions for
Headed by Alexander Bastrykin, the Investigative
allegations of human rights abuses.
Committee (SK) was established as an independent agency
in 2011. Emerging from a power struggle with Russia’s
Analysts note that both Kadyrov and Zolotov have close,
Prosecutor General Yury Chaika, the Investigative
personal connections to Putin that underpin their positions
Committee was separated from the Prosecutor General’s
and political power. Some observers and reporting suggest
Office. Some analysts argue the Investigative Committee
Kadyrov and Zolotov are on friendly terms with each other
also was created to be a counterweight to the FSB. Due to
but have generated some resentment among other security
its origins in the Prosecutor General’s Office, the SK’s
services and members of the security elite.
responsibilities include investigating corruption in the
government and security agencies, making it important to
Federal Security Service
the political elite’s control over the security agencies.
The FSB is considered one of the largest and most powerful
Additionally, the SK conducts investigations of and arrests
of Russia’s security agencies. Headed by Alexander
political opponents of the regime. This emphasis on
Bortnikov since 2008, the FSB inherited most of the KGB’s
political policing, analysts contend, may derive from
domestic security missions and controls Russia’s Federal
Bastrykin’s efforts to demonstrate his utility to the political
Border Guard Service. It has an expansive list of
leadership. Several high-ranking SK officers have been
responsibilities covering counterintelligence,
arrested on corruption allegations in recent years.
counterterrorism, economic crimes, and political
prosecutions. It also is responsible for combating cyber-
Prosecutor General
related crimes. The FSB controls Russia’s two elite
The Prosecutor General’s Office conducts the Russian
counterterrorism special force units, Alpha and Vympel
government’s prosecutions and some limited investigations,
(along with other various special force units).
making it a key law enforcement and security agency.
Longtime head Yury Chaika was replaced in 2020 by
Within Russia, the FSB is noted for allegedly high levels of
Deputy Head of the SK Igor Krasnov. Krasnov has a
corruption and aggressive attempts to increase its political
reputation as an effective, professional investigator, similar
and economic power, often at the expense of other
to that of Interior Minister Kolokoltsev.
agencies. The FSB reportedly is involved in political
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Russian Law Enforcement and Internal Security Agencies
IF11647
Andrew S. Bowen, Analyst in Russian and European
Affairs
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