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Venezuela: International Efforts to Resolve the Political Crisis

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May 17Updated September 11, 2019 Venezuela: International Efforts to Resolve the Political Crisis Background The international community remains divided over how to respond to the political crisis in Venezuela. The United States and 54 other countries have formally recognized the interim government of Juan Guaidó, who Venezuela’s democratically elected National Assembly named president. These countries have undertaken a variety of initiatives to place pressure on in January 2019. These countries have placed pressure on authoritarian leader Nicolás Maduro, in power since 2013, to leave office and allow and facilitate a political transition. Other to occur. Other countries, such as China, Cuba, Nicaragua, and Russia, have provided diplomatic, financial, and military support to Maduro, and have Maduro and sought to block anti-Maduro actions within international organizations. A third group of countries, including Mexico, Norway, Uruguay, and some Caribbean nations, has remained neutral in the crisis. These international dynamics appear to have contributed to a political stalemate in Venezuela, even as conditions within the country have continued to deterioratedeteriorated. On April 30, a Guaidó-led, U.S.-backed 30, 2019, a Guaidó-led uprising failed to garner enough high-level military enough military support to compel Maduro to leave office. While some observers maintain that Maduro is weak politically, others fear a prolonged, potentially violent standoff between the respective supporters of Maduro and Guaidó. Some observers hope that international action will coalesce behind talks leading to the convening of free and fair elections. Both sides have sent envoys to Norway for exploratory talks on how to resolve the crisis, but actions taken against the opposition by Maduro could hinder progress in reaching a political solution. United Nations (U.N.) The U.N. Security Council (UNSC) has discussed the political and humanitarian crisis in Venezuela, but divisions within its members have stalled action. Russia, and to a lesser extent, China, support Maduro. The United States, and most countries in Europe and the Western Hemisphere, support Guiadó. Despite that polarization, U.N. agencies are increasing humanitarian relief within Venezuela after securing approval in April from Maduro and Guaidó. The U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and the International Organization for Migration (IOM) are coordinating efforts to serve the roughly 3.7 million Venezuelans who had left the country as of March 2019 and the communities hosting them. The U.N. Human Rights Council is investigating allegations of crimes against humanity committed by security forces and armed militias loyal to Maduro. Organization of American States (OAS) The OAS, a regional multilateral organization that includes all 35 independent countries of the Western Hemisphere (Cuba currently does not participate), has focused attention on Venezuela’s political crisis. Since 2016, OAS SecretaryGeneral Luis Almagro has issued a series of reports on the deteriorating situation in Venezuela, convened special sessions of the Permanent Council to discuss regional responses to the crisis, and spoken out against Maduro. Member states remain divided on how to respond to the crisis, with countries in the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) particularly reluctant to intervene in Venezuela’s internal affairs. Many of those countries had close ties with Venezuela under Maduro’s predecessor, the late president Hugo Chávez, and, until recently,, standoff. Observers hope that talks led by Norway, which began in May 2019, lead to free and fair elections. Those talks have been on hold, however, since the United States imposed new sanctions on the Maduro government in August 2019. Others hope that sanctions lead to fissures in the Maduro government, which could prompt a political transition. United Nations The United Nations (U.N.) Security Council has discussed the political and humanitarian crisis in Venezuela, but divisions among U.N. members have stalled action. Russia and, to a lesser extent, China support Maduro. The United States and most countries in Europe and the Western Hemisphere support Guiadó. Despite that polarization, U.N. agencies are increasing humanitarian relief in Venezuela after securing approval in April 2019 from Maduro and Guaidó. The U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees and the International Organization for Migration are coordinating to serve some of the roughly 4.3 million Venezuelans who had left the country as of August 2019 and the communities hosting them. In July 2019, the U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights published a report documenting state violence against civilians, which has included torture and extrajudicial killings. On September 9, the High Commissioner criticized the Maduro government for failing to implement the report’s recommendations. Organization of American States The Organization of American States (OAS), a regional multilateral organization that includes all 35 independent countries of the Western Hemisphere (Cuba currently does not participate), has focused attention on Venezuela’s political crisis. Since 2016, OAS Secretary-General Luis Almagro has issued reports on the situation in Venezuela, convened special sessions of the Permanent Council to discuss regional responses to the crisis, and spoken out against Maduro. Member states remain divided on how to respond to the crisis, with countries in the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) particularly reluctant to intervene in Venezuela’s internal affairs. Many of those countries had close ties with Venezuela under Maduro’s predecessor, the late president Hugo Chávez, and until recently received significant amounts of subsidized oil from Venezuela. In 2017, Maduro denounced the OAS for meddling in his country’s domestic affairs and began a two-year process to withdraw from the organization. The OAS requires 18 votes to pass a resolution of the Permanent Council. In June 2018, 19 of 34 member states passed a resolution stating that the May 2018 presidential election in Venezuela lacked legitimacy and authorizing countries to take measures, including sanctions, necessary to hasten a return to democracy. In January 2019, the same 19 states approved a resolution that refused to recognize the legitimacy of Maduro’s second term;, called for new presidential elections;, and urged all member states to adopt diplomatic, political, economic, and financial measures to measures to facilitate the prompt restoration of the democratic order in Venezuela. After Maduro withdrew his OAS Ambassador, ambassador, the Permanent Council welcomed the Venezuelan National Assembly’s permanent representative to the OAS on April 9, 2019. Some observers have praised Secretary-General Almagro’s activism on Venezuela, which has included calling for international intervention in the country. Others have asserted that he has sided too closely with the opposition, opposition and is unlikely to help broker a diplomatic diplomatic solution to resolve the current crisis. Lima Group In mid-2017, efforts to reach a consensus on how to at the OAS on how to respond to the crisis in Venezuela at the OAS appeared to be stalling. appeared to stall. On August 8, 2017, 12 Western Hemisphere countries countries signed the Lima Accord, a document rejecting which rejected what it described as the rupture of democracy and systemic human rights violations in Venezuela. The signatory countries included Argentina, Brazil, Canada, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Guatemala, Honduras, Mexico , Panama, Paraguay, and Peru. In 2018, Guyana and St. Lucia joined the Lima Group, which did not recognize Maduro’s May 2018 reelection. On January 4, 2019, 13 members of the Lima Group (excluding Mexico) signed a declaration urging President Maduro not to assume power on January 10, 2019. The countries resolved to reassess their level of diplomatic engagement with Venezuela, implement travel bans or sanctions on Maduro officials (as Canada and Panama have), suspend military cooperation with Venezuela, and urge others in the international community to take similar actions. Under leftist President Andrés Manuel López https://crsreports.congress.gov Venezuela: International Efforts to Resolve the Political Crisis Obrador, Mexico has pledged to remain neutral and is no longer participatingno longer participates in the Lima Group. El Salvador is likely to join the Lima Group after Nayib Bukele’s June 1 inauguration El Salvador and Ecuador currently participate as observers at Lima Group meetings. On January 23, 2019, and in subsequent statements, 11 members of the Lima Group have recognized the Guaidó government and pledged to support a democratic transition in Venezuela. On February 4, 2019, the Guaidó government joined the Lima Group and signed its statement calling “for a peaceful transition … without the use of force.” The groupLime Group has denounced human rights violations by the the Maduro government and urged Venezuelan armed forces to demonstrate their loyalty to Guaidó, but opposed U.S. or the presence of “security and intelligence agents from countries” supporting Maduro, but it also has opposed U.S. or regional military intervention in the crisis. On May 3. On July 23, 2019, the Lima Group the goup issued a declaration signed by 12 countries (not St. Lucia or Guyana but including Venezuela) asking (including the Guaidó government but not St. Lucia or Guyana) pledging to coordinate with “relevant actors,” such as the International Contact Group (see below) to meet to coordinate efforts and pledging to seek Cuba’s help in resolving Venezuela’s crisis. European Union (EU) The EU below) and CARICOM, to help resolve the crisis. European Union The European Union (EU) has imposed targeted sanctions on Maduro officials and adopted an arms embargo against Venezuela. The EU Parliament and most member states have recognized the Guaidó government (with Norway a notable exception). At the same time. However, the EU has opposed military intervention and “any form of violence” in the country, most recently in a statement from April 30 an April 30, 2019, statement. Instead, the EU backed the formation of an International Contact Group (ICG). International Contact Group (ICG) The EU-backed International Contact Group,ICG, now composed of several European countries (France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, Portugal, Spain, Sweden, and the United Kingdom) and Latin American countries (Bolivia, Costa Rica, Ecuador Ecuador, Panama, and Uruguay), first convened on February 7, 2019. The group aimed to “establish necessary guarantees for a credible electoral process, within the earliest time frame possible”in February 2019. It aimed to “establish necessary guarantees” for free, transparent presidential elections and to hasten the delivery of humanitarian aid into Venezuela. U.S. officials have expressed skepticism at the proposal, noting that Maduro has used past attempts at dialogue (brokered by the Vatican and others) as a delaying tactic. ICG to Venezuela through dialogue. ICG supporters maintain the “necessary guarantees” include naming a new electoral council, releasing political prisoners, and ending all bans on political parties and candidates. Since February, the ICG has met twice, most recently on May 6 and 7 in Costa Rica. At that meeting, also attended by Chile from the Lima Group and representatives from CARICOM and the Vatican, the ICG decided to send a political mission to Caracas and to work with the Lima Group to hasten a political solution to the crisis. China is supporting that effort and has pledged to work with the EU and others for a political settlement to the Venezuela crisis. Implications for U.S. Policy The 116th Congress has closely followed developments in Venezuela, Trump Administration policy responses, and Since February, the ICG has met at least three times, including in June with Lima Group representatives; sent political missions to Caracas; and supported the dialogue process led by Norway. Dialogue Effort Led by Norway In May 2019, the Norwegian government confirmed it had been facilitating talks between negotiating teams for Maduro and Guaidó. The negotiations’ goal has been to determine the conditions under which free and fair elections can be held. Points of contention include whether Maduro will remain in office during the convening of the elections and whether he can run. Skeptics assert that, as in the past, Maduro is using negotiations as a delaying tactic. As noted above, Maduro called off participation in the negotiations after new U.S. sanctions were announced in August 2019. international efforts to broker a solution to the crisis. Congress has held hearings on theVenezuela’s political crisis in Venezuela and U.S. policy responses; the humanitarian crisis in Venezuelacountry’s humanitarian crisis; the regional migration crisis that Venezuela’s unrest has wrought throughout Latin America and the Caribbean has wrought; the influence of Russia and China in Venezuela; and the role of CongressCongress’s role in authorizing possible any use of U.S. military force in Venezuela. The role of international international actors and U.S. coordination with them may influence influence congressional consideration of legislative initiatives to require, authorize, or constrain certain Administration Administration actions regarding Venezuela (e.g., H.R. 920, H.R. 1477, S. 1025, H.R. 1004, and S.J.Res. 11). International perspectives, particularly from UNHCR, IOM, and the Lima Group, may influence oversight of the $213 $333.5 million in U.S. humanitarian assistance dedicated from FY2017 to FY2019 to to help support Venezuelans in the region. They may also inform also may inform decisions about the amounts and types of U.S. funds most needed to support international organizations and U.N. agencies entities working insidein Venezuela, both now and in the future. The Administration’s proposed FY2020 budget request asksasked for $9 million in democracy aid through the Economic Support and Development Fund account and the and the authority to transfer up to $500 million to support a transition or respond to a crisis in Venezuela. Should Maduro leave office, the Administration proposes that such funds could support international election observers, increased humanitarian assistance inside in Venezuela, and/or or a potential International Monetary Fund package. WhileAlthough there generally has been international support for U.S. policy toward Venezuela, some U.S. actions have prompted concern among partners working to resolve the crisis. Most of these countries have supported U.S. targeted sanctions on Maduro officials, but some are concerned about the potential humanitarian impact of U.S. oil sanctions imposed in January 2019 that seek to prevent Maduro from benefitting from Venezuela’s oil revenue. Some countries also have expressed concern about repeated U.S. threats to use military force in Venezuela despite opposition from neighboring countries (such as Brazil and Colombia), the Lima Group, and the European Union. Some are concerned, however, about the humanitarian impacts of U.S. sanctions imposed on Venezuela’s state oil company, Petróleos de Venezuela, S. A. (PdVSA), in January 2019 and sanctions imposed on the entire Maduro government in August 2019. Others fear the new sanctions may inhibit progress in the Norway-led dialogue process. Some countries also have expressed concern about repeated U.S. threats to use military force in Venezuela despite opposition from neighboring countries (such as Brazil and Colombia), the Lima Group, and the EU. Threats of U.S. military action have occurred alongside denunciations of reported Russian and Cuban military assistance to Maduro. Some observers caution that the predict the Trump Administration could lose support from some partners because of the U.S. decision to impose strong sanctions on Cuba because of its support for Maduro. Severaland secondary sanctions on any entities that do business with the Maduro government or PdVSA. Some U.S. partners on Venezuela have commercial ties with Cuba. Many also have with Cuba; others have energy companies that do business with PdVSA. Many also have urged the United States to engage in diplomacy with Russia and prevent the situation from from turning into a proxy conflict with Russia for regional and global influence. For related information, global influence. Implications for U.S. Policy Also see CRS In Focus IF10230, Venezuela: Political Crisis and U.S. Policy; CRS Insight IN11116, The Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance and the Crisis in Venezuela; CRS In Focus IF11029, The Venezuela Regional Migration Crisis; CRS In Focus IF10715, IN11163, New U.S. Sanctions on Venezuela; CRS In Focus IF10715, Venezuela: Overview of U.S. Sanctions; and CRS Report R44841, Venezuela: Background and U.S. Relations. The 116th Congress has closely followed developments in Venezuela, Trump Administration policy responses, and Clare Ribando Seelke, Specialist in Latin American Affairs https://crsreports.congress.gov Venezuela: International Efforts to Resolve the Political Crisis IF11216 Disclaimer This document was prepared by the Congressional Research Service (CRS). CRS serves as nonpartisan shared staff to congressional committees and Members of Congress. It operates solely at the behest of and under the direction of Congress. Information in a CRS Report should not be relied upon for purposes other than public understanding of information that has been provided by CRS to Members of Congress in connection with CRS’s institutional role. CRS Reports, as a work of the United States Government, are not subject to copyright protection in the United States. Any CRS Report may be reproduced and distributed in its entirety without permission from CRS. However, as a CRS Report may include copyrighted images or material from a third party, you may need to obtain the permission of the copyright holder if you wish to copy or otherwise use copyrighted material. https://crsreports.congress.gov | IF11216 · VERSION 1 · NEW3 · UPDATED