This page shows textual changes in the document between the two versions indicated in the dates above. Textual matter removed in the later version is indicated with red strikethrough and textual matter added in the later version is indicated with blue.
Since 2022, the Russian Federation (Russia) and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK, or North Korea) have taken steps to formally strengthen their bilateral relationship. Russian President Vladimir Putin and DPRK leader Kim Jong-un held summits in the Russian Far East in September 2023 and in Pyongyang in June 2024 (Figure 1). In Pyongyang, Putin and Kim signed a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership Treaty that includes a mutual military assistance clause. North Korea has supported Russia's military actions in Ukraine expanded and deepened their relationship in ways that may erode U.S. security and interests. During that period, Russian President Vladimir Putin and DPRK leader Kim Jong-un have met three times. At a June 2024 summit in Pyongyang, Putin and Kim signed a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership Treaty, later ratified by both parties, that includes a commitment to provide military assistance in the event of an external armed attack on either country. North Korea has supported Russia's military actions in Ukraine—reportedly earning billions of dollars in the process—by providing thousands of shipping containers of munitions, supplying ballistic missiles, and deploying over 10,000 troops or more troops to Russia to help expel Ukrainian forces from Russia's Kursk region. Experts assess that Russia could transfer advanced military technology to North Korea, if it has not done so already, that could increase the threat North Korea poses to the United States and its allies. The Russian government has taken steps to degrade the implementation of United Nations sanctions against North Korea.
The upgraded in 2025. U.S. officials have assessed that by gaining combat experience and by receiving Russian advanced military technology, North Korea may pose a greater threat to the United States and its allies.
The Russia-DPRK relationship has implications for issues of concern to Congress, including battlefield conditions in the war in Ukraine, the maintenance of sanctions against Russia and North Korea, and the strength of North Korea's military and cyber capabilities. Russian technology transfers, for example, could improve the ability of North Korean missiles to strike the U.S. homeland as well as U.S. allies in East Asia.
Since evidence of the expanded Russia-DPRK partnership emergedfirst surfaced, the U.S. government has responded by publicly revealing evidence of weapons transfers, coordinating among selected allies and partners, and (under the Biden Administration) issuing new designations against individuals and entities that violate U.S. and/or United Nations Security Council (UNSC) sanctions. The United States also has worked with South Korea and Japan to bolster deterrence and expand allied efforts to counter North Korea's sanctionsanctions evasion; the United States and 10 countries formed the new Multilateral Sanctions Monitoring Team (MSMT) in 2024 to assess sanctions violations and evasions. The second Trump Administration has continued the MSMT's work and has sanctioned Russia-based DPRK information technology groups and specialists involved in cyber activitiesto assess sanctions violations and evasions. Congress could review Administration policies, examine implementation of unilateral and multilateral sanctions, consider whether to explore ways to disrupt Russia-DPRK transactions that violate sanctions, and review the breadth and pace of Russia-DPRK cooperation as well as its impact on U.S. and allied forces.
From 2006 to 2017, Russia (along with China) supported the adoption of 10 UNSC sanctions resolutions targeting North Korea over itsresponding to North Korea's illicit nuclear weapons and missile programs. These resolutions broadly restrict trade and engagement with North Korea. In particular, they, including a ban on imports of DPRK goods in a variety of sectors. The UNSC resolutions prohibit weapons transfers to or from North Korea and assistance to North Korea's ballistic missile programs, including space or satellite launch activities, among other transactions. They also prohibit the use of North Korean labor. In addition to supporting these sanctions, Russia and China Russia and China also participated in past talks seeking to persuade North Korea to denuclearize.
Since at least 2022, however, Russia has reversed course. During 2022 and 2023, Russia and China blocked U.S.-led efforts at the UNSC to adopt stricter sanctions on North Korea following DPRK ballistic missile tests. In March 2024, Russia voted against the renewalvetoed a resolution that would have renewed the mandate of a UN expert panel charged with monitoring sanctions implementation (China abstained); the panel had documented North Korea's sanctions evasion since 2010, including ship-to-ship transfers of oil and coal in the waters off China's and Russia's coasts, since 2010. The Russian government may have forced dissolution of the panel. Moscow's veto of the panel may have been taken to limit international monitoring of itsRussia's banned trade and other activities with North Korea.
Russia-DPRK relations have improved since the late 2010s, in particulardramatically since Russia launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022. That year, North Korea reportedly began transferring munitions to Russia. Kim's 2023 meeting with Putin in Russia was his first summit with any foreign leader since 2019. since Russia launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022. North Korea has supported Russia's actions against Ukraine, including its claim to have annexed Ukrainian territory, and reportedly began transferring munitions to Russia in 2022. Russia also has expanded its economic and diplomatic support for North Korea.
The Putin-Kim summits of 2023 and 2024 appear to have taken bilateral cooperation to new levels. Kim's 2023 weeklong trip to Russia's Far East was his first summit with any foreign leader since 2019. High-level Russian and DPRK officials subsequently have met in each other's capitals to develop the partnership in a broad range of areas including economics, science, technology, and culture.
Putin's June 2024 visit to Pyongyang appeared to restore elements of the Soviet Union-DPRK military alliance, which had lapsed following the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. Article 3 of the new Comprehensive Strategic Partnership Treatybilateral treaty calls for each side to "immediately provide military and other assistance by all of one's means availablewith all means in its possession without delay" in the event either side "is put in a state of war by an armed invasion." In October 2024, Putin said the treaty theoretically would provide legal validity for accepting DPRK troops. In the treaty, the two sides also pledged to expand cooperation in scientific fields, including nuclear energy and space technology. High-level Russian and DPRK officials subsequently have met in each other's capitals to develop their partnership in a range of areas including economics, science, technology, and culture. In 2026, the two countries opened their first-ever road bridge over their border.
According to the U.S. intelligence community's 2025 annual threat assessment (ATA), Russia is providing North Korea with "financial benefit[s], diplomatic support, and defense cooperation." According to one estimate, through the end of 2025, North Korea earned between $7.7 and $14.4 billion from supporting Russia's war effort, primarily from artillery deliveries. Russia has been accused of shipping oil to North Korea above UNSC-permitted levels. Russia reportedly has unfrozenunfrozen $9 million in DPRK assets held in the Russian banking system, is facilitating North Korea's access to the global financial system, and hosts DPRK workers possibly in violation of UNSC sanctions. Russia also has increased food exports to North Korea and may be paying North Korea for sending troops. Putin has said. Putin has said Russia might help help North Korea build and perhaps launch satellites.
|
|
Source: Congressional Research Service. |
Policymakers and analysts have raised concerns about the extent to which Russia-DPRK cooperation could enhanceis enhancing North Korea's military and cyber capabilities. North Korea may gainhave gained useful information about how its missile systems and its troops perform on the battlefield. According to the 2025 ATA, "Combat experience in the Russia-Ukraine war also could help Pyongyang strengthen its training and become more tactically proficient."
The U.S. Forces Korea Commander General Xavier Brunson said in April 2025 congressional testimony that "Russia is expanding sharing of space, nuclear, and missile-applicable technology, expertise, and materials to the DPRK." He further stated that "Russia's expanded cooperation will enable advancements of DPRK's weapons of mass destruction (WMD) program across the next three to five years." The May 2025 MSMT report also 2026 ATA, "The benefits that North Korea receives for its support for Russia in the war against Ukraine have increased North Korean capabilities. North Korean military forces have gained valuable combat experience in 21st Century warfare along with equipment." U.S. Forces Korea Commander General Xavier Brunson in 2026 congressional testimony said that North Korea has made "significant shifts" in its military capabilities as a result of its upgraded partnership with Russia. Indo-Pacific Commander Admiral Samuel Paparo testified to Congress in April 2026 that "North Korea continues to attempt to gain Russian assistance in developing space launch vehicles, military satellites, one-way attack drones, missile technology, and advanced submarine propulsion technology." The May 2025 MSMT report says that Russia "is believed to have provided North Korea with air defense equipment and anti-aircraft missiles, as well as advanced electronic warfare systems."
Upgrading relations with Russia could help North Korea reduce its dependence on China. Given North Korea's greater economic and other ties to China, however, there likely are limits to how far North Korea would go to wean itself from reliance on China, which may be uneasy with the new partnership between Russia and North Koreamay have spurred China, with which Pyongyang has more extensive ties, to focus attention on its own relationship with North Korea. After not meeting between 2020 and 2025, Kim and PRC President Xi Jinping have met twice since September 2025.
Russia's most immediate benefit from upgrading ties towith North Korea is its ready access to large stockpiles of artillery ammunition, ballistic missiles, and soldiers and laborers, all of which have helped supplement Russian reserves and bolstered Russia's defense production. In October 2024, North Korea committed more than 10,000 troops to aid Russia's war effort. DPRK troops were involved in combat operations to help Russia expel Ukrainian forces from Russia's Kursk region in March 2025, with Russian President Putin calling DPRK troops "heroes" for their participation. A DPRK memorial built in 2026 for troops killed in action in Russia appears to list over 2,000 names. Ukrainian officials reportedly estimate that several thousand DPRK engineers and specialists are deployed supporting the Russian military, including reports of 400 drone operators. In August 2026, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky warned that North Korea would be deploying 30,000-50 North Korea is its ready access to large stockpiles of ammunition. As of late 2024, Russia was firing an average of 10,000 artillery shells a day. To sustain this rate of fire while it increases its domestic production capacity, Russia has turned to North Korea for artillery ammunition and ballistic missiles. According to U.S. officials and observers, North Korea has supplied Russia with millions of artillery and rocket artillery ammunition. According to the May 2025 MSMT report, North Korea also supplied Russia with at least 100 ballistic missiles in 2024 that were "launched into Ukraine to destroy civilian infrastructure and terrorize populated areas."
In 2024 and 2025, Russia granted over 40,000 North Koreans education visas that are suspected of being used by Russian firms to employ DPRK workers, possibly in violation of UNSC sanctions. Importing North Korean workers has helped Russia overcome a labor shortage and helped rebuild the Kursk region following the expulsion of Ukrainian forces in 2025.In October 2024, Ukrainian officials alleged North Korea was committing more than 10,000 troops to Russia. Also in August 2026, Ukrainian intelligence assessed that plans are being finalized for DPRK to send a missile unit of 90 personnel and at least 120 KN-23 and KN-24 ballistic missiles. The DPRK KN-23 and KN-24 ballistic missiles may not be as accurate as equivalent Russian systems but have a long range and large payload and would provide increased capabilities to Russian forces given Ukraine's lack of air defense interceptors.
to aid Russia's war effort. The presence of DPRK troops in Russia was confirmed by both South Korean and U.S. officials (Russia and North Korea did not acknowledge their presence until April 2025). DPRK troops have been involved in combat operations and reportedly suffered "heavy casualties." DPRK troops helped Russia expel Ukrainian forces from Russia's Kursk region in March 2025, with Russian President Putin calling DPRK troops "heroes" for their participation.
Russia may be strengthening ties with North Korea (as well as China and Iran) in partpartly to compensate for its loss of access to Western markets and technology. The partnership also may be an attempt by Russiareflect Russia's attempt to reassert its rolerole in the AsiaIndo-Pacific region and regain leverage in its relationship with China by inserting itself as an actor in any negotiations or discussions regarding North Korea.
Congress has been at the forefront of efforts to impose and expand U.S. sanctionsU.S. sanctions in response to North Korea's nuclear weapons and missile programs, human rights abuses, and other illicit activities. Congress has supported sanctions against Russia for Moscow's malign activities, including malicious influence operations, weapons proliferation, human rights abuses, and the invasion of Ukraine. Congress could assess the Trump Administration's efforts to monitor these activities and its implementation of the MSMT report's recommendations. Congress could review the Administration's usereview the Administration's implementation of sanctions against North Korea and Russia, as well as efforts to persuade other countries to enforce multilateral sanctions. S. 1883, introduced in May 2025, is aimed at requiringwould require the executive branch to develop a strategy to disrupt growing cooperation among China, Russia, Iran, and North Korea.
Congress could consider examining the U.S. response to DPRK weapons and personnel transfers to Russia; whether (and, if so, how) such transfers may affect U.S. interests and allies in the region and elsewhere; and whether (and, if so, how) the growing relationship between North Korea and Russia may affect Ukraine's security and the effectiveness of U.S. security assistance to allies. More broadly, Congress could explore the potential impact of Russia's decision to stop implementing UNSC resolutions that sanction North Korea.
The National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2026 (FY2026 NDAA; P.L. 119-60) requires an assessment of the impact of the Russia-North Korea alliance (§1241) and requires multiple agencies to establish, no later than 60 days after the law passed, working groups on "adversary alignment" among Russia, North Korea, China, and Iran (§1273). The working groups' findings and recommendations are to be compiled in a report outlining a "strategic approach" to "disrupt, frustrate, constrain, and prepare for" such cooperation, and the report is to be submitted to relevant congressional committees no later than 180 days after the working groups were established.