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Yemen is a conflict-afflicted nation along the strategic Bab al Mandab Strait, one of the world's most active shipping lanes. Since 2015, a civil war has pitted the Iran-backed Houthi movement against Yemen's internationally recognized government, itsthe government's foreign backers, and other anti-Houthi forces. Foreign intervention complicates the conflict, which has contributed to what United Nations agencies have described as "one of the largest humanitarian crises in the world."The Houthis control most of northwestern Yemen, including the capital, Sana'a (Figure 1). Foreign intervention complicates the conflict, which has contributed to a longstanding and ongoing humanitarian crisis. An uneasy truce has frozen conflict lines since 2022 (Figure 1). .
The Iran-backed Houthis launched numerous attacks on international shipping from October 2023 to December 2024, before pausing these attacks for months then resuming them in July 2025. The Houthis continue to launch strikes against targets in Israel ostensibly to compel Israel to end its war with Hamas. From March to May 2025, U.S. forces expanded strikes against the Houthis to compel an end to Houthi maritime attacks. The Houthis agreed to end attacks on U.S. vessels in exchange for a halt to U.S. strikes under an Oman-mediated truce. Yemen's underlying conflict remains unresolved, and the Houthis pose enduring threats to shipping and to U.S. partners.
In December 2025 and January 2026, Saudi Arabia intervened militarily against the Yemeni separatist Southern Transitional Council (STC), reversing the STC's seizure of Yemen's eastern governorates and Aden, the seat of the internationally recognized government. Saudi Arabia accused the United Arab Emirates of providing military support to the STC, and remaining UAE forces left Yemen. Yemen's underlying conflict is unresolved. The Houthis pose enduring threats to shipping and to U.S. partners.
Background and Key StakeholdersLong-running Yemeni disputes over governance and energy resources have deepened since 2015 amid foreign influence and intervention. The Republic of Yemen was formed by a 1990 merger of the Sana'a-led Yemen Arab Republic (a former Ottoman province, then Zaydi Shia-ruled kingdom, "North Yemen") and the Aden-led People's Democratic Republic of Yemen (a former British colony and protectorate, then independent Marxist regimeMarxist regime, "South Yemen"). North-south tensions and conflict have recurred since the 1960s, and a southern independence movement remains activethe STC leveraged some southerners' continuing demands for independence. Tribal networks and local actors are the most influential parties in many areas of the country.
. The government and the Houthis manage complex ties with diverse groups to maintain power.
In 20212, Arab Spring-era protests and unrest ledprompted the president of the Republic of Yemen Government (ROYG) to resign in 2012. A UN-mediated transition and national dialogue sought to broker new governing arrangements. The Houthi movement (alt. Ansar Allah or Partisans of God), a north Yemen-based Zaydi Shia network, opposed UN-backed outcomes and resumed an insurgency. In 2014, the Houthis seized the capital, Sana'a, and later advanced on Aden. ROYG leaders fled and requestedsought international intervention.
In March 2015, a coalition led by Saudi Arabia began a military campaign against the Houthis, whose. Houthi attacks across Yemen's borders grew in complexity and scope with deepening support over time from Iran. The United States has provided logistical, intelligence, and advisory support to the coalition, but ended aerial refueling andin 2018 and later curtailed some arms sales to Saudi Arabia in response to civilian casualties and congressional action.
Since 2015, conflict has caused widespread humanitarian suffering and significant infrastructure damage in Yemen, long the Arab world's poorest country. Foreign observers have denounced human rights violations attributed to all parties. Since 2022, violence has not returned to pre-truce levels, but intermittent cross-line fighting occurs. The STC's dissolution is prompting a reorganization of anti-Houthi forces. The Houthis continue to consolidate control in the north having demonstrated their capacity to threaten international shipping, Israel, and other regional states. Since February 2015, the U.S. Ambassador to Yemen and a Yemen Affairs Unit (YAU) have been based at the U.S. Embassy in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia. From October 2025 to January 2026, U.S. Ambassador to Yemen Steven Fagin also served as head of the Gaza-focused Civil-Military Coordination Center. UN Special Envoy for Yemen Hans Grundberg engages Yemeni and regional actors in efforts "aimed at advancing dialogue and de-escalation."
As of February 2026 Source: CRS, using ACAPS, Humanitarian Access Overview, December 2025, ESRI, UN Panel of Experts, and U.S. State Department data. The UN reports that 19.5 million Yemenis (more than half the population) need humanitarian assistance and protection. In December 2025, UN agencies reported that a "severe gap" in humanitarian funding during the year forced providers "to scale back critical services despite escalating needs." The annual UN humanitarian funding appeal for Yemen sought $2.47 billion in 2025 to provide life-saving assistance to 10.5 million people and was 28.3% funded. Limits on movement and bureaucracy constrain humanitarian access and affect aid delivery, largely in Houthi-controlled areas, where the Houthis have detained UN and aid workers. The World Food Programme (WFP) reportedly is ending its operations in Houthi-controlled northern Yemen given security risks and funding cuts. Insecurity in Yemen creates opportunities for an estimated 2-3,000 Yemen-based Al Qaeda members, who UN monitors report maintain a "covert pragmatic relationship" with the Houthis and an alliance with the Somalia-based Al Shabaab. According to UN monitors, the Houthis also have "limited collaboration" with Al Shabaab. Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps-Qods Force and Lebanon's Hezbollah also have operated in Yemen.In 2019, tensions between anti-Houthi forces in the ROYG (backed by Saudi Arabia) and the separatist Southern Transitional Council (STC, backed by the United Arab Emirates) led to open warfare. A 2020 power-sharing agreement formed a coalition government. Since 2022, anPower-sharing agreements in 2020 and 2022 brought anti-Houthi forces together under a coalition. An STC offensive on ROYG-aligned forces in December 2025 and Saudi military intervention resulted in the STC's dissolution and changes in the makeup of the ROYG's eight-person Presidential Leadership Council (PLC). The ROYG also expanded and reshuffled its cabinet. Saudi Arabia is now the ROYG's principal sponsor and security partner as the ROYG and former STC members consider next steps.
Conflict Status and U.S. Diplomacy
Humanitarian Situation
Counterterrorism
Houthi Attacks and U.S. Responses
Following the October 7, 2023, Hamas-led attacks on Israel, and Israel's military operations in Gaza, the Houthis began targeting Israeli territory as well as commercial ships transiting the Bab al Mandab Strait. Through 2024, U.S. forces intercepted Houthi-launched projectiles, prevented some attempted Houthi seizures of vessels, led coalition patrol operations, and struck Houthi targets in Yemen. On March 15, 2025, U.S. forces began a military campaign the Administration intended to compel the Houthis to end their attacks and eliminate their capability to threaten maritime transit. The Houthis resisted, attacked U.S. Navy ships, and shot down U.S. unmanned aircraft. APresidential Leadership Council (PLC) has led Yemen's internationally recognized government. That year, the ROYG and Houthis signed a truce, halting most fighting and establishing humanitarian measures. Lines of control, in some areas mirroring Yemen's pre-unification borders, have been static (Figure 1). The Sunni Islamist Islah Party and National Resistance leader Tariq Saleh oppose the Houthis and hold PLC seats. Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) and the Islamic State remain active.
Since 2015, conflict has caused widespread humanitarian suffering and significant infrastructure damage in Yemen, long the Arab world's poorest country. In 2021, the UN estimated that 377,000 people had died as a result of the conflict (including combatants) and that nearly 60% of deaths were from non-military causes, such as lack of food, water, or health care. Foreign observers have denounced human rights violations attributed to all parties. Since the truce expired in 2022, fighting has not returned to "pre-truce levels." Houthi cross-border attacks into Saudi Arabia and Saudi-led coalition airstrikes ceased, though the Houthis threaten to strike countries that could support U.S. operations. In 2021, President Donald Trump designated the Houthis a Specially Designated Global Terrorist entity (SDGT) and Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTO). President Joe Biden reversed these steps before redesignating the Houthis as an SDGT in 2024. President Trump redesignated the Houthis as an FTO in March 2025.
Through 2024, U.S. diplomats said they sought to transform the truce into a durable ceasefire, enable a political solution, and support UN mediation. Ambassador Steven Fagin has served as U.S. Ambassador to Yemen since June 2022, and is serving as Chargé d' Affaires ad interim in Iraq.
In July 2025, the Administration called for an end to the UN Mission to Support the Hudaydah Agreement (UNMHA), saying its mandate to support implementation of a December 2018 ceasefire agreement that halted fighting over Yemen's Red Sea ports "have long been superseded by circumstances." On July 9, 2025, UN Special Envoy for Yemen Hans Grundberg said security conditions in Yemen are "fragile and unpredictable," and he warned that "for some – on both sides of the conflict – the appetite for a military escalation remains."
Following the October 7, 2023, Hamas-led attacks on Israel, and Israel's military operations in Gaza, the Houthis began targeting Israeli territory as well as commercial ships transiting the Bab al Mandab Strait. The Houthis claimed to have targeted Israel-linked vessels, but they have targeted vessels from many countries, diverting more than half of the pre-conflict maritime traffic from the Red Sea and driving up global shipping costs and insurance premiums. The Houthis halted attacks following the January 2025 Israel-Hamas ceasefire, but resumed attacks on land-based targets in Israel in March. In July 2025, the Houthis resumed maritime attacks, sinking two vessels and capturing some crew members. UN Security Council Resolution 2722 (2024) demands the Houthis cease attacks, and, in July 2025, the Council voted to extend related reporting provisions until January 2026.
Through 2024, U.S. forces intercepted Houthi-launched projectiles, prevented some attempted Houthi seizures of vessels, led coalition patrol operations, and struck Houthi targets in Yemen. U.S. forces took responsibility for Red Sea presence and information sharing missions under Operation Prosperity Guardian in February 2025. On March 15, 2025, U.S. forces began a military campaign the Administration intended to compel the Houthis to end their attacks and eliminate their capability to threaten maritime transit. The Houthis resisted, attacked U.S. Navy ships, and shot down U.S. unmanned aircraft. The U.S.-Houthi truce has held since May 2025. U.S.-Houthi truce has held since May 2025, but Houthi attacks on Israel were not suspended until October 2025. In June, U.S. CENTCOM stated that "Onlyonly through a whole of government approach, of which military operations are a key component, will a sustained return of freedom of navigation be guaranteed." UN Security Council Resolution 2722 (2024) demands the Houthis cease attacks, and, in January 2026, the Council extended related reporting provisions until July 2026.
Foreign support and accumulated expertise may allow the Houthis to pose enduring maritime security risks. U.S. sanctions actionssanctions target the group's global supportfar-reaching networks. U.S. officials have described Iran's efforts to supply the Houthis with weaponry, targeting information, and military advice. In July, U.S. officials announced that Yemeni forces had seized 750 tons of munitions and hardware intended for Houthi use. In 2024, a U.S. official said, "Iran does not control the Houthis" but without Iran's assistance, "the Houthis would struggle to effectively track and strike vessels navigating shipping lanes."
The UN reports that 19.5 million Yemenis (more than half the population) need humanitarian assistance and protection. In May 2025, UN agencies and humanitarian organizations warned that without changes to a trend of "drastic cuts" to funding, needs in Yemen "will worsen ... and will likely cause an increase in morbidity and mortality in the coming months." As of July 22, 2025, the annual UN humanitarian funding appeal for Yemen sought $2.47 billion to provide life-saving assistance to 10.5 million people and was 13.1% funded. Limits on movement and bureaucracy constrain humanitarian access and affect aid delivery, largely in Houthi-controlled areas, where the Houthis have detained UN and aid workers. Terrorism designations, U.S. assistance policy changes, or escalation of conflict could affect trade and humanitarian operations.
Insecurity in Yemen creates opportunities for Yemen-based Al Qaeda and Islamic State members. Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps-Qods Force and Lebanon's Hezbollah also have operated in Yemen. UN monitors and the U.S. military report that the Houthis have pursued mutually beneficial arrangements with Al Qaeda forces in Yemen and "like-minded groups on the coast of Africa."
The 2025 National Defense Authorization Act (P.L. 118-159) did not extend a previous ban on U.S. in-flight refueling of aircraft engaged in hostilities in Yemen's civil war. Supplemental appropriations for FY2024 (P.L. 118-50) and continuing appropriations for FY2025 (P.L. 119-4) provide additional funds for U.S. Central Command. President Trump, like President Biden, has asserted authority to direct military operations in Yemen pursuant to the President's constitutional authority as Commander in Chief and Chief Executive. In April, some Representatives and Senators sought details from the Administration on its strategy and plans. Through oversight and appropriations, Congress may evaluate, support, or constrain executive branch efforts to weaken Houthi capacity, interdict Iranian support, or address humanitarian conditions
Yemen and the 119th Congress
The 119th Congress may consider whether or how to respond to developments in Yemen, including intra-Yemen conflict or attacks by Houthi forces outside of Yemen. Members also may conduct oversight of related military or diplomatic initiatives by the Trump Administration. The 2026 National Defense Authorization Act (P.L. 119-60) authorizes the U.S. military to treat as U.S. stocks any weapon or materiel intended for the Houthis obtained by the United States in transit or otherwise and to use them for drawdown purposes, including transfer. In 2025, some Members questioned President Trump's assertions of authority to direct military operations in Yemen.