Gulf of Guinea: Recent Trends in Piracy and Armed Robbery
February 26, 2019
Gulf of Guinea: Recent Trends in Piracy and Armed Robbery
Armed attacks against ships in the oil-rich Gulf of Guinea
Figure 1. Piracy/Robbery in the Gulf of Guinea, 2018
surged in 2018, making these waters off West and Central
Africa the world’s most dangerous for piracy and armed
robbery. The escalation confirms the Gulf of Guinea’s
status as the main locus for maritime insecurity in Africa,
which had long been associated with the Horn of Africa,
particularly Somalia. Rising piracy and armed robbery in
the Gulf of Guinea likely reflects the region’s growing
prominence in global maritime trade, as well as capacity
and coordination gaps among many of the region’s navies.
Successive U.S. Administrations have considered maritime
security in the Gulf of Guinea to be of U.S. strategic
interest. U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM)’s 2019
Posture Statement, provided as written testimony to
Source: Graphic created by CRS using data from IMB (2018), the
Congress in February, describes the Gulf of Guinea as “a
Department of State (2017), the National Geospatial Intel igence
strategic priority due to its role in global oil markets, trade
Agency (2019), and DeLorme (2017).
routes, and the residence of approximately 75,000 U.S.
citizens” in the region. Accordingly, the Departments of
Attacks in the Gulf of Guinea are concentrated in waters off
Defense and State support country-level and cross-border
Nigeria. To the southwest of the country, robbers primarily
efforts to curtail piracy and other illicit maritime activity in
target vessels in port or at anchorage, ransacking the ships
the region. Such programs notably seek to build the
before fleeing. Meanwhile, attacks in waters off the oil-rich
capacity of African navies to combat piracy, patrol
Niger Delta region to the southeast often occur at sea and
territorial waters, and bolster interregional coordination.
involve crew member kidnappings. Exploiting the Delta’s
vast coastline and river networks, attackers often take
Congress has authorized the State Department and
victims ashore pending ransom payments. Insecurity in the
Department of Defense (DOD) to provide training and
Niger Delta is reportedly tied to criminality ashore, where
equipment to foreign security forces for maritime security
grievances over perceived marginalization and ecological
and related purposes, such as counter-narcotics and
degradation have long fueled insecurity. In this regard, the
countering organized crime. Congress also has expressed an
Nigerian government’s 2009 introduction of an amnesty
enduring interest in facilitating U.S. trade and investment in
and stipend for ex-Niger Delta militants may have helped to
Africa, which may be deterred by security threats at sea.
reduce the recruitment of some militants into piracy.
The 116th Congress may continue to shape U.S. engagement
through the authorization and appropriation of assistance
A Return of Petro-Piracy?
for maritime security and through oversight activities.
At least six hijackings in 2018 targeted oil tankers, up from
Piracy and Armed Robbery Trends
zero recorded tanker hijackings in 2017. The spike has
raised concern of a possible resurgence in “petro-piracy,” or
The United Nations (U.N.) defines armed robbery at sea as
tanker hijackings for oil theft. Such attacks peaked in 2011,
attacks on ships within a country’s territorial waters and
when tankers off Benin were regularly targeted, prompting
piracy as attacks in waters outside any country’s territory or
Benin and Nigeria to launch joint patrols that helped quell
exclusive economic zone. The U.S. Office of Naval
the hijackings. Notably, most of the 2018 tanker hijackings
Intelligence (ONI) documented 146 incidents of piracy and
occurred in waters off Benin, underscoring the challenges
armed robbery in the Gulf of Guinea in 2018—a 24%
of consolidating maritime security gains in the region.
increase over 2017 and the highest level in a decade. Using
a different methodology, the International Maritime Bureau
Petro-piracy is linked to broader oil theft and corruption
(IMB), a body of the International Chamber of Commerce,
trends; the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime
recorded 79 such incidents—more than double the IMB’s
(UNODC) has noted that oil vessels in the Gulf of Guinea
regional tally in 2017. According to the IMB, the Gulf of
“are attacked because there is a booming black market for
Guinea accounted for 40% of piracy and maritime armed
fuel in West Africa.” UNODC previously found that petro-
robbery incidents documented globally in 2018, including
pirates in West Africa often had links to the Niger Delta,
all six hijackings and 78 of 83 kidnappings. These figures
where militants, politicians, security officers, and oil
likely understate true levels of criminality due to persistent
industry personnel have long been implicated in oil theft.
under-reporting, possibly motivated by shipping firms’
EOS Risk Group, a security firm, attributes the 2018 uptick
interest in protecting their corporate reputations.
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Gulf of Guinea: Recent Trends in Piracy and Armed Robbery
in petro-piracy to rising oil prices, corruption, and the
Integrated Maritime Strategy, an overarching framework
ability of criminal networks to re-sell stolen petroleum.
that addresses piracy and armed robbery as well as human
and drug trafficking, illegal fishing, oil theft and illicit
Figure 2. Piracy/Armed Robbery in the Gulf of Guinea
resource extraction, and marine environment management,
Actual and Attempted Attacks, IMB figures
among others. Other EU initiatives include programs to
improve coordination of maritime security efforts in Central
Africa and reinforce port security throughout the region.
France, the former colonial power in much of the region,
has played a leading role in international efforts to improve
maritime security in the Gulf of Guinea. France maintains a
small, long-term naval deployment in the region and
conducts exercises with partner African navies. The U.S.
Navy has supported some of these trainings.
U.S. Engagement and Assistance
The United States has launched several foreign assistance
initiatives that aim to enhance maritime security capacity
Costs of Insecurity in the Gulf of Guinea
and coordination among Gulf of Guinea states. The State
Piracy and armed robbery against ships impose significant
Department administers some of this aid on a bilateral
costs on the shipping industry. The non-governmental One
basis, notably through the International Military Education
Earth Future Foundation, which tracks annual piracy trends,
and Training (IMET) program, which supports training
estimated that maritime insecurity in the region cost $818.1
courses in the United States. The State Department provides
million in 2017, up from $793.7 million in 2016. Stolen
further assistance on a regional basis through the Africa
goods account for only a small fraction of these costs, the
Maritime Security Initiative (AMSI), which is funded
majority of which reflect expenses related to deterring
through the Peacekeeping Operations Account (PKO) and
armed attacks on ships (through governmental naval
provides training, advisory support, and equipment.
activities and/or privately contracted vessel protection),
hazard pay, and insurance costs for ships and cargo.
Pursuant to the FY2017 National Defense Authorization
Act (P.L. 114-328), DOD is authorized to train and equip
Countries bordering the Gulf of Guinea incur additional
foreign militaries for maritime security and related purposes
costs, including some intangible costs such as offshore
under its consolidated “global train and equip” authority (10
attacks deterring investment. In 2016, a U.S. diplomat at the
U.S.C. 333). DOD has planned increased resources for such
U.N. estimated that Nigeria may lose $1.5 billion per month
programs in Africa, including in the Gulf of Guinea.
due to piracy, armed robbery at sea, and oil theft. Many
Gulf of Guinea countries also derive significant revenues
Other DOD-administered assistance centers on the Africa
from port activities, and are thus heavily affected when
Partnership Station (APS), the primary maritime capacity-
shipping firms reroute vessels in response to insecurity.
building program of U.S. Naval Forces Africa (NAVAF).
Amid the 2011-2012 surge in Gulf of Guinea petro-piracy,
Through APS, U.S. military personnel conduct engagement
for instance, UNODC estimates that Benin may have
activities with African counterparts, other foreign partners
suffered a 28% loss in total government revenue due to a
in the region, and non-governmental organizations to
decline in maritime traffic through its major port.
enhance African countries’ capacity to “maintain maritime
security within their inland waterways, territorial waters,
Regional Maritime Security Efforts
and exclusive economic zones.” In addition, AFRICOM
In 2014, thirteen coastal West and Central African states
conducts an annual exercise in the Gulf of Guinea known as
launched an Inter-regional Coordination Center (ICC) in
Obangame Express. AFRICOM’s largest maritime security
Cameroon to foster regional maritime security cooperation
exercise, it brings together personnel from 20 African
and harmonize cross-border legal frameworks. The ICC
navies for training on search and rescue, maritime
facilitates skill-sharing and diplomatic and informational
interdiction, and crisis response, among other areas.
exchange between two sub-regional entities: the Regional
AFRICOM provides additional support through the African
Center for Maritime Security of West Africa (CRESMAO),
Maritime Law Enforcement Partnership (AMLEP), a
based in Abidjan, Côte d’Ivoire, and the Regional Centre
capacity building program in which African naval boarding
for Maritime Security of Central Africa (CRESMAC) in
teams are typically paired with U.S. Coast Guard
Pointe Noire, Republic of Congo. Operationalization of this
detachments that act “in an accompany, advise, and assist
architecture is ongoing.
role” on combined law enforcement operations. Past DOD
assistance has also helped build a maritime radar network in
The international community, notably the European Union
the Gulf of Guinea.
(EU), has provided support to foster greater interregional
maritime security cooperation. Since 2016, the EU has
Tomas F. Husted, Analyst in African Affairs
announced more than $60 million for maritime security
capacity building programs in the Gulf of Guinea. Nearly
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$30 million supports the implementation of the Economic
Community of West African States (ECOWAS)’s
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Gulf of Guinea: Recent Trends in Piracy and Armed Robbery
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