Contents

• Conflict Overview
• Prospects for a Political Solution
• Humanitarian Situation
The Battle for Hodeida
• Iranian Arms Shipments to the Houthi-Saleh Forces
• The Coalition's Maritime Blockade and Delivery of Emergency Aid
• Humanitarian Situation
Yemen's Banking Crisis
• Transnational Terrorist Groups Operating in Yemen
• Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP)
• The Islamic State
• U.S. Policy
• International Scrutiny and U.S. Policy Debates
• Yemen: Recent Debating U.S. Military Support for the Saudi-led Coalition Attacks Against U.S. Naval Vessels in the Red Sea
• U.S. Foreign Assistance to Yemen

Summary

This report provides material on the latestongoing crisis in Yemen and the U.S. policy response.

In March 2015, Saudi Arabia and members of a coalition it established (hereinafter referred to as the Saudi-led coalition) launched a military operation aimed at restoring the rule of Yemen's internationally recognized President Abdu Rabbu Mansour Hadi. Prior to the start of hostilities, Hadi's government had been gradually supplanted by an alliance comprised of the Iran-supported Houthi movement and loyalists of the previous President, Ali Abdullah Saleh (hereinafter referred to as Houthi-Saleh forces).

After 20 months of war, battle lines in Yemen have hardened. The Saudi-led coalition has retaken the port city of Aden and the lowland areas of southern Yemen (traditionally Sunni). Houthis-Saleh forces remain ensconced in the capital Sana'a and the mountainous highlands of northern Yemen (traditionally Zaydi). In fact, the lines of control now somewhat resemble the previous division of Yemen into two separate countries, a political situation that lasted from 1918 to 1990.

By August 2016, the United Nations estimated that the war had killed at least 10,000 people. According to the U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights, there were 3,980 civilian casualties from the start of hostilities through September 2016. The war has taken a devastating toll on the population in a country long-considered the least developed in the Middle East and one of the poorest in the world. The humanitarian crisis in Yemen is severe, with 80% (21.2 million) of Yemen's population in need of humanitarian assistance.

As the conflict in Yemen has continued, the Administration seeks to work multilaterally through the United Nations to pursue a cease-fire that ultimately jumpstarts negotiations toward a comprehensive political settlement to the conflict. On November 14, Secretary of State John Kerry traveled to Oman, where he again tried to broker a new cessation of hostilities that would open the door toward renewed peace negotiations. After his visit, Secretary Kerry announced that Houthi-Saleh forces had agreed to "abide by the terms of the April 10 cessation of hostilities beginning on Nov. 17, provided the other party implements the same commitment." Days later, Yemeni Foreign Minister Abdel-Malek al Mekhlafi said: "I believe the current U.S. administration is incapable of providing any guarantees to any party and what Kerry has said is no more than a media bubble at our people's expense."

Since March 2015, the United States continues to be the largest contributor of humanitarian aid to Yemen, providing $327.5 million in FY2016. On February 11, 2015, due to the deteriorating security situation in Sana'a, the Department of State suspended embassy operations and U.S. Embassy staff was relocated out of the country.

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Conflict Overview

In March 2015, Saudi Arabia and members of a coalition¹ it established (hereinafter referred to as the Saudi-led coalition) launched a military operation aimed at restoring the rule of Yemen's internationally recognized President Abdu Rabbu Mansour Hadi. Prior to the start of hostilities, Hadi's government had beenDespite multiple attempts by U.N. Special Envoy for Yemen Ismail Ould Cheikh Ahmed to broker a peace agreement, the Saudi-led coalition and Houthi-Saleh forces continue to disagree on the fundamentals of a political settlement. After two years of war, the Saudi-led coalition would most likely resume negotiations from a position of strength. The coalition's current offensive along the Red Sea coast seeks to cut maritime access off to Houthi-Saleh forces in the hopes that their isolation will force them back to the table.

In January 2017, the United Nations estimated that the civilian death toll in the nearly two-year conflict had reached 10,000. In March 2017, the World Food Program reported that while Yemen is not yet in a full-blown famine, 60% of Yemenis, or 17 million people, are in "crisis" or "emergency" food situations.

During the last year of the Obama Administration, U.S. policy toward the conflict in Yemen shifted toward a more nuanced approach after having initially emphasized strong support for the Saudi-led coalition's campaign and the restoration of Hadi's presidency. The Obama Administration called upon the parties to negotiate a political settlement directly, emphasizing that "we're on the side squarely of the Yemeni people," while also stressing that Saudi Arabia itself is under daily attack and has a right to defend itself. The Administration sought to work multilaterally through the United Nations to pursue a cease-fire that would—in the expressed hopes of the Administration—ultimately jumpstart negotiations toward a comprehensive political settlement to the conflict.

As those peace efforts did not succeed, some observers expect the Trump Administration to take a different approach toward the conflict by more openly trying to deter Iranian support for Houthi-Saleh forces and refraining from openly criticizing the Saudi-led coalition's conduct of the war.

In 2017, President Trump reportedly authorized an increase in U.S. airstrikes against AQAP. In early March 2017, the United States reportedly conducted over 40 airstrikes against AQAP inside Yemen, which U.S. officials said were coordinated with the Hadi government. A recent counterterrorism raid in Yemen generated debate following the death of Navy SEAL William "Ryan" Owens. The raid also claimed the lives of between four and twelve Yemeni civilians, including several children, one of whom was a U.S. citizen. The raid was the Trump Administration's first acknowledged counterterror operation.

Yemen: Civil War and Regional Intervention

Conflict Overview

Saudi Arabia established a coalition (hereinafter referred to as the Saudi-led coalition) in March, 2015, and launched a military operation aimed at restoring the rule of Yemen's internationally- recognized President Abdu Rabbu Mansour Hadi.¹ Hadi's government was being gradually supplanted by an alliance comprised of the Iran-supported² Houthi movement³ and loyalists of the previous President, Ali Abdullah Saleh (hereinafter referred to as Houthi-Saleh forces).

As Houthi forces advanced on the southern city of Aden, Saudi Arabia and members of athe Saudi-led coalition launched air strikes in response to a specific request from President Hadi "to provide instant support by all necessary means, including military intervention to protect Yemen and its people from continuous Houthi aggression and deter the expected attack to occur at any hour on the city of Aden and the rest of the southern regions, and to help Yemen in the face of Al Qaeda and ISIL."⁴ Saudi leaders reportedly are concerned that reported Iranian support for Houthi fighters will result in the creation of a Hezbollah-like threat on its southwestern border.

After 20 months of war, battle lines in Yemen have hardened. The Saudi-led coalition has retaken the port city of Aden and the lowland areas of southern Yemen (traditionally Sunni). Houthis-Saleh forces remain ensconced in the capital Sana'a and the mountainous highlands of northern Yemen (traditionally Zaydi⁵). In fact, the lines of control now somewhat resemble the previous division of Yemen into two separate countries, a political situation that lasted from 1918 to 1990.

Figure 1. Yemen: Current Battle Lines

Source: American Enterprise Institute.

By August 2016, the United Nations estimated that the war had killed at least 10,000 people.⁶ According to the U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights, there were 3,980 civilian casualties from the start of hostilities through September 2016.⁷ The war has taken a devastating toll on the population in a country long-considered the least developed in the Middle East and one of the poorest in the world. The humanitarian crisis in Yemen is severe, with 80% (21.2 million) of Yemen's population in need of humanitarian assistance. According to the World Health Organization, documented cases of cholera have reached over 1,400 due to damage to infrastructure and lack of access to clean water and sanitation. UNICEF estimates that 14 million Yemenis are malnourished, and that 370,000 children are estimated to be severely malnourished or starving, particularly in rural areas.⁸ According to the World Food Program, almost half of all children in Yemen are stunted in growth due to chronic malnutrition. Since the outbreak of hostilities, the Saudi-led coalition has enforced a maritime blockade of Yemen, which was authorized by United Nations Security Council Resolution 2216.

As of November 2016, fighting continues throughout the country, most notably in and around the following.

• Taiz. Yemen's third largest city, Taiz (pre-war population of 300,000), continues to witness fierce fighting. Forces aligned with the coalition control most of Taiz city, but its environs are largely sealed off by Houthi-Saleh forces that surround the city on three sides. Houthi-Saleh forces only periodically permit humanitarian aid to reach city residents, and over 80%37 of the city's hospitals40 hospitals and medical institutions are closed. The city has been under siege since SeptemberApril 2015, and the humanitarian situation is dire, with reports of skyrocketing food prices and even starvation.⁹
• Saudi-Yemeni Border. In the far north along the Yemeni-Saudi border, Houthi-Saleh forces continue to target the kingdom. In the Saudi provinces of Najran and Jizan, Houthi-Saleh forces have launched offensives into Saudi territory and Scud and other ballistic missiles/rockets into Saudi territory and at coalition forces inside Yemen. Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates each have multiple U.S.-supplied Patriot missile batteries protecting their respective forces.
• Marib ProvinceThousands of Saudi residents along the border with Yemen have been evacuated from populated areas in order to create a military buffer zone.¹⁰ West of Marib Province toward the capital. Bordering the capital province of Sana'a to the east, Marib governorate and city are strategically important areas that the Saudi-led coalition seeks to control. Marib province is where the country's main refinery is located, along with one of its two main oil pipelines. Houthi-Saleh forces have been attacking the Marib tribes and coalition forces. In late July 2016, two Saudi pilots were killed in Marib when their Apache helicopter crashed. The helicopter crash marked the first time the Saudi military acknowledged it had lost any aircraft in the war. Saudi Arabia maintains an air base north of Marib city.
and are now pushing west toward Sana'a.
• Sana'a (Yemen's Ccapital). From April 2016 to August 2016, the Saudi-led coalition had largely spared Sana'a from aerial strikes as part of its commitment to the cessation of hostilities. When U.N.-mediated peace talks collapsed in August 2016, the Saudi-led coalition resumed bombing.

Prospects for a Political Solution

Despite multiple attempts by U.N. Special Envoy for Yemen Ismail Ould Cheikh Ahmed to broker a peace agreement, the Saudi-led coalition and Houthi-Saleh forces continue to disagree on the fundamentals of a political settlement. In late October 2016, the U.N. Envoy presented another peace plan to both sides. According to various reports, the Envoy's road map to peace included the following:¹⁰

• 11gradually transferring presidential power to either a new prime minister and/or vice president (the presidency would then become mostly a ceremonial position),
• the formation of a national unity government,
• gradually removing Houthi-Saleh forces from cities seized between 2014 and 2015,
• the formation of an international observation mission to verify Houthi withdrawal, and
• gradually transitioning toward presidential and parliamentary elections.

President Hadi rejected this plan. He claims that his abdication would legitimize Houthi-Saleh forces' capture of the capital, which Hadi calls a coup. Hadi also calls for Houthi-Saleh forces to relinquish their heavy weaponry (including ballistic missiles and launchers). Saudi Arabia demands that the Houthi-Saleh forces relinquish these weapons to a third party, and insists on a guarantee that a new unity government would prohibit the deployment of weapons that can threaten international waterways or Saudi territory. For their part, Houthi-Saleh forces seek Hadi's resignation and require an immediate formation of a unity government in which they play a significant role. They also seek to integrate their militiamen into the nation's armed forces.

On November 14, Secretary of State John Kerry traveled to Oman, where he again tried to broker a new cessation of hostilities that would open the door toward renewed peace negotiations. After his visit, Secretary Kerry announced that Houthi-Saleh forces had agreed to "abide by the terms of the April 10 cessation of hostilities beginning on Nov. 17, provided the other party implements the same commitment."¹¹ Days later, Yemeni Foreign Minister Abdel-Malek al Mekhlafi said: "I believe the current U.S. administration is incapable of providing any guarantees to any party and what Kerry has said is no more than a media bubble at our people's expense."¹²

Reports indicate that U.N. Special Envoy Ahmed may have recently altered the road map for peace to allow for President Hadi to remain in office until elections, rather than transferring power to an interim prime minister or vice president.¹² Houthi-Saleh forces reject such a change and have demanded that the United Nations appoint a new special envoy.

Table 1. Yemen Profiles

Will the Conflict End in 2017? As the war in Yemen enters its third year, many observers are concerned that the prospects for a political settlement remain elusive. At the heart of the conflict is the question of how much political power Houthi-Saleh forces will ultimately wield in Yemen. President Hadi has been willing to share power with the Houthis, but only within the context of a national unity government in which their role in not preeminent. President Hadi and his Saudi backers may distrust the Houthis, who, they say, have already violated previous United Nations-brokered power-sharing agreements, such as the 2014 peace and national partnership agreement (it granted the Houthis greater representation in a new government). In July 2016, Houthi-Saleh forces formed the High Political Council to govern areas under their control, and their opponents may suspect that Houthi-Saleh forces seek to govern all of north Yemen, from where they can militarily threaten Saudi Arabia using long-range missiles and rockets supplied by Iran.13 From the Houthi-Saleh perspective, while this coalition may be a marriage of convenience, both parties seek to maximize their influence, particularly in the north. The Houthis have used military force to change the terms for negotiations with President Hadi, by repeatedly rejecting attempts to limit its influence to its home governorate of Sa'dah.14 Former President Ali Abdullah Saleh, the Houthis main partner, seeks to restore his influence (and his family's) over the central government after losing the presidency in a U.S.-backed, Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC)-brokered transition plan which led to the February 2012 election of President Hadi. Many analysts argue that if Houthi-Saleh forces were left to govern north Yemen, their alliance would eventually crumble, as both sides would vie for political supremacy. After two years of war, the Saudi-led coalition would to negotiate with their opponents from a position of strength. The coalition's current offensive along the Red Sea coast seeks to cut maritime access off to Houthi-Saleh forces in the hopes that their isolation will force them back to the table. President Hadi also has moved the Central Bank to Aden, and payments to thousands of civil servants in Houthi-Saleh controlled territory have been cut off. If the coalition's latest strategy succeeds, then perhaps later in 2017, U.N.-brokered peace negotiations could resume. However, if Houthi-Saleh forces militarily endure, then the Saudi-led coalition may have limited options. Militarily, the Saudi-led coalition has primarily relied on air power and local tribal militias as its ground force. It has not committed significant numbers of ground troops to fight Houthi-Saleh forces in the Yemeni highlands, a strategy that most likely would incur heavy casualties and risk losing public support for the war effort. The status quo of a divided Yemen leaves the Saudi-led coalition responsible for propping up a weak internationally-recognized Yemeni government based out of Aden. If the status quo continues indefinitely, many analysts believe that both Yemeni governments would be in a constant state of conflict with each other, while transnational terrorist groups like AQAP would take advantage of a more permissive atmosphere given the absence of a unified Yemeni government and military. According to former U.S. Ambassador to Yemen Gerald Feierstein, "With little prospect of an immediate resolution of the conflict and in the face of increasing complexity, as tribal, sectarian and counterterrorism issues are introduced, Yemen's ultimate survival as a unified country hangs in the balance."15

The Battle for Hodeida

With U.N.-sponsored peace talks stalled in early 2017, the Saudi-led coalition altered its military strategy in an attempt to politically pressure and militarily isolate Houthi-Saleh forces. On January 9, 2017, the coalition launched a new offensive (dubbed Golden Spear/Arrow) along Yemen's 280-mile western coastal plain ultimately aimed at taking the strategic port city of Hodeida, a maneuver which would essentially sever Northern Yemen's access to the Red Sea. According to Yemen's Foreign Minister Abdel Malek al-Mekhlafi, the latest offensive "is important to reignite the political process....The Houthis will not accept dialogue [unless they are forced into talks by] a change on the ground."¹⁶ The Saudi-led coalition scored some early successes in this front at considerable humanitarian cost. It seized the smaller port town of Mokha in early February. With the Saudi-led coalition's naval forces positioned along the coast, its ground forces controlling the highway into Hodeida city, and its air forces striking targets inside the port city, it would appear that the coalition is preparing for a final assault on Hodeida. ¹⁷

Many international relief agencies and humanitarian organizations are concerned that if the port of Hodeida is irreparably damaged (it has been previously targeted as well), it would exacerbate an already dire shortage of food and medical supplies in war-torn areas of northern Yemen, which is largely controlled by Houthi-Saleh forces. Jamie McGoldrick, the United Nations Resident Humanitarian Coordinator and Representative for Yemen, said "I am deeply concerned with the escalation of conflict and militarization of Yemen's western coast. It is coming at a great cost to civilians...Given that the country is 80%-90% dependent on imported food staples, I am compelled to raise the alarm...If left unabated, these factors combined could accelerate the onset of famine."¹⁸ One recent report noted that international aid agencies, such as the Red Cross, have already stopped using Hodeida's port, while in Mokha, Houthi-Saleh forces may have laid mines in the harbor before it was seized by the Saudi-led coalition.¹⁹

In 2016, the United States took steps to repair the port of Hodeida by providing the World Food Program with funds to purchase four replacement cranes which had been damaged in previous Saudi-led coalition airstrikes. However, the cranes have not been delivered to Yemen and are being stored in Dubai. According to one account, the World Food Program received permission from the Saudi-led coalition to deliver the cranes to Hodeida in early 2017, but permission was eventually revoked due to concern over ongoing military operations in the area.²⁰

In March 2017, several House members wrote a letter to Secretary of State Rex Tillerson urging him to "use all U.S. diplomatic tools to help open the Yemeni port of Hodeida to international humanitarian aid organizations to allow them to import food, fuel and medicine into northern Yemen and save the lives of hundreds of thousands of Yemeni children who face starvation."

Iranian Arms Shipments to the Houthi-Saleh Forces

Recent statements by U.S. officials indicate that Iran has increased weapons shipments to Houthi-Saleh forces in Yemen. In February 2017, Major General Qassem Soleimani, commander of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps—Qods Force, reportedly pledged to increase Iran's assistance to Houthi-Saleh forces.²¹ In late October 2016, after Houthi-Saleh forces targeted U.S. warships in the Bab Al Mandab, Vice Admiral Kevin Donegan, the head of U.S. Naval Forces Central Command, said "We believe that Iran is connected to this."²² The vice admiral also noted that since April 2015, U.S. warships have intercepted five Iranian shipments of weaponry to Houthi-Saleh forces.²³ In September 2015, coalition naval forces, which have blockaded Yemen's ports, seized an Iranian fishing boat carrying, according to a coalition spokesperson, taking "18 anti-armored concourse shells, 54 anti-tank shells, shell-battery kits, firing guidance systems, launchers and binoculars' batteries."²⁴ In addition to maritime smuggling, Iran reportedly also has used overland routes through Oman to ship arms to Houthi-Saleh forces. According to one unnamed U.S. official, "We have been concerned about the recent flow of weapons from Iran into Yemen and have conveyed those concerns to those who maintain relations with the Houthis, including the Omani government."²⁵

Other recent reports surrounding Iranian support for Houthi-Saleh forces include²⁶:

• On February 5, 2017, Houthi-Saleh forces declared that an extended long-range Scud missile ("Burkan-2") they had developed had struck deep into Saudi Arabian territory, landing near a military base near Al Muzahimiyah, southwest of the capital Riyadh. According to one report, "the unveiling of the Burkan-2 is likely to heighten suspicions that Iran is helping Yemen's rebel forces to develop their ballistic missile capabilities." ²⁷
• In late January 2017, the UAE claimed that it had destroyed an "Iranian military drone" stationed in the port of Mokha.²⁸
• On January 30, 2017, a Houthi-Saleh unmanned, remote-controlled craft filled with explosives attacked a Saudi frigate (Al Madinah). Some observers have charged that Iran may have played a role in supplying the equipment used to create what some sources have referred to as a "drone boat."²⁹
• In January 2017, the United Nations UNSCR 2140 Committee Meeting on Panel of Experts' issued its final report, concluding, among other things, that although there had possibly been small-scale shipments of weapons, it had not seen sufficient evidence to confirm any direct large-scale supply from Iran.³⁰ The Panel noted that "there are indicators that anti-tank guided weapons being supplied to the Houthi or Saleh forces are of Iranian manufacture."³¹
• In early January 2017, the Australian government released photographs of anti-armored weapons seized from a smuggling vessel off of Yemen's coast. The rocket propelled grenades displayed in the pictures are believed to have been manufactured in Iran.³²

The Coalition's Maritime Blockade and Delivery of Emergency Aid

United Nations Security Council Resolution 2216 authorizes member states to prevent the transfer or sale of arms to the Houthis or to former President Saleh and also allows Yemen's neighbors to inspect cargo suspected of carrying arms to Houthi fighters. Iran reportedly continues to support Houthi militias with weapons shipments, fueling the resolve of the Saudi-led coalition to thwart Iranian weapons smuggling by sea. However, while the coalition's naval blockade has periodically intercepted Iranian arms shipments, it also has slowed the delivery of humanitarian aid. Near the Red Sea port city of Hodeida, which is controlled by Houthi-Saleh forces, ships filled with food and fuel routinely sit off-shore, as Arab coalition vessels search them for illicit arms.³³

The UN Verification and Inspection Mechanism (UNVIM) is a UN-led operation designed to inspect incoming sea cargo to Yemen for illicit weapons. UNVIM can inspect cargo, while also ensuring that humanitarian aid is delivered in a timely manner. Its participants are the European Union, the Netherlands, New Zealand, the United Kingdom and the United States.

Figure 2. Houthi-Saleh Forces Display the "Burkan-2" Missile

Source: An image released by the pro Houthi-Saleh SABA News Agency on February 6, 2017, Jane's Defence Weekly, February 8, 2017

Humanitarian Situation

In a country of approximately 27.4 million people with chronic natural resource and food shortfalls, Yemen is facing an unprecedented humanitarian crisis. Public health figures and statistics below indicate the degree of human suffering.

• According to the World Food Program, an estimated 7.3 million Yemenis are in need of immediate food aid. According to UNICEF, as many as 462,000 children suffer from severe acute malnutrition.
• According to the World Health Organization, 14.8 million people lack access to basic health care.
• There are over 2 million internally displaced in persons in Yemen.³⁴
• Since March 2015, 10,000 children under the age of five have perished from preventable diseases such as diarrhea and pneumonia.

Aid agencies consider Yemen as one of the current "four famines" (in or near-famine - the others being South Sudan, Somalia, and northeastern Nigeria). In March 2017, the World Food Program reported that while Yemen is not yet a full-blown famine, 60% of Yemenis, or 17 million people, are in "crisis" or "emergency" food situations.

Yemen's Banking Crisis

Approximately a quarter of all Yemenis' livelihoods depend on the salary of a public sector employee. Government salaries are paid by the Central Bank, which, throughout the current conflict, had managed to stay relatively apolitical. However, after the August 2016 breakdown in peace talks, President Hadi moved the Central Bank's operations to Aden, accusing Houthi-Saleh forces of adding thousands of militiamen to the Ministry of Defense's payroll, which had been drawing down $100 million a month in foreign reserves.³⁵ With total reserves dwindling, President Hadi announced in late February 2017 that Saudi Arabia would provide a two billion dollar deposit in the Central Bank in Aden to shore up the [Yemeni] riyal.

Transnational Terrorist Groups Operating in Yemen Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) has been described by U.S. officials as "the most active and dangerous affiliate of al-Qa'ida today,"³⁶ with "several thousand adherents and fighters" inside of Yemen.³⁷ The group has operated in Yemen since 2009, and its chief area of activity has beenPolitical dynamics on the ground in Yemen are obstructing outside forces' efforts to bring the current conflict to a close. It seems that even Saudi Arabia, President Hadi's primary benefactor, cannot currently compel its Yemeni allies to reach a compromise deal. Neither President Hadi nor his vice president, General Ali Mohsen al Ahmar, a powerful military commander who is a rival to both former president Saleh and the Houthis, is ready to resign or gradually transition out of power. President Hadi claims that United Nations Security Council Resolution 2216 legitimizes his rule since it calls on all parties to refrain from taking any actions that undermine the legitimacy of the President of Yemen. There is some concern that even if the Saudi-led coalition abandoned the current president and vice president, it would not stop their associated militias from continuing the war.

At the same time, the status quo is problematic for the Saudi-led coalition. In late July 2016, Houthi-Saleh forces established their own alternative government, an unacceptable outcome for both the Saudis and the international community, which seek to maintain Yemen's unity. For Houthi-Saleh forces, it seems their strategy is to survive, ensconced in the capital, in order to create facts on the ground. In the meantime, it would seem that continued Saudi-led coalition airstrikes targeting civilians, combined with Yemen's dire humanitarian crisis, is increasing international criticism of the Saudi-led military operation.

With a political settlement seemingly distant, some analysts are calling for alternative arrangements. According to Bruce Riedel, a scholar at the Brookings Institution, "de facto partition may be the only realistic option for the foreseeable future. The international community should try to persuade the warring parties to adopt an open-ended cease-fire without conditions. Then a massive surge of humanitarian relief should begin."¹³

Humanitarian Situation

In a country with chronic natural resource and food shortfalls, Yemen is facing an unprecedented humanitarian crisis. In his latest briefing to the United Nations Security Council, the Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator, Stephen O'Brien, said, "This humanitarian catastrophe in Yemen is a man-made disaster, where conflict has exacerbated and exponentially increased the suffering of the 50 per cent of the Yemeni population who already were in dire and extreme poverty."¹⁴

Public health figures and statistics indicating the degree of human suffering are stark.

• As of August 2016, there are over 2.2 million internally displaced in persons in Yemen.¹⁵
• Since March 2015, 10,000 children under the age of five have perished from preventable diseases such as diarrhea and pneumonia.¹⁶
• As of August 2016, the United Nations funding requirement for Yemen has reached $1.63 billion, of which donors have pledged only 43%.¹⁷ Prior to the start of the hostilities in March 2015, humanitarian funding needs were less than half the current figure.

The Coalition's Maritime Blockade and Delivery of Emergency Aid

United Nations Security Council Resolution 2216 authorizes member states to prevent the transfer or sale of arms to the Houthis or to former President Saleh and also allows Yemen's neighbors to inspect cargo suspected of carrying arms to Houthi fighters. Iran reportedly continues to support Houthi militias with weapons shipments, fueling the desire of the Saudi-led coalition to thwart Iranian weapons smuggling by sea. However, while the coalition's naval blockade has periodically intercepted Iranian arms shipments, it also has slowed the delivery of humanitarian aid. Near the Red Sea port city of Hodeida, which is controlled by Houthi-Saleh forces, ships filled with food and fuel routinely sit off-shore, as Arab coalition vessels search them for illicit arms.¹⁸

The UN Verification and Inspection Mechanism (UNVIM) is a UN-led operation designed to inspect incoming sea cargo to Yemen for illicit weapons. UNVIM can inspect cargo, while also ensuring that humanitarian aid is delivered in a timely manner. Its participants are the European Union, the Netherlands, New Zealand, the United Kingdom and the United States.

While UNVIM has cleared nearly 200 commercial vessels at Hodeida and other ports, hundreds of thousands of metric tons of food await offloading. Port operations at Hodeida have been damaged by Saudi-led coalition airstrikes, and disputes between Houthi-Saleh authorities and shippers over customs fees further hampers the delivery of aid.¹⁹

Iranian Arms Shipments to the Houthi-Saleh Forces Recent statements by U.S. officials indicate that Iran has increased weapons shipments to Houthi-Saleh forces in Yemen. In late October 2016, after Houthi-Saleh forces targeted U.S. warships in the Bab Al Mandab, Vice Admiral Kevin Donegan, the head of U.S. Naval Forces Central Command, said that "We believe that Iran is connected to this."20 The vice admiral also noted that since April 2015, U.S. warships have intercepted five Iranian shipments of weaponry to Houthi-Saleh forces.21 In September 2015, coalition naval forces, which have blockaded Yemen's ports, seized an Iranian fishing boat carrying, according to a coalition spokesperson, "18 anti-armored concourse shells, 54 anti-tank shells, shell-battery kits, firing guidance systems, launchers and binoculars' batteries."22 In addition to maritime smuggling, Iran also has used overland routes through Oman to ship arms to Houthi-Saleh forces. According to one unnamed U.S. official, "We have been concerned about the recent flow of weapons from Iran into Yemen and have conveyed those concerns to those who maintain relations with the Houthis, including the Omani government."23

Yemen's Banking Crisis

Approximately a quarter of all Yemenis' livelihoods depend on the salary of a public sector employee. Government salaries are paid by the Central Bank, which, throughout the current conflict, had managed to stay relatively apolitical. However, after the August 2016 breakdown in peace talks, President Hadi moved the Central Bank's operations to Aden, accusing Houthi-Saleh forces of adding thousands of militiamen to the Ministry of Defense's payroll, which had been drawing down $100 million a month in foreign reserves.²⁴ As of September 2016, total reserves had dwindled to $1.3 billion from about $4 billion in November 2014.

As a result of the Central Bank's relocation, the payment of government salaries in Houthi-Saleh-controlled areas was halted, exacerbating already difficult living conditions for tens of thousands of Yemenis. Houthi-Saleh authorities had already reduced salaries for their fighters. In late September 2016, the U.S. State Department expressed concern about the "economic conditions in Yemen and recent developments associated with the Central Bank," stressing the importance of the Central Bank serving the interests of all Yemenis.²⁵

Transnational Terrorist Groups Operating in Yemen

Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP)

The Obama Administration has described Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) as "the most active and dangerous affiliate of al-Qa'ida today,"²⁶ with "several thousand adherents and fighters" inside of Yemen.²⁷ The group has operated in Yemen since 2009, and has been the most active in the southern provinces that were formerly part of the People's Democratic Republic of Yemen, which reunited with northern Yemen in 1990. After unification, political and economic power became concentrated in the hands of northern leaders and tribes, and AQAP has benefitted from southern resentment directed against the government. in the southern provinces that were formerly part of the People's Democratic Republic of Yemen, which reunited with northern Yemen in 1990. After unification, political and economic power became concentrated in the hands of northern leaders and tribes, and AQAP has benefitted from southern resentment directed against the government.

In 2010, the United States designated AQAP as a Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTO). On October 4, 2012, the State Department designated Ansar al Sharia (AAS), AQAP's local militia, as a Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTO).

According to the State Department's 2015 Country Reports on Terrorism, AQAP has continued to take advantage of the political and security vacuum created by the ongoing fighting between the Saudi-led coalition and Houthi-Saleh forces. The conflict between these forces has contributed to AQAP's attempted expansion in the southern and eastern parts of Yemen since 2015.

According to the International Crisis Group:

AQAP is stronger than it has ever been. While Islamic State has dominated headlines in other parts of the Middle East and North Africa, in Yemen, al Qaeda has been the success story. Over the course of the country's failed political transition and civil war, it has exploited state collapse, shifting alliances, a burgeoning war economy and growing sectarianism to expand its support base, challenge state authority and even govern territory at times. ³⁸

Perhaps more than any other AQ affiliate, AQAP has attempted to carry out attacks in the United States and Europe. Between 2009 and 2012, AQAP was behind three attempts to down U.S.-bound commercial airliners, and officials note that the group likely "still harbors this intent and substantial capability to carry out such a plot."²⁸39 In early 2015, AQAP claimed to have directed and funded the attack against the Charlie Hebdo satirical magazine in Paris.²⁹

The Defense Department reported that U.S. strikes had killed approximately 81 AQAP members in Yemen in the first half of 2016.³⁰ In June 2015, a U.S. strike killed AQAP leader Nasser al Wuhayshi. In April 2016, "small numbers" of U.S. military personnel were authorized to deploy to Yemen to support operations against AQAP.³¹ U.S. military officials confirmed in May 2016 that some U.S. military personnel had returned to Yemen and were operating in a liaison capacity out of the port city of Al Mukalla.³²

The Islamic State

The Islamic State (IS, also known as ISIL, ISIS, or the Arabic acronym Da'esh) claims to have several provinces operating in Yemen, where it has targeted Zaydi Shi'a, including their mosques. These types of attacks may increase sectarian tension in Yemen, which, though wracked by war, has not traditionally had the kind of sectarian animosity that has plagued states such Iraq and Lebanon. Leadership and tactical disputes appear to have limited the Yemen-based IS affiliates' success to date, as has competition from rivals in the larger and more deeply rooted AQAP organization.

U.S. Policy

As the conflict in Yemen has continued, the Administration's position has moved away from strongly supporting the Saudi-led coalition's campaign and the restoration of Hadi's presidency and toward a more nuanced approach. The Administration has called for a political settlement that the parties themselves negotiate, emphasizing that "we're on the side squarely of the Yemeni people,"³³ while also stressing that Saudi Arabia itself is under daily attack and has a right to defend itself.

The Administration seeks to work multilaterally through the United Nations to pursue a cease-fire that ultimately jumpstarts negotiations toward a comprehensive political settlement to the conflict. In late August, Secretary of State John Kerry traveled to Saudi Arabia, where he proposed a new peace initiative calling for the Houthis to withdraw from the capital, while having their heavy weapons and ballistic missiles transferred to a third party.

Overall, the Administration, like Saudi Arabia, does not want to see Houthi fighters who receive Iranian aid rule large swaths of Yemen. Additionally, some lawmakers see Iranian support for Houthi-Saleh forces as increasing, and therefore reiterate the need to counter Iran's regional meddling.³⁴ However, as the civilian death toll continues to climb and the humanitarian situation devolves, some observers assert that the political costs of the Saudi-led coalition's military campaign are becoming too high. According to Senator Chris Murphy in September 2016, "US support for Saudi Arabia's wars cannot be unconditional, especially when civilians are being killed and terrorist organizations are growing stronger."³⁵

International Scrutiny and U.S. Policy Debates

As the military campaign has continued, reports of civilian casualties and displacement; food, medicine, and water shortages; attacks on international shipping and U.S. military vessels; advances by AQAP forces; Islamic State attacks; and persistence by the Houthis and their pro-Saleh allies have fueled intensifying international criticism of Saudi policy. Congress has debated the provision of U.S. military assistance to Saudi Arabia in the context of the conflict, and the Senate in September considered (and ultimately rejected) a proposal that would have blocked a proposed sale of tanks to the kingdom.

In the wake of an October 2016 Saudi airstrike on a funeral hall in Sanaa that killed between 130 and 150 people, the Obama Administration announced that it was initiating a review of U.S. security assistance to Saudi Arabia. National Security Council spokesman Ned Price said,

U.S. security cooperation with Saudi Arabia is not a blank check. Even as we assist Saudi Arabia regarding the defense of their territorial integrity, we have and will continue to express our serious concerns about the conflict in Yemen and how it has been waged. In light of this and other recent incidents, we have initiated an immediate review of our already significantly reduced support to the Saudi-led Coalition and are prepared to adjust our support so as to better align with U.S. principles, values and interests, including achieving an immediate and durable end to Yemen's tragic conflict. We call upon the Saudi-led Coalition, the Yemeni government, the Houthis and the Saleh-aligned forces to commit publicly to an immediate cessation of hostilities and implement this cessation based on the April 10^th terms.³⁶

Price's reference to "already significantly reduced" U.S. support for Saudi Arabia may allude to the withdrawal in June 2016 of many U.S. personnel assigned to a joint U.S.-Saudi planning cell that had been established to coordinate the provision of military and intelligence support for the campaign.³⁷ Administration officials have not publicly offered details of the precise nature and extent of current U.S. logistical and intelligence support for Saudi military operations in Yemen. On October 12, White House Press Secretary Josh Earnest said that "this assistance that we provide is primarily logistical support. We do share some intelligence with them, but the United States does not do targeting for them. The Saudis and their partners use some of the intelligence that we have collected, but they make their own targeting decisions."³⁸

Leahy Law and Saudi-led Coalition Strikes in Yemen Section 620M of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 (FAA), as amended, prohibits the furnishing of assistance authorized by the FAA and the Arms Export Control Act to any foreign security force unit where there is credible information that the unit has committed a gross violation of human rights. The State Department and U.S. embassies overseas implement Leahy vetting to determine which foreign security individuals and units are eligible to receive U.S. assistance or training. In October 2016, Senator Patrick Leahy remarked that "The humanitarian crisis in Yemen has received too little attention, and it directly, or indirectly, implicates us.... The reports of civilian casualties from Saudi air attacks in densely populated areas compel us to ask if these operations, supported by the United States, violate [that law]."39

On October 31, U.S. Permanent Representative to the United Nations Ambassador Samantha Power said in a U.N. Security Council meeting on Yemen that "the United States calls on the parties to recommit immediately to the cessation of hostilities, which means halting all military actions on the ground, in the air, and at sea. That includes an end to shelling and an end to airstrikes."⁴⁰ Ambassador Power condemned Saudi-led coalition strikes on civilian targets and Yemeni infrastructure and condemned cross border attacks on Saudi Arabia by its adversaries in Yemen, including recent ballistic missile attacks.

Select United Nations Reporting In April 2016, the "Saudi Arabia-led coalition" was listed alongside other parties to the conflict in Yemen in the annex of the annual report of United Nations Secretary General on Children and Armed Conflict for attacks that resulted in the killing and maiming attacks of children in Yemen.41 Specifically, the report states that the Saudi Arabia-led coalition was listed "for killing and maiming and attacks on schools and hospitals" in attacks verified by the United Nations to have resulted in the deaths of 510 children and the injury of 667 others. In July, U.N. Secretary General Ban Ki-moon alleged that Saudi Arabia had threatened to reduce its funding for U.N. programs if the coalition was not removed from the report annex, an allegation that Saudi leaders denied.42 In August, the Secretary General said, "After very careful consideration, the Saudi Arabia-led coalition was removed from the annexes, pending the conclusions of a review. ...I have since received information on measures taken by the coalition to prevent and end grave violations against children. We will continue our engagement to ensure that concrete measures to protect children are implemented. But I want to repeat: the content of the report stands."43 In August 2016, the Office of the U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights submitted an updated report on human rights conditions in Yemen to the U.N. Human Rights Council, attributing a range of violations of international human rights law and international humanitarian law to both the Saudi-led coalition and its adversaries in Yemen.44

Yemen: Recent Attacks Against U.S. Naval Vessels in the Red Sea

In recent weeks, the United States has faced a number of challenges regarding the Yemen war. 40

In December 2016, the outgoing Administration outlined what had been the contours of U.S. counterterrorism policy toward AQAP under President Obama. According to a White House report:

The U.S. military continues to work closely with the Government of Yemen to dismantle operationally and ultimately eliminate the threat posed by al-Qa'ida in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP). U.S. joint efforts have resulted in direct action, including airstrikes, against a limited number of AQAP operatives and senior leaders who posed a terrorist threat to the United States. The United States has also deployed small numbers of U.S. military personnel to Yemen to support operations against AQAP, including support for operations to capture AQAP leaders and key personnel. Additionally, on October 12, 2016, the United States conducted military strikes on radar facilities in Houthi-controlled territory in Yemen in response to anti-ship cruise missile launches that threatened U.S. Navy warships in the international waters of the Red Sea on October 9 and October 12, 2016. The targeted radar facilities were involved in the October 9, 2016 launches and other recent attacks.⁴¹

After taking office, President Trump reportedly authorized an increase in U.S. airstrikes against AQAP.⁴² In early March 2017, the United States reportedly conducted over 40 airstrikes against AQAP inside Yemen, which U.S. officials said were coordinated with the Hadi government and were concentrated in the governorates of Abyan, Al Bayda and Shabwah.⁴³

To date, reported U.S. strikes against AQAP have led to the killings of several high value AQAP targets, including:

AQAP leader and deputy leader of AQ central Nasser al Wuhayshi (June 2015).

Nasser bin Ali al Ansi, AQAP leader who claimed responsibility for the Charlie Hebdo attack in Paris (April 2015).

Ibrahim Suleiman al Rubaysh, AQAP's theological guide and a former detainee at Guantanamo Naval Station, Cuba (April 2015).

Fahd al Quso, a longtime Yemeni militant wanted by the F.B.I. for his role in the 2000 bombing of the U.S.S. Cole (May 2012).

extremist cleric/U.S.-citizen Anwar al Awlaki (September 2011).

The Islamic State

The Islamic State (IS, also known as ISIL, ISIS, or the Arabic acronym Da'esh) claims to have several provinces operating in Yemen, where it has targeted Zaydi Shi'a, including their mosques. These types of attacks may increase sectarian tension in Yemen, which, though wracked by war, has not traditionally had the kind of sectarian animosity that has plagued states such Iraq and Lebanon. Leadership and tactical disputes appear to have limited the Yemen-based IS affiliates' success to date, as has competition from rivals in the larger and more deeply rooted AQAP organization.

U.S. Policy

During the last year of the Obama Administration, U.S. policy toward the conflict in Yemen shifted toward a more nuanced approach after initially emphasizing strong support for the Saudi-led coalition's campaign and the restoration of Hadi's presidency. The Obama Administration called for a political settlement that the parties themselves negotiate, emphasizing that "we're on the side squarely of the Yemeni people,"⁴⁵ while also stressing that Saudi Arabia itself is under daily attack and has a right to defend itself. The Administration sought to work multilaterally through the United Nations to pursue a cease-fire that would—in the expressed hopes of the Administration—ultimately jumpstart negotiations toward a comprehensive political settlement to the conflict.

Given that those efforts did not succeed, some observers expect the Trump Administration to take a different approach toward the conflict by more openly trying to deter Iranian support for Houthi-Saleh forces and refraining from openly criticizing the Saudi-led coalition's conduct of the war.⁴⁶ In mid-February 2017, Secretary of State Rex Tillerson held a meeting on Yemen with counterparts from the United Kingdom, Saudi Arabia, Oman, the United Arab Emirates, and the United Nations to see how the international community can work together to strengthen cooperation to resolve the conflict. Afterward, Secretary Tillerson noted "the urgent need for the unfettered delivery of humanitarian assistance throughout Yemen."

In early February 2017, the United States sent the guided missile destroyer USS Cole to position itself off the coast of Yemen on a presence operation following a Houthi-Saleh "drone boat" attack on a Saudi frigate. In 2000, 17 American sailors were killed by an Al Qaeda (AQ) attack against the USS Cole while it docked in the port of Aden. Two other U.S. naval vessels, the USS Makin Island, an amphibious assault ship, and the USS Comstock, a dock landing ship, are operating near the Bab al Mandab strait.⁴⁷

Debating U.S. Military Support for the Saudi-led Coalition⁴⁸

As the Saudi-led coalition's military campaign has continued, repeated reports of Yemeni civilian casualties resulting from air strikes has fueled intensifying international criticism of Saudi policy. Congress has debated the provision of U.S. military assistance to Saudi Arabia in the context of the conflict, and the Senate in September 2016 rejected a proposal (S.J.Res. 39) that would have blocked a proposed sale of tanks to the kingdom.

In the wake of an October 2016 Saudi airstrike on a funeral hall in Sanaa that killed 140 people, the Obama Administration announced that it was initiating a review of U.S. security assistance to Saudi Arabia. In December 2016, press reports cited Obama Administration officials as stating that a planned direct commercial sale (DCS) of 16,000 Raytheon-manufactured precision guided munitions (or PGMSs), worth approximately $350-$390 million, would not proceed and that U.S. intelligence sharing would be further limited in favor of enhanced training for the Saudi Air Force.⁴⁹ The Obama Administration noted that U.S.-Saudi intelligence cooperation against AQAP would continue, as well as U.S. support for the defense of Saudi Arabia's border with Yemen. The United States also said that it would continue to refuel Saudi aircraft. A U.S. Central Command Air Force spokesperson reported in February 2017 that U.S. military refueling missions for Saudi-coalition operations over Yemen increased by 50% in 2016 relative to 2015 and are ongoing.⁵⁰

Press reporting in March, 2017 has suggested that the Trump Administration may consider moving forward with the sale of the munitions kits, but as of March 21, the Administration had not moved to formally notify Congress of its intent to do so. One report suggests that Secretary of State Rex Tillerson approved an unspecified "resumption of weapons sales" to Saudi Arabia.⁵¹ The last major U.S. defense sale of PGMs to Saudi Arabia was in November 2015, when the Obama Administration notified Congress of a proposed sale, and Members did not introduce joint resolutions of disapproval during the 30-calendar-day consideration period.⁵² In March 2017 testimony before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Dafna Rand, former deputy assistant secretary of state at the State Department's Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor, testified that:

The precision-guided munitions were transferred in 2015 on the hopes that indeed, as you were saying Senator, they would enable better and more precise targeting by the Collation of the target itself. That was the argument....What we've seen since is not an improvement in the targeting and the issue itself is the target selection. It's not the precision of the target itself, but it's the choice of targets and adherence to the no strike list.⁵³

Pursuant to Section 36(c) of the Arms Export Control Act, the executive branch may proceed with a proposed direct commercial sale (DCS) case 30 days after formally notifying Congress. If the Trump Administration were to decide to proceed with this specific DCS case or to generate a new Foreign Military Sale (FMS) or DCS case, it would have to formally notify Congress pursuant either Section 36 (b) or 36(c) and then wait at least 30 days before taking action on the proposed sale.

Attacks Against U.S. Naval Vessels in the Red Sea In October 2016, Houthi-Saleh forces reportedly launched anti-ship missiles at U.S. Navy vessels on patrol off the coast of Yemen. While no U.S. warship was damaged, a similar attack earlier in October damaged a U.S. transport ship leased by the United Arab Emirates (UAE). The attacks against the U.S. ships marked the first time U.S. forces had come under direct fire in the near 20-month war.

The attacks may have been triggered by Saudi-led coalition airstrikes on October 8 that struck a funeral gathering of Houthi leaders in the capital Sana'a. Those strikes, which the coalition later described as having been mistakenly authorized, killed many civilians and prominent Houthi political and military leaders. Included among the casualties was the mayor of Sana'a, two Yemeni members of the U.N. cease-fire monitoring team, and several Houthi-Saleh high-ranking officers.

Such events in Yemen have elicited a multi-pronged Obama Administration response. On the military front, the Obama Administration responded to the attacks against U.S. naval vessels by firing cruise missiles against Houthi-Saleh radar installations. The Obama Administration claimsclaimed that those attacks were conducted in self-defense and has indicated that it doesdid not want to deepen its direct involvement in the conflict. The October 8 Saudi airstrikes drew immediate condemnation and prompted the Obama Administration to initiate an "immediate review" of U.S support for the Saudi-led coalition's military campaign. U.S. support had already been reduced in the preceding months amid concern that the coalition's repeated targeting of civilians was a violation of international law. From a diplomatic angle, the Obama Administration accelerated its efforts to broker a ceasefire in the hopes of deescalating the situation.

The rapid progression of events in Yemen from early to mid-October has forced the Administration to deepen its involvement in the Yemen conflict by

• deploying more naval assets to the Bab al Mandab to protect international shipping;
• attempting to deescalate tensions between combatants in order to restart negotiations; and
• delaying further U.S. support to the Saudi-led coalition out of increased concern regarding civilian casualties from coalition airstrikes.

U.S. Foreign Assistance to Yemen

Since the current conflict began in March 2015, the United States has increased its humanitarian assistance to Yemen while suspending nearly all other programming. On February 11, 2015, due to the deteriorating security situation in Sana'a, the Department of State suspended embassy operations and U.S. Embassy staff was relocated out of the country.

Since March 2015, the United States continues to behas been the largest contributor of humanitarian aid to Yemen. Funds were provided to international aid organizations from USAID's Office of Foreign Disaster Assistance (OFDA), USAID's Food for Peace (FFP), and the U.S. Department of State's Bureau of Population, Refugees, and Migration (State/PRM).

U.S. bilateral economic funding supports basic education, maternal health, and agricultural assistance programs. Given the breakdown of Yemen's military, security assistance channeled through the State and Defense Departments has been suspended. In June 2015, the Department of Defense notified Congress that it was redirecting $45.04 million worth of military equipment (obligated in FY2012, FY2013, and FY2014) to Tunisia, Jordan, and Lebanon.

Author Contact Information

Footnotes

Yemen's Zaydis take their name from their fifth Imam, Zayd ibn Ali, grandson of Husayn. Zayd revolted against the UmmayadUmayyad Caliphate in 740, believing it to be corrupt, and to this day, Zaydis believe that their imam (ruler of the community) should be both a descendent of Ali (the cousin and son-in-law of the prophet Muhammad) and one who makes it his religious duty to rebel against unjust rulers and corruption. A Zaydi state (or Imamate) was founded in northern Yemen in 893 and lasted in various forms until the republican revolution of 1962. Yemen's modern imams kept their state in the Yemeni highlands in extreme isolation, as foreign visitors required the ruler's permission to enter the kingdom. Although Zaydism is an offshoot of Shia Islam, its legal traditions and religious practices are similar to Sunni Islam. Moreover, it is doctrinally distinct from "Twelver Shiism," the dominant branch of Shi'a Islam in Iran and Lebanon.

"New Yemen offensive looks to Break Deadlock," Agence France Presse, January 9, 2017. 22. 36. 45.

Testimony of Dr. Dafna Rand, Adjunct Senior Research Fellow, National Defense University, Senate Foreign Relations Committee Hearing, "Resolving the Conflict in Yemen: U.S. Interests, Risks, and Policy," March 9, 2017.

1.	The coalition includes Qatar, Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Egypt, Morocco, Jordan, Sudan, and Senegal. The Saudi-led coalition also relies on local Yemeni forces to carry out most ground operations. These allied units comprise a mix of Yemeni army units, tribal forces, Islamist militias, and southern separatists opposed to Houthi rule.
2.	The degree of Iran's military role in Yemen is a subject of much debate. Iran has been caught on multiple occasions attempting to smuggle weapons to the Houthis (see below). In repeated public statements by high level Saudi officials, Saudi Arabia has seized uponcited Iran's illicit support for the Houthis as proof that Iran is to blame for the Yemen conflict. In fact,Iranian support to the Houthis provides the clerical regime with a relatively low cost way of countering Saudi influence in Yemen. Saudi officials frequently justify their intervention in Yemen as a defensive action in order to prevent "the country [Yemen] being taken over by a radical militia [Houthis] allied with Iran and Hezbollah." Overall, Iranian support to the Houthis provides the clerical regime with a relatively low cost way of countering Saudi influence in Yemen. However, many Western observers generally agree that Iranian aid to the Houthis does not match the scale of its commitments to proxies in other parts of the Middle East, such as in Syria, Lebanon, and Iraq. In April 2015, National Security Council spokeswoman Bernadette Meehan remarked that "It remains our assessment that Iran does not exert command and control over the Houthis in Yemen." See, "Iran Warned Houthis Against Yemen Takeover," Huffington Post, April 20, 2015
3.	The Houthi movement (also known as Ansar Allah or Partisans of God) is a predominantly Zaydi Shiite revivalist political and insurgent movement that formed in the northern province of Sa'da in 2004 under the leadership of members of the Houthi family. It originally sought an end to what it viewed as efforts to marginalize Zaydi communities and beliefs, but its goals grew in scope and ambition in the wake of the 2011 uprising and government collapse to embrace a broader populist, anti-establishment message. Skeptics highlight the movement's ideological roots, its alleged cooperation with Iran, and the slogans prominently displayed on its banners: "God is great! Death to America! Death to Israel! Curse the Jews! Victory to Islam!"
4.	Text of Hadi request letter in "GCC statement: Gulf countries respond to Yemen developments," The National (UAE), March 26, 2015.
5.	"Yemen War Turns Two, Al Monitor, March 12, 2017.
6.	"Rise of Saudi Prince Shatters Decades of Royal Tradition," New York Times, October 15, 2016.
7.
68.	"U.N. says 10,000 Top UN Official: 10,000 Civilians Killed in Yemen war, far more than other Estimates," Reuters, August 30, 2016.
7.	Spokesperson for the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, September 23, 2016Conflict, Associated Press, January 16, 2017.
89.	"More than One Million Children Starve as Yemen War Rages—U.N. agencies," Reuters, October 28Yemen: 'Some people are living on one piece of bread a day'," The Guardian, June 8, 2016.
910.	"Yemen: 'Some people are living on one piece of bread a day'," The Guardian, June 8Border Fight could shift Saudi Arabia's Yemen War Calculus," PolicyWatch # 2736, Washington Institute, December 6, 2016.
1011.	"UN Envoy to Yemen hands peace plan outline to rival parties," Associated Press, October 25, 2016.
1112.	"Kerry announces Yemen Cessation of Hostilities to start November 17, Reuters, November 15, 2016Houthis Criticise Special Envoy as UN looks to Restart Talks," Economist Intelligence Unit, February 14, 2017.
1213.	"Yemen's Houthis say they want to End War, form Unity Government," Reuters, November 16, 2016In July 2016, Houthi-Saleh forces formed the High Political Council to govern areas under their control.
1314.	"Is Yemen headed for Partition?" Al Monitor, October 31, 2016.
14.	Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator, Stephen O'Brien Statement to the Security Council on Yemen, October 31, 2016.
15Three years ago, the Houthi movement rejected the final outcome of the 2014 National Dialogue, which sought to reconfigure Yemen's governance in a more equitable fashion by bringing all parties to a months-long conference. The conference ended when President Hadi proposed to divide Yemen into six federal regions that would leave the traditional Houthi territorial base as one land-locked province without access to a seaport or oil resources.
15.	Testimony of Gerald Feierstein, Director, Center for Gulf Affairs, Middle East Institute, Senate Foreign Relations Committee Hearing, "Resolving the Conflict in Yemen: U.S. Interests, Risks, and Policy," March 9, 2017.
16.	https://www.usaid.gov/sites/default/files/documents/1866/yemen_ce_fs01_10-27-2016.pdf.
1617.	Stephen O'Brien Statement, op. cit"Government Advance adds to Famine Concerns," Economist Intelligence Unit, March 2, 2017.
1718.	Financial Tracking Service, Yemen : Funding received 2016"UN says Seven Million Yemenis on Brink of Starvation," Middle East Online, February 21, 2017.
1819.	"Escalation in Ship Attacks Pushes Yemen towards Starvation," Reuters, March 6, 2017.
20.	"U.S. Plan to help Yemenis obtain Humanitarian Aid Falters, amid Growing Food Crisis," Washington Post, March 15, 2017.
21.	"Iran Steps up Support for Houthis in Yemen's War – Sources," Reuters, March 21, 2017.
"Arab Coalition Navy Inspections Paralyze Yemen Food Shipments," Reuters, September 10, 2015. Reportedly, the United States has said that commercial vessels off the coast of Yemen should only be inspected when there are "reasonable grounds" to suspect illicit arms shipments. See, "U.S. tells U.N. it Wants to See Boost in Shipping into War-Torn Yemen," Reuters, September 30, 2015.
19.	Stephen O'Brien Statement, op. cit.
20.	"U.S. Officials: Iran Supplying Weapons to Yemen's Houthi Rebels," NBC News, October 27, 2016.
2123.	"US intercepts Multiple Shipments of Iranian Weapons going to Houthis in Yemen," CNN, October 28, 2016.
2224.	"Weapons Bound for Yemen Seized on Iran Boat: Coalition," Reuters, September 30, 2015.
2325.	"Exclusive: Iran steps up Weapons Supply to Yemen's Houthis via Oman—Officials," Reuters, October 20, 2016.
2426.	See, "Maritime Interdictions of Weapon Supplies to Somalia and Yemen: Deciphering a Link to Iran," Conflict Armament Research, November 2016.
27.	"Analysis: New Yemeni ballistic Missile hints at Iranian Assistance," Jane's Defence Weekly, February 8, 2017.
28.	"UAE Airstrike reportedly Destroyed Iranian UAV in Yemen," Jane's Defence Weekly, February 3, 2017.
29.	"New Houthi Weapon Emerges: A Drone Boat," Defense News, February 19, 2017.
30.	"Yemen: Political and Humanitarian Briefing and Sanctions Committee Meeting," What's in Blue, January 25, 2017.
31.	Letter dated 27 January 2017 from the Panel of Experts on Yemen addressed to the President of the Security Council, January 31, 2017.
32.	"Arms Seized Off Coast of Yemen Appear to Have Been Made in Iran," New York Times, January 10, 2017
33.	"Arab Coalition Navy Inspections Paralyze Yemen Food Shipments," Reuters, September 10, 2015. Reportedly, the United States has said that commercial vessels off the coast of Yemen should only be inspected when there are "reasonable grounds" to suspect illicit arms shipments. See, "U.S. tells U.N. it Wants to See Boost in Shipping into War-Torn Yemen," Reuters, September 30, 2015.
34.	USAID, Yemen Complex Emergency Fact Sheet #6, Fiscal Year (FY) 2017, February 17, 2017.
35.	"Central Bank Crisis Risks Famine in Yemen," International Crisis Group, September 29, 2016.
"Central Bank Crisis Risks Famine in Yemen," International Crisis Group, September 29, 2016.
25.	Office of the Spokesperson, U.S. State Department, Communique on the Situation in Yemen, September 22, 2016.
26.	The White House, Letter from the President to the Speaker of the House of Representatives and the President Pro Tempore of the Senate Regarding the War Powers Resolution, June 13, 2016.
2737.	Transcript, CIA Director John Brennan before the Senate Select Intelligence Committee, June 16, 2016.
2838. "Military Strikes Are No Simple Answer to al-Qaeda's Rise in Yemen," International Crisis Group, February 1, 2017. 39.	Testimony of former NCTC Director Matthew Olsen before the House Homeland Security Committee and House Foreign Affairs Committee, Joint Hearing on Terrorism Outlook, November 18, 2015.
2940.	"Al Qaeda in Yemen Claims Responsibility for Charlie Hebdo Attack," Wall Street Journal, January 14, 2015.
3041.	U.S. Defense Department, "Centcom Announces Yemen Counterterrorism Strikes," June 3, 2016. Report on the Legal and Policy Frameworks Guiding the United States' Use of Military Force and Related National Security Operations, White House, December 2016.
3142.	The White House, Letter from the President to the Speaker of the House of Representatives and the President Pro Tempore of the Senate Regarding the War Powers Resolution, June 13, 2016.
32.	Department of Defense Press Briefing by Pentagon Press Secretary Peter Cook in the Pentagon Briefing Room, May 9, 2016.
33"U.S. Air Campaign in Yemen Killed Guantánamo Ex-Prisoner," New York Times, March 6, 2017.
43.	"Yemen Airstrikes Not Guided By Intel from SEAL Raid: Senior Official," Military.com, March 3, 2017.
44.	"A Raid in Remote Yemen and a SEAL's Death still Reverberate for Trump," Washington Post, March 1, 2017.
John Kirby, Spokesperson, U.S. State Department, Daily Press Briefing, Washington, DC, November 1, 2016.
3446.	"Senate Tacitly Endorses U.S. Role in Yemen War, Al Monitor, September 21, 2016Washington Turns Its Focus to Yemen, Pleasing Saudis," Wall Street Journal, February 10, 2017.
3547.	"Senator Chris Murphy: US support for Saudi Arabia 'can't be unconditional,'" Guardian (UK), September 22, 2016. Pentagon: USS Cole off Yemen Coast to Respond to Threats," Stars and Stripes, February 3, 2017.
3648.	The White House, Office of the Press Secretary, Statement by NSC Spokesperson Ned Price on Yemen, October 8, 2016.
37.	Reuters, "U.S. withdraws staff from Saudi Arabia dedicated to Yemen planning," August 19, 2016.
38.	White House Press Secretary Josh Earnest, Press Briefing, October 12, 2016.
39.	"U.S. Support for Saudi Strikes in Yemen Raises War Crime Concerns," Foreign Policy.com, October 15, 2016.
40.	Remarks at a UN Security Council Briefing on Yemen by U.S. Permanent Representative to the United Nations Ambassador Samantha Power, New York City, October 31, 2016.
41.	U.N. Document A/70/836–S/2016/360, Children and Armed Conflict: Report of the Secretary-General, April 20, 2016.
42.	Somini Sengupta, "United Nations Chief Exposes Limits to His Authority by Citing Saudi Threat, " New York Times, June 9, 2016.
43.	Secretary-General's remarks to Security Council Open Debate on Children and Armed Conflict, August 2, 2016.
44.	U.N. Document A/HRC/33/38, Situation of Human Rights in Yemen, August 4, 2016 For additional background, see: CRS Insight IN10557, Saudi Military Campaign in Yemen Draws Congressional Attention to U.S. Arms Sales, by [author name scrubbed], [author name scrubbed], and [author name scrubbed], and CRS Report RL33533, Saudi Arabia: Background and U.S. Relations, by [author name scrubbed]
49.	"U.S. Blocks Arms Sale to Saudi Arabia amid Concerns Over Yemen War," New York Times, December 13, 2016.
50.	"2 Years Into Yemen War, US Ramps Up Refueling of Saudi Jets," Military Times, February 15, 2017.
51.	"Trump administration looks to resume Saudi Arms sale criticized as Endangering Civilians in Yemen," Washington Post, March 8, 2017.
52.	After the formal notification in November 2015, Senate Foreign Relations Committee leaders jointly requested that the Administration notify Congress 30 days prior to associated shipments. The pre-shipment notification would inform Congress that a shipment was about to occur, but would not require or preclude Congress from taking further action to modify or block the shipment.
53.