U.S. Foreign Aid to Israel
Jeremy M. Sharp
Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs
March 12, 2012April 11, 2013
Congressional Research Service
7-5700
www.crs.gov
RL33222
CRS Report for Congress
Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress
U.S. Foreign Aid to Israel
Summary
This report provides an overview of U.S. foreign assistance to Israel. It includes a review of past
aid programs, data on annual assistance, and an analysis of current issues. For general
information on Israel, see CRS Report RL33476, Israel: Background and U.S. Relations, by Jim
Zanotti.
Israel is the largest cumulative recipient of U.S. foreign assistance since World War II. To date,
the United States has provided Israel $115118 billion in (current, or non-inflation-adjusted, dollars) in
bilateral assistance. Almost all U.S. bilateral
aid to Israel is in the form of military assistance,
although in the past Israel also received
significant economic assistance. Strong congressional
support for Israel has resulted in Israel
receiving benefits not available to any other countries; for
example, Israel can use some U.S.
military assistance both for research and development in the
United States and for military
purchases from Israeli manufacturers. In addition, all U.S. assistance
earmarked for Israel is
generally delivered in the first 30 days of the fiscal year, while most other
recipients normally receive aid in
installments. In addition to receiving U.S. State Department-administeredDepartmentadministered foreign assistance,
Israel also receives funds from annual defense appropriations
bills for joint U.S.-Israelirocket and missile
defense programs. defense programs. Israel pursues some of those programs jointly with
the United States.
In 2007, the Bush Administration and the Israeli government agreed to a 10-year, $30 billion
military aid package that gradually will raise Israel’s annual Foreign Military Financing grant
from a baseline of nearly $2.55 billion in FY2009 to approximately $3.1 billion for FY2013
through FY2018. For FY2013, the Obama Administration is requesting $3.1 billion in FMF to
Israel.
In the second session of the 112th Congress, in addition to the normal foreign operations
appropriations process, lawmakers may address: Administration or Israeli requests for additional
defense appropriations for joint U.S.-Israeli missile defense; an extension of U.S. loan guarantees
to Israel beyond FY2012 when they are set to expire; and new funding for joint U.S.-Israeli
scientific research.
The Obama Administration’s FY2013 request includes $3.1 billion in Foreign Military Financing
for Israel and $15 million for refugee resettlement. Within the U.S. Department of Defense
(DOD), the U.S. Missile Defense Agency’s FY2013 budget request includes $99.8 million in joint
U.S.-Israeli co-development for missile defense.
On March 5, 2012, House lawmakers introduced H.R. 4133, the United States-Israel Enhanced
Security Cooperation Act of 2012. If passed, this bill would, among other things, allocate
additional weaponry and munitions for the forward-deployed United States stockpile in Israel;
provide Israel additional surplus defense articles and defense services, as appropriate, in the wake
of the withdrawal of United States forces from Iraq; expand Israel’s authority to make purchases
under the Foreign Military Financing program on a commercial basis; encourage an expanded
role for Israel within the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), including an enhanced
presence at NATO headquarters and exercises; support extension of the long-standing loan
guarantee program for Israel, recognizing Israel’s unbroken record of repaying its loans on time
and in full; and require the President to submit a report on the status of Israel’s qualitative
military edge in light of current trends and instability in the regionspanning from Fiscal Year (FY) 2009 to Fiscal Year 2018. During his March
2013 visit to Israel, President Obama pledged that the United States would continue to provide
Israel with multi-year commitments of military aid subject to the approval of Congress. P.L. 1136, the Consolidated and Further Continuing Appropriations Act, 2013 (informally referred to as
the full-year Continuing Resolution or CR) provides the full FY2013 Administration request for
Israel of $3.1 billion in FMF, of which Israel is permitted $815.3 million in Off-Shore
Procurement. The Act also provides for $479.736 million in joint U.S.-Israeli missile defense
programs, including $211 million for Iron Dome, $149.679 million for David’s Sling, $74.692
million for Arrow III, and $44.365 million for Arrow II.
For FY2014, the Administration is requesting $3.1 billion in FMF to Israel and $15 million in
Migration and Refugee Assistance. The Missile Defense Agency’s FY2014 request for Israeli
Cooperative Programs is $95.782 million, including $52.607 million for Arrow III, $32.512
million for David’s Sling, and $10.663 million for Arrow II. The Department of Defense also is
requesting $220 million in FY2014 Procurement, Defense-wide funds for Iron Dome.
Recent legislation on U.S. foreign assistance to Israel proposed in the 113th Congress includes:
•
H.R. 938 (S. 462), the United States-Israel Strategic Partnership Act of 2013—a
bill that would, among other things, exempt Israel from regulations that require it
to obtain U.S. permission to sell some American-controlled technology to third
countries. The bill also would extend the authorization of U.S.-Israeli energy
cooperation, among other things.
•
H.R. 1130, the Iron Dome Support Act— a bill that would authorize the
procurement of the Iron Dome anti-rocket defense system.
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U.S. Foreign Aid to Israel
Contents
Overview.......................................................................................................................................... 1
A Changing Fiscal Landscape: Aid and U.S. Deficit ReductionSequestration and U.S. Aid to Israel for FY2013 ..................................................... 2
Qualitative Military Edge (QME)....................... 2
Qualitative Military Edge (QME) ............................................................................. 4
The Costs and Benefits of Israeli Dependence on U.S. Weaponry............................................ 5 3
U.S. Bilateral Military Aid to Israel ................................................................................................. 54
The 10-Year Military Aid Agreement ........................................................................................ 54
Foreign Military Financing (FMF) and Arms Sales .................................................................. 65
Early Transfer ...................................................................................................................... 65
FMF for in-Country Purchase ............................................................................................. 65
F-35 Joint Strike Fighter...................................................................................................... 7
Bunker Buster Bombs ......................................................................................................... 86
Excess Defense Articles ............................................................................................................ 87
Defense Budget Appropriations for U.S.-Israeli Missile Defense Programs ................................... 87
Multi-Tiered Missile Defense................and Rocket Defense .................................................................................... 9 8
Iron Dome ........................................................................................................................... 8 10
David’s Sling ..................................................................................................................... 1310
The Arrow and Arrow II .................................................................................................... 1311
High Altitude Missile Defense System (Arrow- III) .......................................................... 1412
X-Band Radar.................................................................................................................... 1412
Emergency U.S. Stockpile in Israel ............................................................................................... 1513
Aid Restrictions and Possible Violations....................................................................................... 16
Cluster Munitions ............. ....................................................................................................... 16 14
Israeli Arms Transfers to Third Parties .................................................................................... 1714
Other Ongoing Assistance and Cooperative Programs .................................................................. 2016
Migration & Refugee Assistance ............................................................................................. 2016
Loan Guarantees ...................................................................................................................... 2117
Overview ........................................................................................................................... 2117
Loan Guarantees for Economic Recovery......................................................................... 2117
American Schools and Hospitals Abroad Program (ASHA) ................................................... 2319
U.S.-Israeli Scientific & Business Cooperation ...................................................................... 24
Figures
Figure 1. Ranges of Rockets Fired from the Gaza Strip20
U.S.-Israeli Energy Cooperation ................................................................ 10
Figure 2. Iron Dome Battery.......................................................................................................... 12
Tables
Table 1....................... 21
Tables
Table 1. U.S. Contributions to the Arrow Program (Arrow, Arrow II, and Arrow III) .................. 11
Table 2. Defense Budget Appropriations for U.S.-Israeli Missile Defense: FY2006FY2012 .......FY2006FY2014 Request ................................................................................................................................ 15 13
Table 23. Migration and Refugee Assistance Funding Levels ......................................................... 20
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16
Table 34. U.S. Loan Guarantees to Israel: FY2003-FY2011FY2013 ........................................................... 2219
Table 45. ASHA Program Grants from Israel Account, FY2000-FY2011.FY2012 ...................................... 2320
Table B-1. Recent U.S. Bilateral Aid to Israel ............................................................................... 3026
Table B-2. U.S. Assistance to Israel, FY1949-FY1996 ................................................................. 3127
Table B-3. U.S. Assistance to Israel, FY1949-FY1996 ................................................................. 3229
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Appendixes
Appendix A. Historical Background .............................................................................................. 2723
Appendix B. Bilateral Aid to Israel ............................................................................................... 3026
Contacts
Author Contact Information........................................................................................................... 3430
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U.S. Foreign Aid to Israel
Overview
For decades, the United States and Israel have maintained strong bilateral relations based on a
number of factors, including robust domestic U.S. support for Israel and its security; shared
strategic goals in the Middle East; a mutual commitment to democratic values; and historical ties
dating from U.S. support for the creation of Israel in 1948. U.S. foreign aid has been a major
component in cementing and reinforcing these ties. Although successive Administrations have
disapproved of some Israeli policies, including settlement construction in the West Bank and—
prior to Israel’s 2005 disengagement—the Gaza Strip, U.S. officials and many lawmakers have
long considered Israel to be a reliablevital partner in the region, and U.S. aid packages for Israel have
reflected this belief. Opponentscalculation. Some observers, including opponents of U.S. aid to Israel, argue that U.S. assistance to Israel indirectly
causes suffering to Palestinians by supporting Israeli arms purchases and by blunting international
pressure on Israel to reach a solution to the Palestinian conflict.
Though aid to Israel has both supporters and detractors
U.S. assistance to Israel supports Israeli arms purchases without providing sufficient scrutiny of
controversial Israeli military actions that—these observers assert—contravene various laws and
international norms, particularly regarding treatment of Palestinians.
Though aid to Israel has detractors as well as supporters, overall U.S. public support for Israel
remains strong. According to a February 2011 GallupMarch 2013 Washington Post-ABC poll that measured Americans’ sympathies
sympathies toward the disputants in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, a near record-high 6355% said their
sympathies lie more with the Israelis.1 There is less specific public polling data on support for aid
to Israel. Overall, American public support for all foreign aid programs is declining. According to
a January 2011 Gallup poll, 59% of Americans favored cutting foreign aid. According to a
February 2011 poll conducted by the Israel Project, a non-profit educational organization that
aims to portray a positive view of Israel, when asked if the United States should continue foreign
aid to Israel used for buying U.S. military equipment, 47% of respondents responded
affirmatively and 40% of respondents said that the United States should reduce aid to Israel.2
The historic political changes occurring in the Arab world and the ongoing security challenges
posed by Iran and its allies may affect the U.S.-Israeli aid relationship in varying ways. Some
U.S. leaders perceive increasing threats to Israel, particularly from Iran and its Lebanese Shiite
ally Hezbollah, and therefore may advocate for additional funding for programs such as short and
long range missile defense. Others, who may also strongly support Israel’s security, also may see
an opportunity for Israel to respond to empowered public opinion in neighboring Arab countries
like Egypt through diplomatic means, especially by reenergizing peace initiatives with the
Palestinians, and therefore may seek aid packages that offer incentives for this behavior.3 The
wave of continued Arab unrest may even cause Israel to advocate for more global financial
support for its Arab neighbors. Fear of unrest in neighboring Jordan, for example, could drive
Israel to seek additional U.S. foreign assistance in support of the neighboring Arab monarchy.
1
Lydia Saad, “Americans Maintain Broad Support for Israel,” Gallup, February 28, 2011.
The national survey of 1,000 likely voters was conducted by Greenberg Quinlan Rosner February 7-9, 2011;
http://www.theisraelproject.org/atf/cf/%7B84dc5887-741e-4056-8d91-a389164bc94e%7D/201102USNATIONALADD-ONSPRESENTATION-HILLVISITS.PDF.
3
In October 2011, U.S. Secretary of Defense Leon Panetta stated that while Israel is powerful, “Is it enough to
maintain a military edge if you’re isolating yourself in the diplomatic arena? ... Real security can only be achieved by
both a strong diplomatic effort as well as a strong effort to project your military strength.” See, “Panetta Says Israel Is
Risking Isolation,” New York Times, October 3, 2011.
2
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A Changing Fiscal Landscape: Aid and
U.S. Deficit Reduction
U.S. lawmakers continue to grapple with varied plans for reducing the nation’s $15.2 trillion
federal debt. Some lawmakers see foreign affairs funds, particularly for foreign aid programs, as
expenditures that can be cut in order to reduce the deficit; indeed, some Members of Congress
have called for phasing out foreign assistance entirely. Though many leaders have exempted aid
to Israel from such plans, general opposition to U.S. foreign aid has caused some Israel advocates
concern. In March 2011, the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) published a
memorandum asserting that foreign aid is “an essential component of America’s national security
strategy.”4
In August 2011, Congress passed the Budget Control Act of 2011 (BCA), P.L. 112-25, intended to
reduce the federal deficit by at least $2.1 trillion over the FY2012-FY2021 period. On November
21, 2011, the co-chairs of the Joint Select Committee on Deficit Reduction established by this act
to identify the necessary savings announced that they were unable to reach agreement on a
package of cuts. As a result, a $1.2 trillion automatic spending reduction process (i.e., a
combination of sequestration and lower discretionary spending caps) has been triggered, to begin
in January 2013 unless Congress and the President act to eliminate or change the process before
then.5
For FY2013 only, P.L. 112-25 requires a sequestration—a largely across-the-board cut—of both
discretionary and mandatory spending. The across-the-board cuts are applied to each non-exempt
account, and to each program, project, and activity within each non-exempt account (as required
by Section 256(k) of the Balanced Budget and Emergency Deficit Control Act of 1985, as
amended by the BCA).
Congress intended the 1985 law (P.L. 99-177), otherwise known as Gramm-Rudman-Hollings
named after its cosponsors, to apply across-the-board cuts to all accounts, including U.S. aid to
Israel. Gramm-Rudman-Hollings enacted a process of sequestration for FY1986 and beyond.
That year all foreign aid accounts, including Israel’s, were cut by 4.3%. Because Israel’s aid is
usually disbursed within 30 days of the enactment of the foreign operations appropriations bill
and because Gramm-Rudman-Hollings was passed in December 1985, the government of Israel
ended up “voluntarily” returning a total of $128.6 million in FY1986 economic ($51.6 million )
and military aid ($77 million) to the United States Treasury.6
Currently, if the 2011 BCA (P.L. 112-25) is not amended, the Congressional Budget Office has
estimated that the sequestration for FY2013 will require across-the-board cuts of about 8.5% in
most discretionary spending accounts, including foreign aid programs.7 Under this scenario, if aid
to Israel is not exempted, it would be reduced in FY2013 by roughly $263.5 million. However,
4
http://www.aipac.org/~/media/Publications/Policy%20and%20Politics/AIPAC%20Analyses/Issue%20Memos/2011/
03/AIPAC_Memo_Foreign_Aid_Keeps_America_Safe_Strong_and_Prosperous.pdf.
5
See, CRS Report R41965, The Budget Control Act of 2011, by Bill Heniff Jr., Elizabeth Rybicki, and Shannon M.
Mahan.
6
See, “Israel may not Suffer as Much as Other Nations from Painful Budget Cuts,” Washington Post, January 15, 1986.
7
CBO, The Budget and Economic Outlook: FY2012 to FY2022, pp. 12-13.
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many lawmakers have publicly opposed cuts in aid to Israel. For FY2014 to FY2021, the Budget
Control Act of 2011 does not mandate across-the-board cuts to discretionary spending. Instead, it
reduces discretionary spending cap levels broadly, leaving it to Congress and the Administration
to decide which programs, projects, and activities would be fully funded or not.
Although it is too early to predict which countries or functional accounts may be affected by
possible aid reductions, the anticipation of changes to aid levels may spur diplomatic negotiations
with Israel over future assistance. For example, it is possible that Israel, which receives
approximately 60% of all U.S. Foreign Military Financing (FMF) and is the second-largest
recipient of total U.S. aid worldwide (Afghanistan is the largest recipient), may promote more
U.S.-Israeli cooperative programs in the future in order to place the U.S.-Israeli aid relationship
on more equal footing. In the mid 1990s, amidst earlier efforts in Congress to reduce foreign aid
funding, Israel proposed (and Congress agreed) to phase out U.S. economic aid to Israel entirely.
The growth of the Israeli economy had apparently obviated the need for future U.S. economic
grant aid. Under the terms of the current U.S.-Israel Memorandum of Understanding on
assistance, both parties have agreed upon military aid levels through FY2018. In the years ahead,
it is possible that both parties may attempt to restructure U.S. assistance without jeopardizing
U.S. efforts to maintain Israel’s qualitative military edge (QME—see below). On the other hand,
the U.S. aid program to Israel may also continue without restructuring due to broad public
support and the continued need to counter emerging threats in the region.
In November 2011, Assistant Secretary of State for Political-Military Affairs Andrew J. Shapiro
publicly reaffirmed the Obama Administration’s commitment to preserving Israel’s aid and QME.
In his remarks, he stated:
But today, in these budget constrained times—some are now asking the question why should
we keep providing aid to Israel? Yes, Israel is a long time democratic ally and we share a
special bond—but some skeptics are questioning whether that’s enough of a reason to
continue to spend hard earned American tax payer dollars on Israel’s security. I can answer
that skepticism directly—we don’t just support Israel because of a long standing bond, we
support Israel because it is in our national interests to do so. This aspect of our relationship
with Israel is often overlooked. America’s commitment to Israel’s security and prosperity
has extended over many decades because our leaders on both sides of the aisle have long
understood that a robust United States-Israel security relationship is in our interests. Our
support for Israel’s security helps preserve peace and stability in the region. If Israel were
weaker, its enemies would be bolder. This would make broader conflict more likely, which
would be catastrophic to American interests in the region. It is the very strength of Israel’s
military which deters potential aggressors and helps foster peace and stability. Ensuring
Israel’s military strength and its superiority in the region is therefore critical to regional
stability and as a result is fundamentally a core interest of the United States.8
8
“Ensuring Israel’s Qualitative Military Edge,” Remarks by Andrew J. Shapiro, Assistant Secretary, Bureau of
Political-Military Affairs, Remarks to The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, Washington, DC, November 4,
2011.
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Qualitative Military Edge (QME)
Almost all U.S. aid to Israel is in the form of military assistance.9 U.S. military aid has helped
transform Israel’s armed forces into one of the most technologically sophisticated militaries in the
world. U.S. military aid for Israel has been designed to maintain Israel’s “qualitative military
edge” (QME) over neighboring militaries, since Israel must rely on better equipment and training
to compensate for a manpower deficit in any potential regional conflict. U.S. military aid, a
portion of which may be spent on procurement from Israeli defense companies, also has helped
Israel build a domestic defense industry, which ranks as one of the top 10 suppliers of arms
worldwide.
Successive administrations have routinely affirmed the U.S. commitment to strengthening Israel’s
QME. For years, no official or public U.S. definition of QME existed.10
with the Israelis and 9% said their sympathies lie with the Palestinian Authority.1 A poll
conducted by Pew Research Center in October 2012 indicated that 41% of respondents said that
the level of American support for Israel is about right, 25% said it is not supportive enough, and
22% said that the United States is too supportive.2 Neither poll specifically examined public
opinion regarding U.S. aid to Israel.
Economic conditions in the United States and Israel may affect future U.S. aid to Israel. With the
prospect of prolonged fiscal austerity in the United States, overall American public support for
foreign aid may diminish in the years ahead. There is some debate amongst supporters of
continued U.S. aid to Israel as to how to advocate for assistance in a climate of budget reduction.3
Although some Israel aid proponents argue that possible cuts to overall U.S. foreign operations
appropriations should exempt Israel, other proponents suggest that Israel should bear its share of
the burden. Many advocates of Israel aid often argue for the importance of overall U.S. foreign
aid as a policy tool in order to strengthen their case for continued assistance to Israel.4
Although Israel faces its own budget deficit and possible defense spending cuts, its recent
exploitation of domestic off-shore natural gas may reduce energy import costs and perhaps make
Israel a net exporter of energy, possibly leading one day to a budget surplus. The prospect of
greater financial independence could drive some Israeli leaders to call for a reduction in U.S.
military aid. On the other hand, threats emanating from neighboring Arab countries, non-state
1
“March 2013 Post-ABC poll: Israel and the Palestinians,” Washington Post, March 26, 2013.
“On Eve of Foreign Debate, Growing Pessimism about Arab Spring Aftermath,” Pew Research Center, October 18,
2012.
3
See, “Looming Sequestration Cuts Cause Split Among Israel Aid Advocates,” The Jewish Daily Forward, March 13,
2013.
4
For example, The American Israel Public Affairs Committee’s website (AIPAC) notes that “Robust foreign aid helps
promote American values and interests. In addition to advancing vital national security interests, America’s foreign aid
program promotes the values of the United States: democracy, pluralism, human rights and the rule of law. It also
develops foreign markets and creates jobs at home.” See: [http://www.aipac.org/en/issues/issuedisplay?issueid={EBD48E03-AA25-4812-9E80-BE27BBEE2F50}]
2
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actors, and Iran may lead Israel to conclude that increases in defense spending are necessary and
therefore continued U.S. military support is vital. Though aid also serves as a political symbol of
strong U.S.-Israeli ties, lawmakers in both countries may consider these security and fiscal
realities in crafting future assistance agreements.
During his March 2013 visit to Israel, President Obama pledged that the United States would
continue to provide Israel with multi-year commitments of military aid subject to the approval of
Congress. The President stated that “As part of our long-term commitment to Israel's security, the
prime minister and I agreed to begin discussions on extending military assistance to Israel...Our
current agreement lasts through 2017, and we've directed our teams to start working on extending
it for the years beyond.”
Sequestration and U.S. Aid to Israel for FY2013
According to the Budget Control Act of 2011 (BCA), P.L. 112-25, sequestration5 in FY2013 is
applied to each non-exempt account, and to each program, project, and activity (PPA) within an
appropriations account. According to the definition of PPA in the foreign operations provisions of
the Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2012 (P.L. 112-74), sequestration applies to FMF at the
country level, and there are no exemptions for Israel.6 According to the Department of State’s
Office of Foreign Assistance Resources (also known as the “F Bureau”), sequestration for FMF
will apparently be applied at the country level based on the CR level of funding through
reductions at the nondefense discretionary level of 5%, as set forth in the OMB Report to the
Congress on the Joint Committee Sequestration for Fiscal Year 2013 March 1, 2013. For
purposes of the sequester, Defense Department appropriations for Iron Dome and joint U.S.Israeli missile defense cooperation are considered non-exempt defense discretionary funding, and
are therefore subject to a 7.8% reduction.
P.L. 113-6, the Consolidated and Further Continuing Appropriations Act, 2013 (informally
referred to as the full-year Continuing Resolution or CR) provides the full FY2013
Administration request for Israel of $3.1 billion in FMF, of which Israel is permitted $815.3
million in Off-Shore Procurement. The Act also provides for $479.736 million in joint U.S.5
This is pursuant to Section 256(k) of the Balanced Budget and Emergency Deficit Control Act of 1985 (P.L. 99-177,
also known as “Gramm-Rudman-Hollings” after its co-sponsors), as amended by the BCA. Gramm-Rudman-Hollings
applied to foreign aid accounts, including those which funded U.S. aid to Israel. For FY1986 (immediately after the
enactment of Gramm-Rudman-Hollings), all foreign aid accounts, including those that provided funding to Israel, were
cut by 4.3%. Because Israel’s aid is usually disbursed within 30 days of the enactment of the foreign operations
appropriations bill, and because Gramm-Rudman-Hollings was passed in December 1985, Israel’s government returned
a total of $128.6 million in FY1986 aid—$51.6 million economic, $77 million military—to the U.S. Treasury. See,
Survey of Jewish Affairs, 1987, edited by William Frankel, Associated University Presses, 1988.
6
Foreign assistance PPAs are defined by Sec. 7023 of P.L. 112-74, the Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2012. It states
that for Foreign Operations, ‘‘program, project, and activity’’ shall be defined at the appropriations Act account level
and shall include all appropriations and authorizations Acts funding directives, ceilings, and limitations, with the
exception that for the following accounts: ‘‘Economic Support Fund’’ and ‘‘Foreign Military Financing Program’’,
‘‘program, project, and activity’’ shall also be considered to include country, regional, and central program level
funding within each such account. For the development assistance accounts of the United States Agency for
International Development, ‘‘program, project, and activity’’ shall also be considered to include central, country,
regional, and program level funding, either as: (1) justified to the Congress; or (2) allocated by the executive branch in
accordance with a report, to be provided to the Committees on Appropriations within 30 days of the enactment of this
Act, as required by section 653(a) of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961.
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Israeli missile defense programs, including $211 million for Iron Dome, $149.679 million for
David’s Sling, $74.692 million for Arrow III, and $44.365 million for Arrow II.
Based on the specific earmark for aid to Israel in P.L. 113-6, FMF to Israel may be sequestered up
to an estimated $155 million, excluding the application of an across-the-board rescission.
Likewise, rocket and missile defense funding to Israel may be sequestered up to an estimated
$37.41 million, excluding the application of a rescission. CRS calculations at this point are
estimates only. The final FY2013 dollar amount of U.S. foreign assistance to Israel remains
unclear since the U.S. State Department or the U.S. Defense Department could reprogram
additional amounts of aid to Israel in order to compensate for lost funding as a result of
sequestration. One potential obstacle to such compensation would be the necessity of finding
budgetary offsets from other foreign aid accounts that, if enacted, could potentially reduce aid for
other recipients.
Qualitative Military Edge (QME)
Almost all current U.S. aid to Israel is in the form of military assistance.7 U.S. military aid has
helped transform Israel’s armed forces into one of the most technologically sophisticated
militaries in the world. U.S. military aid for Israel has been designed to maintain Israel’s
“qualitative military edge” (QME) over neighboring militaries. The rationale for the QME is that
Israel must rely on better equipment and training to compensate being much smaller
geographically and in terms of population, than its potential adversaries. U.S. military aid, a
portion of which may be spent on procurement from Israeli defense companies, also has helped
Israel build a domestic defense industry, which ranks as one of the top 10 suppliers of arms
worldwide.8
Successive administrations have routinely affirmed the U.S. commitment to strengthening Israel’s
QME. For years, no official or public U.S. definition of QME existed.9 In 2008, Congress passed
legislation (P.L. 110-429, the Naval Vessel Transfer Act of 2008) that defines QME as:
the ability to counter and defeat any credible conventional military threat from any individual
state or possible coalition of states or from non-state actors, while sustaining minimal
damage and casualties, through the use of superior military means, possessed in sufficient
quantity, including weapons, command, control, communication, intelligence, surveillance,
and reconnaissance capabilities that in their technical characteristics are superior in
capability to those of such other individual or possible coalition of states or non-state actors.
Furthermore, Section 201 of the act requires the President to carry out an “empirical and
qualitative assessment on an ongoing basis of the extent to which Israel possesses a qualitative
military edge over military threats to Israel.” It also further amends Section 36 of the Arms
Export Control Act to require certifications for proposed arms sales “to any country in the Middle
East other than Israel” to include “a determination that the sale or export of the defense articles or
defense services will not adversely affect Israel’s qualitative military edge over military threats to
Israel.”
Over the years, Israeli officials have expressed concern over U.S. sales of sophisticated weaponry,
particularly aircraft, airborne radar systems, and precision-guided munitions, to Arab Gulf
countries, notably Saudi Arabia. Arab critics of U.S. military aid to Israel routinely charge that
Israeli officials exaggerate the threat posed by Israel’s neighbors in order to justify calls for
increased U.S. support. As the United States is one of the principal suppliers of defense
equipment and training to both Israel and Saudi Arabia, U.S. policymakers and defense officials
must carefully navigate commitments to the two countries, including upholding the U.S.
commitment to maintaining Israel’s QME. The threat of a nuclear-armed Iran, though it has
partially aligned Israeli and Sunni Arab interests in deterring a shared rival, also may be
exacerbating Israeli fears of a deteriorated QME as Saudi Arabia and other Gulf states
dramatically increase defense procurements from U.S. and other foreign suppliers to respond to
the challenge from Iran they perceive.
97
For many years, U.S. economic aid helped subsidize a lackluster Israeli economy, thoughbut since the rapid expansion of
Israel’s hihigh-tech sector in the 1990s (sparked partially by U.S.-Israeli scientific cooperation), Israel is now has been
considered a
fully industrialized nation. Consequently, Israel and the United States agreed to gradually phase out
economic grant aid
to Israel. In FY2008, Israel stopped receiving bilateral Economic Support Fund (ESF) grants. It had
been a large-scale
recipient of grant ESF assistance since 1971.
108
See, CRS Report R42678, Conventional Arms Transfers to Developing Nations, 2004-2011 , by Richard F. Grimmett
and Paul K. Kerr.
9
William Wunderle and Andre Briere, U.S. Foreign Policy and Israel’s Qualitative Military Edge: The Need for a
Common Vision, Washington Institute for Near East Policy, Policy Focus #80, January 2008.
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Since the passage of P.L. 110-429, the United States and Israel established a bilateral QME
working group in which Israel can advocate against proposed U.S. sales to Arab states it believes
adversely affects its QME.11
The Costs and Benefits of Israeli Dependence on U.S. Weaponry
Although many U.S. and Israeli officials consider military aid a key component of the overall
U.S.-Israeli relationship, some Israelis believe that the aid relationship creates too much
dependence on the United States.12 Overall, Israel greatly relies on advanced U.S. weaponry to
maintain its conventional superiority. For the most part, Israelis say that their dependence on
American equipment has been beneficial, though at times, some Israelis (like many other foreign
recipients of U.S. aid), have expressed concern that U.S. military aid comes with conditions. For
example, the United States effectively maintains veto power over certain sales by Israel (or any
other country that buys U.S. equipment) to third parties of defense equipment that may contain
U.S. technology (see “Aid Restrictions and Possible Violations”).
In contrast to the limited conditions on U.S. military aid that some Israelis see as a concern, some
other foreign suppliers have at times used arms sales as leverage in attempting to pressure Israel,
particularly on the Palestinian issue. In 2011, German Chancellor Angela Merkel reportedly
threatened to cancel the sale of a Dolphin-class submarine unless Israel released Palestinian
Authority tax revenue it had been withholding in protest of Palestinian attempts to seek
membership at the United Nations.13 Other reports suggested that Germany had been
reconsidering the deal due to Israeli plans to construct 1,100 housing units in East Jerusalem.
Germany ultimately agreed to sell Israel the submarine at a discounted cost3
U.S. Foreign Aid to Israel
military edge over military threats to Israel.” The Administration is required to release the QME
report on a quadrennial basis (The initial required report was submitted on October 6, 2009). The
2008 law also further amends Section 36 of the Arms Export Control Act to require certifications
for proposed arms sales “to any country in the Middle East other than Israel” to include “a
determination that the sale or export of the defense articles or defense services will not adversely
affect Israel’s qualitative military edge over military threats to Israel.”
In 2012, Congress passed the United States-Israel Enhanced Security Cooperation Act (P.L. 112150) that, among other things, reiterated that it is the policy of the United States to “to help the
Government of Israel preserve its qualitative military edge amid rapid and uncertain regional
political transformation.” It also included a reporting requirement on Israel’s QME that if
submitted within one year of the deadline for the next quadrennial report on QME (as noted
above) could satisfy both legally mandated reporting requirements.10
Over the years, Israeli officials have expressed concern over U.S. sales of sophisticated weaponry,
particularly aircraft, airborne radar systems, and precision-guided munitions, to Arab Gulf
countries, notably Saudi Arabia. Arab critics of U.S. military aid to Israel routinely charge that
Israeli officials exaggerate the threat posed by Israel’s neighbors in order to justify calls for
increased U.S. support. As the United States is one of the principal suppliers of defense
equipment and training to both Israel and Saudi Arabia, U.S. policymakers and defense officials
carefully navigate commitments to the two countries, including upholding the U.S. commitment
to maintaining Israel’s QME.
Israel and the United States formally review QME policy in working groups that convene
periodically, such as the Defense Policy Advisory Group (DPAG) and the U.S.-Israeli Joint
Political Military Group (JPMG). These formal exchanges provide both sides an opportunity to
discuss potential QME concerns and/or future cooperation.
U.S. Bilateral Military Aid to Israel
The 10-Year Military Aid Agreement
In 2007, the Bush Administration and the Israeli government agreed to a 10-year, $30 billion
military aid package that gradually would raise Israel’s annual Foreign Military Financing grant
from a baseline of nearly $2.55 billion in FY2009 to approximately $3.1 billion for FY2013
through FY2018. Under the terms of the agreement, Israel will still be able to spend up to
26.3%
of U.S. assistance on Israeli-manufactured equipment (known as Off-Shore Procurement
or OSP).
The agreement states that “Both sides acknowledge that these funding levels assume continuation
continuation of adequate levels for U.S. foreign assistance overall, and are subject to the
appropriation and
availability of funds for these purposes.”1411 According to former Under
Secretary of State for
Political Affairs Nicholas Burns, who signed the agreement, entitled the
Memorandum of Understanding on U.S.
Military Assistance:
11
“Israeli Brass Decry U.S. Arms Sales To Arab States,” Defense News, January 23, 2012.
For a more detailed discussion see, Haim Malka, Crossroads: The Future of the U.S.-Israel Strategic Partnership,
Center for Strategic and International Studies, Washington, D.C. 2011, pp-89-94.
13
“'Israel released PA funds under German pressure’,” Jerusalem Post, December 5, 2011.
14 Military Assistance:
We consider this 30 billion dollars in assistance to Israel to be an investment in peace - in
long-term peace. Peace will not be made without strength. Peace will not be made without
10
See, S.Rept. 112-179 - United States-Israel Enhanced Security Cooperation Act Of 2012,
http://www.congress.gov/cgi-lis/cpquery/R?cp112:FLD010:@1%28sr179%29
11
United States-Israel Memorandum of Understanding, Signed by then U.S. Under Secretary of State R. Nicholas
Burns and Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs Director General Aaron Abramovich, August 16, 2007.
12
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U.S. Foreign Aid to Israel
We consider this 30 billion dollars in assistance to Israel to be an investment in peace - in
long-term peace. Peace will not be made without strength. Peace will not be made without
4
U.S. Foreign Aid to Israel
Israel being strong in the future. Of course, our objective as a country and our specific
objective as a government is to contribute to that peace, a peace between Israel and the
Palestinian people, the creation of an independent Palestinian state willing to live side by
side in peace with Israel, and a general peace in the region that has eluded the Israeli people
for 59 years but which is, we hope, the destiny of the Israeli people as well as the Arab
peoples of the region. Our policy in this entire region is dedicated to that final objective.1512
Foreign Military Financing (FMF) and Arms Sales
Israel is the largest recipient of U.S. Foreign Military Financing. In FY2012, Israel’s portion of
the total FMF account appropriated in P.L. 112-74, the Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2012,
was 60%.16 Annual For FY2014, the President’s
request for Israel would encompass approximately 52% of total FMF funding worldwide. Annual
FMF grants to Israel represent 1820% to 2225% of the overall Israeli defense
budget.17 budget.13 Like some
other recipients of U.S. aid, Israel benefits from “cash flow financing.” Israel is allowed to set
aside FMF funds for current year payments only, rather than the full amount needed to meet the
entire cost of multi-year purchases. Cash flow financing allows Israel to negotiate major arms
purchases with U.S. defense suppliers.14
Early Transfer
For years, Congress has mandated that Israel receive its FMF aid in a lump sum during the first
month of the fiscal year. The FY2012 Consolidated Appropriations Act (P.L. 112-74) states that
“the funds appropriated under this heading for assistance for Israel shall be disbursed within 30
days of enactment of this Act.” Once disbursed, Israel’s military aid is transferred to an interest
bearing account with the U.S. Federal Reserve Bank. Israel has used interest collected on its military
military aid to pay down its bilateral debt (non-guaranteed) to the United States, which, U.S. government agencies, which,
according to the U.S.
Treasury Department, stood at $538.7455 million as of March 31, 2011.18 Israel January 2013.15 Israel
cannot use accrued
interest for defense procurement inside Israel.
FMF for in-Country Purchase
Most analysts consider Israel’s ability to use a significant portion of its annual military aid for
procurement in Israel to be a valuableis a
unique aspect of its assistance package; no other recipient of U.S.
military assistance has been
granted this benefit.1916 Since FY1988, the FMF procurement earmark
for purchases within Israel has been incorporated into annual foreign assistance legislation.
15
12
R. Nicholas Burns, Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs, “Remarks and Press Availability at Signing
Ceremony for Memorandum of Understanding on U.S. Military Assistance,” Released by the American Embassy Tel
Aviv—Press Section, August 16, 2007.
16
This percentage excludes Overseas Contingency Operations (OCO).
17
“Highlights: Israel Economy News 14-20 Jun 09 (Israel—OSC Summary in English),” Open Source Center, June 20,
2009, GMP20090620739005.
18
CRS correspondence with U.S. Treasury Department.
1913
The Israeli Ministry of Defense provides funding figures for its domestic defense budget but excludes some
procurement spending and spending on civil defense. The estimate referenced above is based on figures published by
Jane's Sentinel Security Assessment - Eastern Mediterranean, Defence Budget, Israel, November 23, 2012.
14
Cash flow financing is defined in section 25(d) of the Arms Export Control Act and section 503(a)(3) of the Foreign
Assistance Act.
15
CRS correspondence with U.S. Treasury Department.
16
Israel was first granted FMF for use in Israel in 1977, when it asked for and received permission to use $107 million
in FY1977 FMF funds to develop the Merkava tank (prototype completed in 1975 and added to Israeli arsenal in 1979).
Several years later, Israel asked for a similar waiver to develop the Lavi ground-attack aircraft, and Congress responded
with legislation allowing Israel to spend $250 million of FMF in Israel to develop the Lavi. It was estimated that the
United States provided between $1.3 and $1.8 billion in Lavi development costs before the United States and Israel
agreed to terminate the project in 1988. In order to defray the cancellation costs of the Lavi program, the United States
agreed to raise the FMF earmark for procurement in Israel to $400 million. For background on the cancellation of the
Lavi fighter, see Dan Raviv and Yossi Melman, Friends in Deed: Inside the U.S.-Israeli Alliance, New York:
Hyperion, 1994, pp. 263-268.(continued...)
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U.S. Foreign Aid to Israel
has been incorporated into annual foreign assistance legislation. Currently, approximately 26.3%
of Israel’s FMF funds may be used for domestic defense
purchases ($808.7815.3 million in FY2012). FY2013).
Since the earmark is linked to a percentage and not a
specific dollar amount, as U.S. military aid to Israel has increased, the amount set aside for
for defense purchases in Israel also has increased as U.S. military aid to Israel has increased.
Successive Administrations and many lawmakers believeroutinely assert that a strong domestic Israeli defense
defense industry is crucial to maintaining Israel’s technological edge over its neighbors. The
proceeds to
Israeli defense firms20firms17 from purchases with U.S. funds have allowed the Israeli
defense industry
to achieve necessary economies of scale and produce highly sophisticated equipment for niche
niche markets. Defense experts note that high annual amounts of U.S. military assistance force private
incentivize private and semi-private Israeli defense companies to place a greater business
emphasis on exports, since
a large portion of Israeli government weapons procurement is spent on American equipment.
According to
American equipment.
The Israeli defense industry is also a major exporter, including to the U.S. military. According to
Beth McCormick, former acting director of the U.S. Defense Technology Security
Administration, Israeli manufacturers must sellexport as much as 75% of their output abroad to stay
profitable, —a far higher share than U.S. military contractors.2118 Israel is among the world’s leading
arms exporters. Between 20032004 and 20102011, Israel was the eighth-largest arms exporter in the world
with sales (value of agreements, not deliveries) worth a total of $12.9 billion.19 Some supporters
of continued U.S. assistance to Israel suggest that Israel is now exporting more equipment to the
U.S. military than in the past and that many Israeli-origin systems are now in use by U.S. forces.20
Some weapons systems that were originally designed in Israel using Off-Shore Procurement
(OSP) FMF funds are now being manufactured in the United States. Those who assert that U.SIsraeli military ties are and should remain strong cite this as evidence that OSP is mutually
beneficial. According to one report, Israeli defense planners “point to a considerable increase in
funding earmarked for local development of sensors, munitions and unmanned systems that can
later be transitioned to FMF-funded U.S.-based production.”21
F-35 Joint Strike Fighter
After years of negotiations, the United States and Israel announced in 2010 that Israel will
purchase 19 F-35s at a cost of $2.75 billion. The F-35 is a fifth-generation stealth aircraft
considered to be the most technologically advanced fighter jet ever made. Israel will pay for the
(...continued)
Lavi fighter, see Dan Raviv and Yossi Melman, Friends in Deed: Inside the U.S.-Israeli Alliance, New York:
Hyperion, 1994, pp. 263-268.
17
billion.22
F-35 Joint Strike Fighter
After years of negotiations, the United States and Israel announced in 2010 that Israel will
purchase 19 F-35s, the fifth-generation stealth aircraft considered to be the most technologicallyadvanced fighter jet ever made, at a cost of $2.75 billion. They will be paid for entirely using
FMF grants.23 Israel may purchase additional squadrons of F-35s in the future and has received
U.S. approval to purchase up to 75 aircraft.24 Prior to the agreement, the two sides had negotiated
over the level of Israeli customization of the F-35. Reportedly, a June 2010 Letter of Acceptance
indicated that Israel will be able to install its own radio and datalink systems, and discussions
over the integration of electronic warfare capabilities will continue and may be approved should
Israel purchase additional planes.25 As part of the F-35 deal, the United States agreed to make
reciprocal purchases of equipment from Israel’s defense industries estimated at $4 billion.26 Due
to delays in the overall F-35 program, the expected delivery of the aircraft to Israel has been
delayed. In the meantime, without the advanced fighters, Israel may choose to upgrade its
existing F-15 or F-16 fighters.
20
The primary state-owned and private Israeli defense contractors are Israel Aerospace Industries Ltd (IAI), Elbit
Systems Ltd, Rafael Ltd (Rafael Advanced Defence Systems Ltd), Elisra Group, and Israel Military Industries (IMI).
2118
“Pentagon says Israel Improves Arms-Export Controls,” Reuters, September 5, 2007.
2219
CRS Report R42017R42678, Conventional Arms Transfers to Developing Nations, 2003-2010, by Richard F. Grimmett.
23
In 2010, during intense Obama Administration negotiations with the Israeli government over a possible Israeli
settlement freeze in the West Bank, the Administration had reportedly offered Israel, among other things, 20 additional
F-35s in exchange for a 90-day moratorium on settlement construction.
24
DSCA’s notification to Congress of the F-35 sale is available at http://www.dsca.mil/PressReleases/36-b/2008/
Israel_08-83.pdf.
25
“Defense Minister Barak approves purchase of 20 F-35 fighters for around $2.75 billion,” Ha'aretz, August 16, 2010.
26
“Israel set to build wings for some 800 F-35s,” Reuters, August 30, 2010.
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U.S. Foreign Aid to Israel
Bunker Buster Bombs
Over the past several years, the United States has sold Israel several variants of smart, “bunkerbuster” bombs that could be used to strike buried targets, including the GBU-28 Hard Target
Penetrator, a 5,000 pound-class smart bomb that can penetrate up to 20 feet of concrete. Congress
was first notified of the GBU-28 sale in 2005. The GBU-28 was first used in the 1991 Gulf war,
and Israel had sought the munitions since the late 1990s. In 2008, the United States authorized
Israel to receive the GBU-39 Small Diameter Bomb, a 250-pound class weapon that can penetrate
three to six feet of concrete. Israel was the first customer outside of the United States to receive
the GBU-39.27 However, according to one report, the GBU-28 and GBU-39 may not have
sufficient strike capacity to damage Iranian underground nuclear targets such as the Fordow
uranium enrichment plant (near the city of Qom), which is reportedly buried nearly 250 feet
inside a mountain.28
Excess Defense Articles
The Excess Defense Articles (EDA) program provides one means by which the United States can
advance foreign policy objectives—assisting friendly and allied nations through provision of
equipment in excess of the requirements of its own defense forces. According to the Defense
Security Cooperation Agency (DSCA), Israel continues to be the largest single recipient of EDA
material.29 From 2001 to the present, Israel has been authorized over $330 million in EDA. In
April 19982004-2011 , by Richard F. Grimmett and
Paul K. Kerr.
20
See Table 1 “Select Israeli-Origin Systems in Recent Use by the U.S. Military,” page 18, in Michael Eisenstadt and
David Pollock, Asset Test: How the United States Benefits from its Alliance with Israel, Washington Institute for Near
East Policy, Strategic Report 7, September 2012.
21
“Israel Leverages Local R&D for Overseas Buys,” Defense News, November 12, 2012.
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U.S. Foreign Aid to Israel
F-35s entirely using FMF grants.22 Israel may purchase additional squadrons of F-35s in the
future and has received U.S. approval to purchase up to 75 aircraft–potentially leading to as much
as $15.2 billion in purchases if all options are exercised.23 As part of the F-35 deal, the United
States agreed to make reciprocal purchases of equipment from Israel’s defense industries
estimated at $4 billion.24 Prior to the agreement, the two sides had negotiated over the level of
Israeli customization of the F-35. In the summer of 2012, the Department of Defense and
Lockheed Martin finalized a $450 million agreement to modify the baseline F-35 model to
accommodate electronic warfare and munitions systems for Israel’s future F-35 squadrons. Due to
delays in the overall F-35 program, the expected delivery of the aircraft to Israel has been pushed
back from 2015 to sometime between 2016 and 2017.
Excess Defense Articles
The Excess Defense Articles (EDA) program provides one means by which the United States can
advance foreign policy objectives—assisting friendly and allied nations through provision of
equipment in excess of the requirements of its own defense forces. The Defense Security
Cooperation Agency (DSCA) manages the EDA program, which enables the U.S. to reduce its
inventory of outdated equipment by providing friendly countries with necessary supplies at either
reduced rates or no charge.25
According to DSCA, Israel continues to be the largest single recipient of EDA materiel.26 In
January 1987, the United States designated Israel as a “major non-NATO ally,” which qualifies
Israel to receive EDA under Section 516 of the Foreign Assistance Act and Section 23(a) of the
Arms Export Control Act. DSCA manages the EDA program, which enables the U.S. to reduce its
inventory of outdated equipment by providing friendly countries with necessary supplies at either
reduced rates or at no charge.30From 2001 to the present, Israel has been authorized to receive over
$330 million in EDA.
Defense Budget Appropriations for U.S.-Israeli
Missile Defense Programs
Congress and successive Administrations have demonstrated strong support for joint U.S.-Israeli
missile defense projects designed to thwart a diverse range of threats, from short-range missiles
and rockets fired by non-state actors, such as Hamas and Hezbollah, to mid- and longer-range
ballistic missiles in Syria’s and Iran’s arsenals. U.S.-Israeli missile defense cooperation has
perennially been authorized and appropriated in theCongress provides regular U.S. funding for U.S.Israeli missile defense cooperation in defense authorization and appropriations
bills. Such efforts generally are not considered a form of direct
are not formally considered to constitute direct bilateral aid, but many U.S. and Israeli
officials
and observers consider them to be a vital component of Israel’s strategic relationship with the United
States. Israel and the United States each financially contribute to several projects and share
technology from co-developed weapons systems.
27
DSCA’s notification to Congress of the GBU-39the bilateral strategic relationship. Israel
22
In 2010, during intense Obama Administration negotiations with the Israeli government over Israeli settlement
activity in the West Bank, the Administration had reportedly offered Israel, among other things, 20 additional F-35s in
exchange for a 90-day extension of a partial moratorium on settlement construction. Israel did not accept the offer.
23
DSCA’s notification to Congress of the F-35 sale is available at http://www.dsca.mil/PressReleases/36-b/2008/
Israel_08-8283.pdf.
28
“ANALYSIS-Iran nuclear sites may be beyond reach of ‘bunker busters’,” Reuters, January 12, 2012.
29
DSCA Israel Country Information Paper.
3024
“Israel set to build wings for some 800 F-35s,” Reuters, August 30, 2010.
25
To access DSCA’s Excess Defense Articles database, see http://www.dsca.mil/programs/eda/search.asp.
26
DSCA Israel Country Information Paper.
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The U.S. Department of Defense (DOD) Missile Defense Agency’s FY2013 request for joint
U.S.-Israeli co-development is $99.8 million which is $6 million below the President’s FY2012
request. However, according to one source, “Though the administration’s request for missile
defense monies has dropped somewhat in recent years—from $121.7m. in 2011 to $106.1m. in
2012 to 2013’s $99.8m.—during each of those cycles, Congress has consistently increased the
final allocation.”31
Multi-Tiered Missile 7
U.S. Foreign Aid to Israel
and the United States each financially contribute to several weapons systems and co-develop and
share technology from some of these projects.
Multi-Tiered Missile and Rocket Defense
In addition to U.S.-supplied Hawk and Patriot missile batteries, in the past several years U.S. U.S.-Israeli missile defense
cooperation has evolved in the past several years to include the co-development of several
systems.
Israel also has developed its own missile defense programs without U.S. collaboration.
31
“Congress Ready To Increase Israel Defense Funding,” Jerusalem Post, February 15, 2012.
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Figure 1. Ranges of Rockets Fired from the Gaza Strip
Source: Open Source Center, ‘Nonstop Barrage’ of Rockets Continues, No Israelis Hurt; Mortar Hits Gaza
Truck, Document ID# GMP20120312739003 Israel—OSC Summary in English, March 12, 2012.
Note: Although the graphic refers exclusively to Hamas, other Palestinian groups, such as the Popular
Resistance Committees (PRC) and Islamic Jihad, have fired rockets into Israel.
Iron Dome
The United States has helped defray the cost of Israel’s domestically-developed short-range antirocket system, dubbed “Iron Dome.” Iron Dome is designed to intercept very short-range threats
between 2.5 and 45 miles in all weather situations. It was developed by Rafael Advanced Defense
Systems. Development of Iron Dome began in February 2007. In response to Palestinian rocket
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U.S. Foreign Aid to Israel
attacks from Gaza, Israel deployed Iron Dome batteries for the first time in April, August, and
October 2011 to protect the cities of Ashdod, Beersheba, and Ashkelon. Each battery costs
approximately $50 million.32 Many observers have praised the system’s performance. According
to one report, Iron Dome interceptors succeeded 70% of the time they were fired in destroying
incoming projectiles.33 The Israeli military discovered that a radar failure had caused some of the
misses and have since resolved the malfunction.
However, Israeli leaders have cautioned that rocket and missile defense systems are not capable
of fully protecting Israeli population centers in the event of intensified, sustained attacks from its
enemies. The Iron Dome system is not designed to protect against very short range projectiles due
to their abbreviated flight times, leaving towns in the immediate vicinity of the Gaza border—
such as Sderot (estimated population: 21,000)—more vulnerable. The Israeli military plans to
deploy nine Iron Dome batteries34 across the country by 2013. It believes it requires a total of
between 10-15 batteries to adequately protect most urban areas. Israel is reportedly considering
exporting the system to customers in Asia (such as South Korea, Singapore, and India) in order to
recoup Iron Dome’s cost.
32
CRS conversations with Israeli officials, April 2011. According to these same conversations, each Iron Dome
interceptor projectile costs between $80,000 and $90,000.
33
“Iron Dome hits 70% of militant rockets,” Jane’s Defence Weekly, January 6, 2012.
34
Each Iron Dome battery contains three launchers each equipped with 20 Tamir interceptor missiles. See “Rafael and
Raytheon collaborate on Iron Dome project,” Jane’s Defence Weekly, August 17, 2011; “Iron Dome anti-rocket system
was never meant to protect Israeli towns,” Ha’aretz, December 21, 2010.
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Figure 2. Iron Dome Battery
Source: Jane’s Defence Weekly.
In March 2010, the Obama Administration announced that it would support $205 million in
defense assistance to Israel for the purchase of up to ten Iron Dome batteries. Section 229 of P.L.
111-383 (Ike Skelton National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2011) authorized the
Secretary of Defense to provide that sum to the government of Israel for the Iron Dome system.35
Section 8072 of P.L. 112-10 (Department of Defense and Full-Year Continuing Appropriations
Act, 2011) appropriated the $205 million in funding for Iron Dome, along with additional funding
to support the other components of U.S. missile defense cooperation with Israel. For FY2012, the
Administration did not request specific funding for Iron Dome, and Congress has not
appropriated funds for it.
35
Israel also has developed its own missile defense programs without U.S. collaboration.
Iron Dome
Overview
In order to counter rockets fired from either the Gaza Strip or Lebanon, Israel has developed a
short-range anti-rocket system, dubbed “Iron Dome.”27 Iron Dome is designed to intercept very
short-range rocket threats between two28 and forty-five miles in all weather, and recent upgrades
may potentially give future batteries greater capability to intercept longer-range rockets. Iron
Dome’s selective targeting system and radar are designed to fire interceptors only at incoming
projectiles that pose threats to population centers– it is not configured to fire on rockets headed
toward uninhabited areas. It was developed by Rafael Advanced Defense Systems. To date, the
United States has provided a total of $486 million to Israel for Iron Dome batteries, interceptors,
and general maintenance. In response to Palestinian rocket attacks from Gaza, Israel deployed
Iron Dome batteries for the first time in April 2011. During Israel’s conflict with Hamas in
November 2012, Israeli officials claim that Iron Dome intercepted 85%29 of over 400 rockets
fired from the Gaza Strip that were selectively targeted based on the criteria discussed above
27
Iron Dome’s initial development was somewhat contentious both within Israel and between U.S. and Israeli officials.
Within Israel’s defense establishment, some experts argued that such a system would prove too costly a system to
implement and that less expensive alternatives were available from foreign suppliers. Israel tested several alternatives,
including C-RAM (a variation of the Vulcan Phalanx Gatling cannon made by Raytheon) and the Nautilus/Skyguard
chemical laser system co-developed by the United States and Israel (made by Northrop Grumman). Israel rejected both
of these alternatives; perhaps due to its desire to indigenously produce its own system and the perceived shortcomings
of C-RAM and Nautilus. Israeli defense experts reportedly believed that while C-RAM could be somewhat effective in
protecting a community like Sderot, it covered a relatively small area and was less effective against lower-flying
rockets. Israeli perceptions of the Nautilus were that the technology was still in its infancy, that it required a lengthy recharge time, and that it was less portable and defensible. According to one account, in late 2009 a team of U.S. missile
defense experts that traveled to Israel to assess Iron Dome “declared Iron Dome a success, and in many respects,
superior to Phalanx. Tests showed it was hitting 80% of the targets, up from the low teens in the earlier U.S.
assessment.” See, “In Depth: Israel's Iron Dome Defense Battled to Get Off Ground,” Wall Street Journal, November
27, 2012.
28
According to a former director of the Israel Missile Defense Organization, during the November 2012 conflict the
system had a 71% rate of successful interception over an area that includes the town of Sderot (estimated population:
24,000) located only two kilometers from Gaza. Because the minimum range of rocket fire against which Iron Dome
supposedly defends is four kilometers, it is unclear how the system provides defense for Sderot. One possibility is that
the rockets targeting Sderot are fired from some distance behind the Israel-Gaza border. Response by Uzi Rubin to
CRS question at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, Washington, DC, December 18, 2012.
29
This success rate is based on Israeli military estimates. It is unknown if the United States or another third-party has
independently verified Israeli claims regarding Iron Dome’s November 2012 performance. In previous rounds of rocket
attacks against Israel, Iron Dome’s reported success rate had been somewhat lower (70%-80%). In 2011, the Israeli
military discovered that a radar failure had caused a higher percentage of misses and they have since reportedly
resolved the malfunction.
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U.S. Foreign Aid to Israel
(Gaza-based militants fired a total of 1,500 rockets at Israel during the conflict). However, some
observers argue that additional evidence would be needed to conclusively verify Israeli reports of
Iron Dome’s success rate.30 Uzi Rubin, the former director of the Israel Missile Defense
Organization, has responded to critics of Iron Dome by asserting that “the success rate matches
the defense establishment statements.”31In order to expand Iron Dome’s population coverage,
Israel claims that it requires between ten to fifteen Iron Dome batteries in operation at all times
(Iron Dome is portable and can be transported by truck to areas in need of coverage).
U.S. Assistance and Congressional Action
In March 2010, the Obama Administration announced that it would support $205 million in
defense assistance to Israel for the purchase of Iron Dome batteries. Section 229 of P.L. 111-383
(Ike Skelton National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2011) authorized the Secretary of
Defense to provide that sum to the government of Israel for the Iron Dome system.32 Section 8072
of P.L. 112-10 (Department of Defense and Full-Year Continuing Appropriations Act, 2011)
appropriated the $205 million in funding for Iron Dome, along with additional funding to support
the other components of U.S. missile defense cooperation with Israel.
For FY2012, the Administration did not request specific funding for Iron Dome, and Congress did
not appropriate funds for it. However, in May 2012 the Obama Administration reprogrammed $70
million in FY 2011Department of Defense general missile defense research and development
funds for Iron Dome. In its explanation to Congress, the Administration noted that the $70 million
would be used to “expand Israel’s inventory of radars and interceptors” for Iron Dome. P.L. 112150, the United States-Israel Enhanced Security Cooperation Act of 2012, included, among other
provisions, a sense of Congress that the United States government should “Provide the
Government of Israel assistance specifically for the production and procurement of the Iron
Dome defense system for purposes of intercepting short-range missiles, rockets, and projectiles
launched against Israel.”
For FY2013, Congress did authorize funding for Iron Dome in P.L. 112-239, the National
Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2013. Section 222 authorizes $211 million for Iron
Dome. Section 1278 of the same Act, among other things, “recognizes the exceptional success of
the Iron Dome short-range rocket defense system in defending the population of Israel; and urges
the Department of Defense and the Department of State to explore with their Israeli counterparts
and alert Congress of any requirements the Israeli Defense Force may have for additional Iron
Dome batteries, interceptors, or other equipment depleted during the recent conflict with Hamascontrolled Gaza.”
30
One expert, Richard M. Lloyd, claims that Iron Dome succeeded 30 percent to 40 percent of the time in detonating
enemy warheads. See, “Debate Emerges Over Effectiveness Of Israel's Antimissile System,” New York Times, March
21, 2013. Other articles that address Iron Dome’s accuracy include: “How Many Rockets has Iron Dome really
Intercepted?” Ha’aretz, March 9, 2013; Subrata Ghoshroy, “Iron Dome: Behind the Hoopla, a Familiar Story of
Missile-Defense Hype,” Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists (Web Edition), December 13, 2012; and Paul Koring,
“Success of Israeli’s Iron Dome Defensive Shield Questioned,” Globe and Mail, November 29, 2012.
31
“Where have all the Gaza Rockets Gone?” Ha’aretz, March 19, 2013.
32
In the 111th Congress, the House passed H.R. 5327, United States-Israel Rocket and Missile Defense Cooperation
and Support Act, which authorized the Administration “to provide assistance to the Government of Israel for the
procurement, maintenance, and sustainment of the Iron Dome Short Range Artillery Rocket Defense System for
purposes of intercepting short-range rockets, missiles, and mortars launched against Israel.” A Senate version, S. 3451,
was referred to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee but was not reported out during the 111th Congress.
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P.L. 113-6, the Consolidated and Further Continuing Appropriations Act, 2013 (informally
referred to as the full-year Continuing Resolution or CR) provides $211 million for Iron Dome,
matching an earlier Senate-proposed appropriation. In the 112th Congress, the House-passed
Department of Defense Appropriation bill for FY2013 (H.R. 5856) would have provided $680
million for Iron Dome from FY2013 through FY2015. As noted above, the Senate version would
have provided $211 million for FY2013 only, though appropriators noted in a report
accompanying the bill that the “Secretary of Defense is committed to requesting the remainder of
the required amount [$680 million] in fiscal years 2014 and 2015 based on an annual assessment
of Israeli security requirements against an evolving threat.”
Technology Sharing
Since Iron Dome was developed by Israel alone, Israel retains proprietary technology rights to it.
In hopes of recouping the high initial cost of Iron Dome’s and continued costs associated with the
production of new interceptors, Israeli officials have expressed interest in exporting the system to
customers in Asia (such as South Korea, Singapore, and India) and Brazil. Meanwhile, the
Administration and some lawmakers have sought to obtain data rights to Iron Dome technology
and to explore potential co-production opportunities with Israel. According to Pentagon
spokeswoman Army Lieutenant Colonel Elizabeth Robbins, the U.S. Defense Department sees
“possible opportunities” for Iron Dome co-production and “What data rights will be acquired by
the U.S. is a matter of continued discussion.”33 In March 2013, Brigadier-General Shachar
Shohat, the commander of the IDF, endorsed possible U.S.-Israeli co-production of Iron Dome’s
Tamir interceptors when he remarked that “Opening joint manufacturing lines would increase
production rates, which is of course is in my interest as the professional user.”34
David’s Sling
In August 2008, Israel and the United States officially signed a “project agreement” to co-develop
the David’s Sling system. David’s Sling (aka Magic Wand) is a short/medium-range system
designed to counter long-range rockets and slower-flying cruise missiles fired at ranges from 40
km to 300 km, such as those possessed by Hezbollah in Lebanon, as well as by Syria. and Iran.
David’s
Sling is designed to intercept missiles that fall below the optimal capability for Israel’s
Arrow Arrow
ballistic missile interceptor. It is being developed jointlyjointly developed by Israel’s Rafael Advanced
Defense Defense
Systems and U.S.-based Raytheon. David’s Sling uses Raytheon’s Stunner missile for
interception, and each launcher can hold up to 16 missiles. In November 2012, Israel announced
the first successful test of the Stunner interceptor. The system is expected to be
operational by the end of 2012
2014, with the first deployments expected sometime in 2013. According to Lt. Gen. Henry
Obering, then-director of the U.S. Missile
Defense Agency, “We wanted a truly co-managed
program because the United States will be very
interested in this for our own purposes.... The
agreement we just signed allows us to work through
specific cost-sharing arrangements and other
program parameters.”3635 Once deployed, David’s
Sling could replace U.S.-supplied Hawk surface-tosurfaceto-air missiles that have been used by Israel for
nearly half a century.
nearly half a century.
33
“Israel: U.S. Co-Production of Rocket Shield Not Option ‘Right Now’,” Reuters, November 29, 2012.
“Israeli General welcomes Obama with call to Share Iron Dome Production,” Reuters, March 20, 2013.
35
“U.S.-Israel to Develop David’s Sling Missile Defense,” DefenseNews.com, August 7, 2008.
34
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The Arrow and Arrow II
Since 1988, Israel and the United States have been jointly developing the Arrow Anti-Missile
System, a weapon with a theater ballistic missile defense capability. Arrow is designed to counter short-range ballistic missiles. The United States has funded
just under half of the annual costs of the development of the Arrow Weapon System, with Israel
supplying the remainder. The Arrow II program, a joint effort of Boeing and Israel Aerospace
Industries (IAI), is designed to defeat longer-range ballistic missiles. One Arrow II battery can
protect major areas of Israeli territory.
Shortly after the start of the Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI) in 1985, the Reagan Administration
sought allied political support through various cooperative technology agreements on ballistic
missile defense (BMD). An MOUA memorandum of understanding was signed with Israel on May 6, 1986
to jointly develop an
indigenous Israeli capability to defend against ballistic missiles.3736 Israeli
interest in BMD was
strengthened by the missile war between Iran and Iraq in the later 1980s,
and the experience of
being attacked by Scud missiles from Iraq during Operation Desert Storm in 1991.
in 1991.
Table 1. U.S. Contributions to the Arrow Program (Arrow, Arrow II, and Arrow III)
$s in millions
Fiscal Year
Total
Fiscal Year
Total
1990
52.000
2002
131.700
1991
42.000
2003
135.749
1992
54.400
2004
144.803
1993
57.776
2005
155.290
1994
56.424
2006
122.866
1995
47.400
2007
117.494
1996
59.352
2008
118.572
1997
35.000
2009
104.342
1998
98.874
2010
122.342
1999
46.924
2011
125.393
2000
81.650
2012
125.175
2001
95.214
Total
2,130.74
Source: U.S. Missile Defense Agency
Under the 1986 agreement allowing Israel to participate in SDI, the United States and Israel have
co-developed different versions of the Arrow anti-ballistic missile. The total U.S. financial
contribution so far exceeds $2.1 billion. The system became operational in 2000 in Israel and has
been been
tested successfully. DOD’s Missile Defense Agency has agreed to extend the U.S.-Israel
Arrow Arrow
System Improvement Program (ASIP) and post-ASIP through 2013. Since 2001, Israel
and the United States have conducted a joint biennial exercise, called Juniper Cobra, to work on
integrating their weapons, radars, and other systems.
36
“U.S.-Israel To Develop David’s Sling Missile Defense,” DefenseNews.com, August 7, 2008.
and the
36
Subsequently, a number of additional agreements were signed, including, for example: an April 1989 Memorandum
of Agreement (MOA) to develop an Israeli computer facility as part of the Arrow BMD program, a June 1991
agreement to develop a second generation Arrow BMD capability, and a September 2008 agreement to develop a shortrange BMD system to defend against very short-range missiles and rockets.
37
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United States have conducted a joint biennial exercise, called Juniper Cobra, to work on
integrating their weapons, radars, and other systems.
High Altitude Missile Defense System (Arrow- III)
Fearing a potential nuclear threat from Iran, Israel has sought a missile interceptor that operates at
a higher altitude and greater range than the Arrow. In October 2007, the United States and Israel
agreed to establish a committee to evaluate Israel’s proposed “Arrow III,” a topan upper-tier system
designed to intercept medium-range ballistic missiles. The Arrow III will be a more advanced
version—in terms of speed, range and altitude—of the current Arrow II interceptor. According to
various industry sources, Arrow III interceptors also will be smaller and cheaper than their
predecessors. In the spring In the spring
and summer of 2008, Israel decided to begin production of the Arrow
III and the United States
agreed to co-fund its development despite an initial proposal by
Lockheed Martin and DOD
urging Israel to purchase the Terminal High-Altitude Area Defense
(THAAD) missile defense
system instead. The Arrow III, made (like the Arrow II) by Israel
Aerospace Industries (IAI) and Boeing, is expected
to be deployed by 2014 or 2015. In July 2010,
the United States and Israel signed a bilateral agreement to
extend their cooperation in developing
and producing the Arrow III. In February 2013, Israel successfully test-launched an Arrow III
interceptor beyond the earth’s atmosphere.
X-Band Radar
One of the most significant gestures of U.S. support for Israel’s missile defense architecture has
been the deployment of the AN/TPY-2 X-Band radar system (built by Raytheon Co.) to Israel in
late late
2008. Not only is the X-Band system far more capable of detecting incoming missiles than
Israel’s existing radar,3837 but the United States also has linked the X-Band to its global network of
satellites in the U.S. Defense Support Program (DSP) and to the global U.S. Ballistic Missile
Defense System (BMDS). The DSP is the principal component of the U.S. Satellite Early
Warning System to detect missile launches.3938 According to various media reports, the X-Band
system is now operational. It will remain U.S.-owned and is operated by U.S. troops and defense
contractors—the first indefinite U.S. military presence to be established on Israeli soil.
Reportedly, the system has been deployed to a secret location in the southern Negev desert.
P.L. 110-417, the Duncan Hunter National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2009,
authorized up to $89 million for the activation and deployment of the AN/TPY-2 forward-based
X-band radar to a “classified location.”40 According to Section 236 of the act, this funding was
contingent on a report from the Secretary of Defense to the Committees on Armed Services of the
Senate and the House of Representatives. The report was to describe, among other things, the Xband radar’s proposed location; the operational parameters of the deployment of the radar; and
the cost-sharing arrangements between the United States and the country in which the radar was
to be deployed.
38classified location in the southern Negev desert.39
37
The X-Band system can detect incoming missiles from 500-600 miles. Currently, Israel’s early warning system is
only able to detect missiles from 100 miles out.
3938
Israel was first given access to DSP in 2001 but only on a per-request, rather than constant, basis.
40
In 39
P.L. 110-417, the Duncan Hunter National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2009, authorized up to $89
million for the activation and deployment of the AN/TPY-2 forward-based X-band radar to a “classified location.” In
report language (H.Rept. 110-652) accompanying H.R. 5658, the House-passed FY2009 Defense Authorization
bill,
Members stated that “The State of Israel faces a real and growing threat from short- and medium-range ballistic
missiles from states such as the Syrian Arab Republic and the Islamic Republic of Iran. The committee believes that the
deployment of a U.S. Army-Navy/Transportable-2 (AN/TPY-2) missile defense discrimination radar to Israel would
greatly increase the capabilities of both Israel and U.S. forces deployed in support of Israel to defend against ballistic
missile threats. Therefore, the committee urges the Department of Defense to begin discussions with Israel about the
possibility of deploying an AN/TPY-2 radar on its territory at the earliest feasible date.” The Senate version, S. 3001,
included an amendment making funds available for the deployment of the AN/TPY-2 forward-based X-band radar.
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Table 12. Defense Budget Appropriations for U.S.-Israeli Missile Defense:
FY2006-FY2012
(current $ in millions)
System
Type
ShortRange
(David’s
Sling)
FY2006
FY2007
FY2008
FY2009
FY2010
FY2011
FY2012
FY2013
Request
$10.0
$20.4
$37.0
$72.895
$80.092
$84.722
$110.525
n/a
Arrow
(Arrow-2)
$122.866
$117.494
$98.572
$74.342
$72.306
$66.427
$58.955
n/a
High
Altitude
(Arrow-3)
—
—
$20.0
$30.0
$50.036
$58.966
$66.220
n/a
Iron Dome
—
—
—
—
—
$205.0
—
n/a
$132.866
$137.894
$155.572
$177.237
$202.434
$415.115
$235.700
$99.836
TotalFY2014 Request
(Current $ in millions)
Fiscal Year
Arrow II
Arrow III
(High
Altitude)
David’s Sling
(Short-Range)
Iron
Dome
Total
FY2006
122.866
—
10.0
—
132.866
FY2007
117.494
—
20.4
—
137.894
FY2008
98.572
20.0
37.0
—
155.572
FY2009
74.342
30.0
72.895
—
177.237
FY2010
72.306
50.036
80.092
—
202.434
FY2011
66.427
58.966
84.722
205.0
415.115
FY2012
58.955
66.220
110.525
70.00
305.700
FY2013
Before
Sequestration
44.365
74.692
149.679
211.0
479.736
FY2014
Request
10.663
52.607
32.512
220.0
315.782
Notes: a. These funds were not appropriated by Congress but re-programmed by the Obama Administration
from other Department of Defense accounts.
Emergency U.S. Stockpile in Israel
In the early 1980s, Israeli leaders sought to expand what they called their “strategic
collaboration” with the United States military by inviting U.S. arms and equipment to be
stockpiled at Israeli bases for use in wartime.4140 Nearly a decade later, the United States agreed to
establish munitions stockpiles in Israel for use by the United States and, with U.S. permission, for
use by Israel in emergency situations. The United States European Command (EUCOM) manages
the War Reserves Stock Allies-Israel (WRSA-I) program. The United States stores missiles,
armored vehicles and artillery ammunition in Israel.41 According to one Israeli officer, “Officially,
all of this equipment belongs to the US military…. If however, there is a conflict, the IDF [Israel
Defense Forces] can ask for permission to use some of the equipment.”42 During the 2006 war
against Hezbollah in Lebanon, the United States granted Israel access to the stockpile.
The initial value of the U.S. materiel stored in Israel was set at $100 million. It increased over
time to $800 million in 2010. In the 111th Congress, lawmakers passed P.L. 111-266, the Security
Cooperation Act of 2010. Section 302 of the act amendsamended the Department of Defense
Appropriations Act, 2005 to extend the President’s authority to transfer to Israel surplus defense
items that are stockpiled in Israel and intended for use as Israeli reserve stocks. This amendment
reportedly will increase theincreased the statutorily permitted maximum value of U.S. materiel stored in Israel from $800 million to
$1.2 billion.43
41
40
“U.S.- Israel Strategic Link: Both Sides Take Stock,” New York Times, October 2, 1981.
“US may give Israel Iraq Ammo ,” Jerusalem Post, February 11, 2010.
43
“US to boost weapons stockpile in Israel,” Agence France Presse, November 11, 2010.
42
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Aid Restrictions and Possible Violations
Cluster Munitions
The government of Israel pays for approximately 90% of transportation, storage, and maintenance costs associated
with the WRSA-I program.
42
“US may give Israel Iraq Ammo ,” Jerusalem Post, February 11, 2010.
41
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million to $1.2 billion.43 The U.S.-Israel Enhanced Security Cooperation Act of 2012 (P.L. 112150) further extended the WRSA-I program through FY2014.
Aid Restrictions and Possible Violations
Although U.S. assistance to Israel has remained high for several decades, the United States has
sometimes restricted aid or rebuked Israel for possible improper use of U.S.-supplied military
equipment. The 1952 Mutual Defense Assistance Agreement and subsequent arms agreements
between Israel and the United States limit theIsrael’s use of U.S. military equipment to defensive
purposes.44 The Arms Export Control Act states that the United States may stop aid to countries
which use U.S. military assistance for purposes other than “legitimate self-defense.” In 1982, the
Reagan Administration determined that Israel “may” have violated its 1952 Mutual Defense
Assistance Agreement with the United States by reportedly using U.S.-supplied anti-personnel
cluster bombs against civilian targets during its military operations in Lebanon and the siege of
Beirut.45 As a result, the Reagan Administration prohibited U.S. export of cluster bombs to Israel
for six years.46
During the July-August 2006 war in Lebanon, Israel used cluster munitions to counter Hezbollah
rocket attacks. The United States apparently had supplied some of the cluster weapons that Israel
used in the conflict.47 Since the August 2006 Israeli-Hezbollah cease-fire, there have been a
number of reported Lebanese civilian deaths and injuries from unexploded bomb remnants spread
across a wide area of southern Lebanon.48 To date, more than 50 people have been killed by
cluster bomb explosions in southern Lebanon since the 2006 war. After the war, the U.S.
Department of State’s Office of Weapons Removal and Abatement implemented a landmine and
unexploded ordnance (UXO) humanitarian clearance program in Lebanon.
The Department of State’s Directorate of Defense Trade Controls reportedly conducted an
investigation focused on whether Israel violated confidential agreements with the United States
that restrict Israel’s use of U.S.-supplied cluster munitions to certain military targets in noncivilian areas. On January 28, 2007, the State Department issued a preliminary report to Congress
concluding that Israel may have violated the terms of those agreements.49 The State Department
44
See, CRS Report R42385, U.S. Defense Articles and Services Supplied to Foreign Recipients: Restrictions on Their
Use, by Richard F. Grimmett.
45
See, CRS Report R42385, U.S. Defense Articles and Services Supplied to Foreign Recipients: Restrictions on Their
Use, by Richard F. Grimmett.
46
The Reagan Administration also temporarily suspended the delivery of F-16 aircraft to Israel after it bombed the
Iraqi nuclear reactor at Osirak in 1981.
47
David S. Cloud, “Inquiry Opened Into Israeli Use Of U.S. Bombs,” New York Times August 25, 2006. An August 26,
2006 presentation by United Nations Mine Action Coordination Center (UNMAS) South Lebanon office catalogued the
following numbers of U.S.-manufactured cluster weapon sub-munitions during surveys in southern Lebanon (source
weapons in parentheses): 715 M-42’s (105-millimeter artillery shells), 820 M-77’s (M-26 rockets), and 5 BLU-63’s
(CBU-26 cluster bombs). The UNMAS teams also reported 631 M-85 Israeli-produced sub-munitions had been found.
See, UNMAS South Lebanon, “Cluster Bomb Situation - South Lebanon July/August 2006,” August 26, 2006.
48
According to the United Nations Mine Action Coordination Center (UNMACC), between 30% and 40% of Israelidropped cluster bombs failed to explode on impact. Israel claims that the “dud rate” was less than 15%.
49
“U.S. Says Israel May Have Violated Agreement on Cluster Bomb Use,” Reuters, January 29, 2007.
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then asked Israel for additional information on reports that Israeli troops had violated agreements
that restricted how U.S.-manufactured cluster bombs could be used.50
Israel has conducted several investigations into its use of cluster munitions in the 2006 war in
Lebanon. In December 2007, the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) concluded its investigation, stating
that “It was clear that the majority of the cluster munitions were fired at open and uninhabited
areas, areas from which Hezbollah forces operated and in which no civilians were present.... The
use of this weaponry was legal once it was determined that, in order to prevent rocket fire onto
Israel, its use was a concrete military necessity.” The IDF also announced that it would not press
charges against officers who ordered the use of cluster bombs during the 2006 war. In February
2008, the Winograd Commission, a government-appointed Israeli commission of inquiry into the
events of the 2006 war in Lebanon, concluded that “The facts regarding the use of cluster bombs
demonstrated the faults in operational discipline, supervision and control and the lack of clarity of
the commands and guidelines just as we had found in other aspects of the war. It is vital that the
army learns the lessons that should be apparent from the use of cluster bombs during the war.”51
In 2008, after several internal Israeli investigations and Congressional action52 to attempt to
restrict the overall export of U.S. cluster munitions, Israel announced that it would begin
purchasing Israeli-made M85 cluster bombs rather than U.S.-manufactured bomblets.53 Israel
Military Industries (IMI) developed the M85 which it claims is more reliable than U.S.-made
cluster munitions.54 However, one Norwegian study asserted that the failure rate on the M85 was
closer to 10% and not 1% as claimed by its proponents.55
Israeli Arms Transfers to Third Parties
As previously mentioned, Israel has become a global leader in arms exports56 and, over the last
two decades, the United States and Israel have periodically disagreed over Israeli sales of
50
“Israel May have Violated Arms Pact, U.S. Says,” New York Times, January 28, 2007.
“Army Urged to Review Inadequate Cluster Bomb Rules,” Jerusalem Post, January 31, 2008.
52
The Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2008 (P.L. 110-161), enacted on December 26, 2007, significantly restricted
the export of U.S.-manufactured cluster munitions. On September 6, 2007, President George W. Bush objected to
efforts by lawmakers to ban the export of cluster munitions. In a statement of Administration policy, the President
wrote, “The Administration also objects to restrictions on providing military assistance for cluster munitions....
Currently, the sales of cluster munitions are subject to safeguards. See, “Statement of Administration Policy, H.R.
2764—State, Foreign Operations, and Related Programs Appropriations Act, 2008,” Office of Management and
Budget, September 6, 2007. Restrictions on cluster munitions exports have been carried forward to apply to
appropriations in subsequent years as well. Section 7054(b) of the Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2012 (P.L. 11274) provides: “No military assistance shall be furnished for cluster munitions, no defense export license for cluster
munitions may be issued, and no cluster munitions or cluster munitions technology shall be sold or transferred,
unless—(1) the submunitions of the cluster munitions, after arming, do not result in more than 1 percent unexploded
ordnance across the range of intended operational environments; and (2) the agreement applicable to the assistance,
transfer, or sale of such cluster munitions or cluster munitions technology specifies that the cluster munitions will only
be used against clearly defined military targets and will not be used where civilians are known to be present or in areas
normally inhabited by civilians.”
53
“Israel switches from U.S. cluster bombs, buys local,” Reuters, September 30, 2008.
54
“IDF testing ‘safer’ type of cluster bombs ,” Jerusalem Post, June 25, 2010.
55
M85, Analysis of Reliability, http://www.npaid.org/filestore/M85.pdf.
56
Israel’s customers include Germany, Spain, France, Canada, Australia, Turkey, Singapore, South Korea, Brazil,
India, Italy, the Netherlands, Poland and Romania.
51
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sensitive U.S. and Israeli technologies to third party countries, most notably China.57 In the late1990s, the Office of Naval Intelligence (ONI) reported that China had acquired U.S. technology
“through Israel in the form of the Lavi fighter and possibly SAM [surface-to-air missile]
technology,”58 although Chinese and Israeli officials have repeatedly denied sharing such
technology. In 2000, Representative Sonny Callahan, then-Chairman of the House Appropriations
Subcommittee on Foreign Operations, sought to withhold $250 million in aid to Israel unless it
cancelled a planned sale to China of an Airborne Early Warning System.59 On June 20, 2000, the
House Foreign Operations Subcommittee voted nine to six to defeat Callahan’s proposal.60 In
2005, the United States suspended Israel from participating in the development of the Joint Strike
Fighter (JSF) and imposed other restrictions in defense ties because of Israeli plans to upgrade
Chinese Harpy Killer drone aircraft. Israel ultimately canceled the sale. As of 2005, Israel was
reportedly China’s second major arms supplier, after Russia.61
U.S. restrictions effectively have curtailed almost all Israeli arms sales to China.62 Over the past
year, Israeli-Chinese military officials exchanged visits, in what some observers believe was an
attempt by both countries to slowly expand bilateral relations.63 China has already become one of
Israel’s primary economic (non-military) trading partners, serving as Israel’s second or third
largest export market.64 According to one analyst, “Militarily, China is interested not only in
original technologies but also in broader knowledge, and Israel, with its vast operational
experience, is viewed by China as an authoritative source.... As for the transmission of military
57
According to one former State Department intelligence analyst, “We started having a problem with Israel in the
1990s, especially after the 1996 Chinese missile threats against Taiwan when we got the feeling that China’s ballistic
missile technology was modernizing way too fast.” See, “U.S.-Israeli Defense Technology Teamwork Began With
Confrontation,” Washington Times, May 24, 2011.
58
ONI, Worldwide Challenges to Naval Strike Warfare, 1996. The 1997 edition of this report said that the design for
China’s J-10 fighter (also known as the F-10—the designation used in the report) “had been undertaken with
substantial direct assistance, primarily from Israel and Russia, and with indirect assistance through access to U.S.
technologies.” ONI, Worldwide Challenges to Naval Strike Warfare, 1997. See also Robert Hewson, “Chinese J-10
‘benefited from the Lavi project,’” Jane’s Defence Weekly, May 16, 2008; Duncan L. Clarke and Robert J. Johnston,
“U.S. Dual-Use Exports to China, Chinese Behavior, and the Israel Factor: Effective Controls?” Asian Survey, Vol. 39,
No. 2, March-April 1999. The Lavi fighter (roughly comparable to the U.S. F-16) was developed in Israel during the
1980s with approximately $1.5 billion in U.S. assistance, but did not get past the prototype stage.
59
Eric Pianin, “Israel-China Radar Deal Opposed,” Washington Post, April 7, 2000.
60
According to the House Committee, “the Committee is very disturbed by reports that Israel is preparing to provide
China with an airborne radar system that could threaten both the forces of democratic Taiwan and the United States in
the region surrounding the Taiwan Strait. The Committee intends to revisit this issue as the appropriations process
moves forward.” H.Rept. 106-720, accompanying H.R. 4811 (P.L. 106-429), the FY2001 Foreign Operations
Appropriations Act.
61
Ron Kampeas, “Israel-U.S. Dispute on Arms Sales to China Threatens to Snowball,” Jewish Telegraphic Agency,
June 8, 2005, citing a U.S.-China Economic and Security Review 2004 report.
62
According to one report, since U.S. restrictions on Israeli sales to China were put in place, “Washington has
approved only a few, non-offensive, homeland security-related sales to China.” See, “Israel-China Revive Military
Ties, But Not Defense Trade,” Defense News, August 17, 2011.
63
In June 2011, Israeli Defense Minister Ehud Barak visited China, following a May 2011 visit from Chinese Admiral
Wu Shengli. According to one Israeli defense official, “We are trying to explain to the Chinese the severity of the
Iranian nuclear threat and to get better co-operation.” Then in August 2011, General Chen Bingde, chief of General
Staff of the People’s Liberation Army, visited Israel for consultations with Israeli officials. See, Yoram Evron, “The
Chinese Chief of Staff Visits Israel: Renewing Military Relations?” INSS Insight ,No. 275, August 17, 2011.
64
“China now Israel’s third-largest destination for exports,” Jerusalem Post, November 24, 2011. According to one
report, bilateral trade reached a record high of $7.5 billion in the January-November period of 2011, surpassing the
$6.8b. recorded for the full year of 2010. See, “Israel and China - Toward the next 20 years,” Jerusalem Post, January
24, 2012.
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technologies, China with its political experience and patience may assume that current export
limitations could one day be lifted, and may therefore continue to raise the issue on different
occasions.”65
In order to create a more transparent arms transfer process, former U.S. Defense Secretary
Donald Rumsfeld and former Israeli Defense Minister Shaul Mofaz signed a 2005 bilateral
agreement mandating Israeli consultation with the U.S. government on sensitive arms transfers to
third 45 The
Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, as amended, also contains general provisions on the use of U.S.supplied military equipment.46 Some U.S. citizens and interest groups, including representatives
of groups with affiliations to various Christian denominations, periodically call upon Congress to
ensure that U.S. military assistance to Israel is conditioned on the Israeli government’s
“compliance with applicable U.S. laws and policies.” 47
Israeli Arms Transfers to Third Parties
As previously mentioned, Israel has become a global leader in arms exports48 and, over the last
two decades, the United States and Israel have periodically disagreed over Israeli sales of
sensitive U.S. and Israeli technologies to third party countries, most notably China.49 In 2005, the
United States suspended Israel from participating in the development of the Joint Strike Fighter
(JSF) and imposed other restrictions in defense ties because of Israeli plans to upgrade Chinese
Harpy Killer drone aircraft. Israel ultimately canceled the sale.
U.S. restrictions effectively have curtailed almost all Israeli arms sales to China.50 According to
one unnamed Israeli official, “Our policy remains the same today....We do not sell them anything
43
“US to boost weapons stockpile in Israel,” Agence France Presse, November 11, 2010.
See, CRS Report R42385, U.S. Defense Articles and Services Supplied to Foreign Recipients: Restrictions on Their
Use, by Richard F. Grimmett.
45
22 U.S.C. § 2754.
46
For example, see (among other sections), Section 502B, Human Rights (22 U.S.C. 2304), Section 505, Conditions of
Eligibility (22 U.S.C. § 2314), and Section 511, Considerations in Furnishing Military Assistance (22 U.S.C. § 2321d).
47
One example from October 2012 featured representatives of Baptist, Lutheran, Catholic, Presbyterian, Methodist,
Orthodox, Quaker and other Christian groups. Available online at: [http://www.pcusa.org/news/2012/10/5/religiousleaders-ask-congress-condition-israel-mi/]
48
Israel’s customers include Germany, Spain, France, Canada, Australia, Turkey, Azerbaijan, Singapore, South Korea,
Brazil, India, Italy, the Netherlands, Poland and Romania. Israel is also reportedly seeking to expand arms exports in
Latin America.
49
According to one former State Department intelligence analyst, “We started having a problem with Israel in the
1990s, especially after the 1996 Chinese missile threats against Taiwan when we got the feeling that China’s ballistic
missile technology was modernizing way too fast.” See, “U.S.-Israeli Defense Technology Teamwork Began With
Confrontation,” Washington Times, May 24, 2011.
50
According to one report, since U.S. restrictions on Israeli sales to China were put in place, “Washington has
approved only a few, non-offensive, homeland security-related sales to China.” See, “Israel-China Revive Military
Ties, But Not Defense Trade,” Defense News, August 17, 2011.
44
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that is defense related and that would jeopardize our ties with the US.”51 In recent years, Israeli
and Chinese military officials have exchanged visits, in what some observers believe has been an
attempt by both countries to slowly expand bilateral relations.52 China has already become one of
Israel’s primary economic (non-military) trading partners, serving as Israel’s second or third
largest export market.53 According to one analyst, “Militarily, China is interested not only in
original technologies but also in broader knowledge, and Israel, with its vast operational
experience, is viewed by China as an authoritative source.... As for the transmission of military
technologies, China with its political experience and patience may assume that current export
limitations could one day be lifted, and may therefore continue to raise the issue on different
occasions.”54
In order to create a more transparent arms transfer process, then U.S. Defense Secretary Donald
Rumsfeld and then Israeli Defense Minister Shaul Mofaz signed a 2005 bilateral agreement
mandating Israeli consultation with the U.S. government on sensitive arms transfers to third
parties. The Israeli government also has established its own arms export controls agency to
supervise military sales. On August 17, 2005, DOD and the Israeli Ministry of Defense issued a
joint press statement reporting that they had signed an understanding “designed to remedy
problems of the past that seriously affected the technology security relationship and to restore
confidence in the technology security area. Sources have reported that this understanding has
given the United States de facto veto power over Israeli third-party arms sales that the United
States deems harmful to its national security interests.6655 In June 2005, the Israeli newspaper
Ha’aretz reported that Israel would voluntarily adhere to the Wassenaar Arrangement on Export
Controls for Conventional Arms and Dual-Use Goods and Technologies, without actually being a
party to it.6756
On July 17, 2007, the Israeli Knesset passed a Law on Control of Defense Exports that
established a new authority in the Defense Ministry to oversee defense exports—involving the
Foreign Ministry in the process for the first time. As a result, the United States agreed to establish
a High Technology Forum to institutionalize senior-level U.S.-Israel dialogue to address bilateral
high technology trade, investment, and related issues.
In late 2008, the United States reportedly refused to approve an Israeli sale to Russia of up to 100
Heron drones that contain U.S. parts, and the Israeli Defense Exports Control Directorate
(DECD) was said to have heightened scrutiny of all defense exports to Russia.68 In 2010, the
United States resumed discussions with Israel over a possible Heron sale to Russia. Reports
indicate that Israel Aerospace Industries and Russian arms maker Oboronprom signed a $400
million joint venture agreement in October 2010 for the manufacture of Heron-1 reconnaissance
drones at a facility in Russia, possibly beginning in mid-2011. These reports indicate that Russia’s
cancellation of a sale of S-300 surface-to-air missile systems to Iran may have revived the Heron
deal, but that the Herons are to be used only for homeland security purposes. Russia reportedly
wants the opportunity to acquire and possibly manufacture the Heron TP drone, which has more
advanced capabilities and can fire air-to-surface missiles. In November 2010, Israel delivered 12
65
“Israel seeks rapport with China over Iran,” Jane’s Defence Weekly, June 16, 2011.
51
“The Chinese Connection,” Jerusalem Post, July 6, 2012.
In June 2011, Israeli Defense Minister Ehud Barak visited China, following a May 2011 visit from Chinese Admiral
Wu Shengli. According to one Israeli defense official, “We are trying to explain to the Chinese the severity of the
Iranian nuclear threat and to get better co-operation.” Then in August 2011, General Chen Bingde, chief of General
Staff of the People’s Liberation Army, visited Israel for consultations with Israeli officials. See, Yoram Evron, “The
Chinese Chief of Staff Visits Israel: Renewing Military Relations?” INSS Insight ,No. 275, August 17, 2011.
53
“China now Israel’s third-largest destination for exports,” Jerusalem Post, November 24, 2011. According to one
report, bilateral trade reached a record high of $7.5 billion in the January-November period of 2011, surpassing the
$6.8b. recorded for the full year of 2010. See, “Israel and China - Toward the next 20 years,” Jerusalem Post, January
24, 2012.
54
“Israel seeks rapport with China over Iran,” Jane’s Defence Weekly, June 16, 2011.
55
“U.S. OKs Israel-China Spy Sat Deal,” DefenseNews.com, October 12, 2007. This article quotes a U.S. official as
saying, “We don't officially acknowledge our supervisory role or our de facto veto right over their exports.... It’s a
matter of courtesy to our Israeli friends, who are very serious about their sovereignty and in guarding their reputation
on the world market.”
6756
Ze’ev Schiff et al., “Bowing to U.S. pressure, Israel to curb arms deals,” Ha’aretz, June 26, 2005. The participants to
the Wassenaar Arrangement have agreed to (1) maintain national export controls on certain conventional arms and
dual-use goods and technologies, (2) report on transfers and denials of specified controlled items to destinations outside
the Arrangement, and (3) exchange information on sensitive dual-use goods and technologies. Participants include the
United States and 39 other countries (including Russia, Japan, South Korea, Australia, New Zealand, South Africa,
Canada, and most European countries). More information is available at http://www.wassenaar.org/.
68
Nadav Ze’evi, “Israel Holds Up Sale of UAV’s to Russia under US Pressure,” Ma’ariv, March 5, 2009, BBC
Monitoring Middle East, March 6, 2009.
6652
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shorter-range drones to Russia in connection with a 2009 agreement reached to address Russia’s
procurement priorities in the wake of its 2008 war with Georgia.69a High Technology Forum to institutionalize senior-level U.S.-Israel dialogue to address bilateral
high technology trade, investment, and related issues.
Other Ongoing Assistance and
Cooperative Programs
Migration & Refugee Assistance
Since 1973, Israel has received grants from the State Department’s Migration and Refugee
Assistance fundaccount (MRA)7057 to assist in the resettlement of migrants to Israel. Funds are paid to the
the United Israel Appeal, a private philanthropic organization in the United States, which in turn
transfers the funds to the Jewish Agency for Israel.7158 Between 1973 and 1991, the United States
gave about $460 million for resettling Jewish refugees in Israel. Annual amounts have varied
from a low of $12 million to a high of $80 million, based on the number of Jews leaving the
former Soviet Union and other areas for Israel. The Migration and Refugee funds for Israel are
earmarked by Congress; the Administration usually does not request specific amounts of
Migration and Refugee assistance for Israel.
Table 23. Migration and Refugee Assistance Funding Levels
FY2000:
$60 million
FY2001:
$60 million
FY2003:
$60 million
FY2004:
$59.6 million
FY2005:
$49.7 million
FY2006:
$50 million
FY2007:
$40 million
FY2008:
$40 million
FY2009:
$30 million
FY2010:
$25 million
FY2011:
$25 million
FY2012
$20 million
FY2013 Request
$15 million
Source: U.S. State Department.
Note: The level of funding reflects a decline in need due to the decreasing numbers of migrants to Israel.
69
The sources for the material in most of this paragraph are “Procurement, Russian Federation,” Jane’s Sentinel
Security Assessment—Russia and the CIS, January 29, 2012; Spencer Ackerman, “Will Israel Sell Russia Its Prized
Monster Drone?” Wired.com, January 18, 2011.
70
The Migration and Refugee Account (MRA)
$15 million
FY2014
$15 million
Source: U.S. State Department.
Congress has changed the earmark language since the first refugee resettlement funds were
appropriated in 1973. At first, the congressional language said the funds were for “resettlement in
57
The MRA account is authorized as part of the State Department funding’s institutional budget but is appropriated
through the
Foreign Operations Appropriations bill.
7158
The Jewish Agency for Israel’s website is available at http://www.jafi.org.il/.
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Congress has changed the language since the first refugee resettlement funds were appropriated in
1973. At first, the congressional language said the funds were for “resettlement in Israel of
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U.S. Foreign Aid to Israel
Israel of refugees from the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and from Communist countries in Eastern
Eastern Europe.” But starting in 1985, the language was simplified to “refugees resettling in
Israel” to
ensure that Ethiopian Jews would be covered by the funding. Technically, the legislative
langugagelanguage designates funds for refugee resettlement, but in Israel little differentiation is made
between “refugees” and other immigrants, and the funds are used to support the absorption of all
immigrants.
Loan Guarantees
Overview
Since 1972, the United States has extended loan guarantees to Israel to assist with housing
shortages, Israel’s absorption of new immigrants from the former Soviet Union and Ethiopia, and
its economic recovery following the 2000-2003 recession that was sparked by a Palestinian uprising
uprising (known as the second intifada). Loan guarantees are a form of indirect U.S. assistance to
Israel,
since they enable Israel to borrow from commercial sources at lower rates. Congress
directs that
subsidies be set aside in a U.S. Treasury account for possible default. These subsidies,
which are a
percentage of the total loan (based in part on the credit rating of the borrowing
country; in the
case of the loan guarantees in the 1990s, the subsidy amount was 4.1%), have
come from the U.S.
or the Israeli government. Israel has never defaulted on a U.S.-backed loan guarantee, as it needs
to maintain its good credit rating in order to secure financing to offset annual budget deficits
guarantee.
Loan Guarantees for Economic Recovery
In 2003, then Prime Minister Ariel Sharon requested an additional $8 billion in loan guarantees to
help Israel’s ailing economy. The loan guarantee request accompanied a request for an additional
$4 billion in military grants to help Israel prepare for possible attacks during an anticipated U.S.
war with Iraq. P.L. 108-11, the FY2003 Emergency Wartime Supplemental Appropriations Act,
authorized $9 billion in loan guarantees over three years for Israel’s economic recovery and $1
billion in military grants. P.L. 108-11 stated that the proceeds from the loan guarantees could be
used only within Israel’s pre-June 5, 1967, borders; that the annual loan guarantees could be
reduced by an amount equal to the amount Israel spends on settlements in the occupied territories;
that Israel would pay all fees and subsidies; and that the President would consider Israel’s
economic reforms when determining terms and conditions for the loan guarantees. On November
26, 2003, the Department of State announced that the $3 billion loan guarantees for FY2003 were
reduced by $289.5 million because Israel continued to build settlements in the occupied territories
and continued construction of the security barrier separating Israelis and Palestinians. In FY2005,
the U.S. government further reduced the amount available for Israel to borrow by an additional
$795.8 million. Since then, no other deductions have been made. Israel has not borrowed any
funds since FY2005.
According to the U.S. Treasury Department, Israel is legally obligated to use the proceeds of
guaranteed loans for refinancing its government debt and also has agreed that proceeds shall not
be used for military purposes or to support activities in areas outside its pre-June 5, 1967 borders
(the West Bank—including East Jerusalem—and Gaza). However, U.S. officials note that since
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Israel’s national budget is fungible, proceeds from the issuance of U.S.-guaranteed debt that are
used to refinance Israeli government debt free up domestic Israeli funds for other uses.7259
P.L. 108-447, the FY2005 Consolidated Appropriations Act, first extended the authority of the
loan guarantees from FY2005 to FY2007. In the aftermath of the 2006 Israel-Hezbollah conflict,
President Bush stated that he would ask Congress to again extend the authorization of loan
guarantees to Israel. P.L. 109-472, the 2006 Department of State Authorities Act, extended the
authority to provide loan guarantees through FY2011. Israel has not borrowed any funds since
FY2005. In general, Israel may view U.S. loan guarantees as a “last resort” option, which its
treasury could use if unguaranteed local and international bond issuances become too expensive.
Israeli officials may believe that although they have not needed to use the loan guarantees in the
last seven years, maintaining the program boosts the country’s fiscal standing among international
creditors in capital markets.
Table 3. U.S. Loan Guarantees to Israel: FY2003-FY2011
( current $ in millions)
Amount
Available for
Israel to
Borrowb
Amount
Authorized
and Allocated
to Israel
Met U.S.
Economic
Reform
Benchmarks?a
Deductions for
Settlement
Activity
FY2003
3,000.0
Yes
289.5
1,600.0
1,110.5
FY2004
3,000.0
Yes
—
2,500.0
1,610.5
FY2005
1,000.0
Yes
795.8
—
1,814.7
FY2006
333.0
Conditions
Waived due to
war in Lebanon
—
—
2,148.0
FY2007
333.0
Yes
—
—
2,481.4
FY2008
333.0
Yes
—
—
2,814.7
FY2009
333.0
Conditions
Waived due to
global economic
crisis
—
—
3,148.0
FY2010
333.0
n/a
—
—
3,481.0
FY2011
333.0
n/a
—
—
3,814.0
Fiscal Year
Amount
Borrowed by
Israel
Source: U.S. Department of the Treasury and U.S. State Department.
72
a.
The United States and Israel have agreed that guarantees are not automatically available for use by Israel
after they are authorized by the United States: per a June 2009 agreement, the United States must give
written determination of the fulfillment (or waiver) of conditions before it releases tranches for use by
Israel. The U.S.-Israel Joint Economic Development Group (JEDG) establishes benchmarks for Israel. These
benchmarks contain conditions for deficit and spending caps, along with other fiscal and non-fiscal
conditions.
b.
Under current legislation, the loan guarantee program has a stated end of September 30, 2011; however,
there is also a “carryover” provision in the statute under which Israel may draw on unused U.S. guarantees
until September 30, 2012.
CRS correspondence with the U.S. Treasury Department’s Office of International Affairs, October 2009.
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The current authorization of Israel’s loan guarantee program will expire at the end of FY2012. A
2011 internal report by the State Department’s Office of Inspector General recommended that the
loan guarantee program be terminated.73 According to an excerpt of the report published by
Ha’aretz, “Planning should begin now for [the loan-guarantee program's] orderly termination....
Israel has been admitted to the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, an
indication that it is now a modern, self-sufficient economy capable of supporting its citizens as an
industrialized country. The OIG team found a broad consensus that the loan guarantee program
can prudently be terminated in accordance with the sunset clause in the original legislation, which
provided that it would end by 2011.” However, according to a more recent report in Israel’s
Ha’aretz newspaper, the Obama Administration may seek a three-year extension of the program
from Congress.74 Israel currently is authorized to borrow $3.8 billion in loan guarantees.
According to one Israeli official, “We consider the loan guarantees as preparation for a rainy
day.... This is a safety net for war, natural disaster and economic crisis, which allows Israel to
maintain economic stability in unstable surroundings.”75
American Schools and Hospitals Abroad Program (ASHA)76Under that legislation, the loan guarantee
program had a stated end of September 30, 2011; however, there was also a “carryover” provision
in the statute under which Israel could draw on unused U.S. guarantees until September 30, 2012.
In the summer of 2012, Congress passed and the President signed into law P.L. 112-150, the
United States-Israel Enhanced Security Cooperation Act of 2012. Section 5(b) of the law extends
the loan guarantee authority until September 30, 2015.60
As of 2013, Israel was still authorized to issue up to $3.8 billion in U.S.-backed bonds. In general,
Israel may view U.S. loan guarantees as a “last resort” option, which its treasury could use if
unguaranteed local and international bond issuances become too expensive. According to one
Israeli official, “We consider the loan guarantees as preparation for a rainy day.... This is a safety
net for war, natural disaster and economic crisis, which allows Israel to maintain economic
stability in unstable surroundings.”61 Israeli officials may believe that although they have not
needed to use the loan guarantees in the last eight years, maintaining the program boosts the
country’s fiscal standing among international creditors in capital markets.
59
CRS correspondence with the U.S. Treasury Department’s Office of International Affairs, October 2009.
A 2011 internal report by the State Department’s Office of Inspector General reportedly recommended that the loan
guarantee program be terminated. According to a purported excerpt of the report published by Ha’aretz, “Planning
should begin now for [the loan-guarantee program's] orderly termination.... Israel has been admitted to the Organization
for Economic Cooperation and Development, an indication that it is now a modern, self-sufficient economy capable of
supporting its citizens as an industrialized country. The OIG team found a broad consensus that the loan guarantee
program can prudently be terminated in accordance with the sunset clause in the original legislation, which provided
that it would end by 2011.” See, “U.S. Report Recommends Ending Loan Guarantees to Israel at end of 2011,”
Ha'aretz, July 28, 2011.
61
“U.S. to Grant Three-year Extension of Loan Guarantees to Israel,” Ha’aretz, January 24, 2012.
60
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Table 4. U.S. Loan Guarantees to Israel: FY2003-FY2013
( current $ in millions)
Fiscal Year
Deductions for
Settlement
Activity
Amount
Borrowed by
Israel
Amount
Available for
Israel to
Borrow
FY2003
289.5
1,600.0
1,110.5
FY2004
—
2,500.0
1,610.5
FY2005
795.8
—
1,814.7
FY2006
—
—
2,148.0
FY2007
—
—
2,481.4
FY2008
—
—
2,814.7
FY2009
—
—
3,148.0
FY2010
—
—
3,481.0
FY2011
—
—
3,814.0
FY2012
—
—
3,814.0
FY2013
—
—
3,814.0
Source: U.S. Department of the Treasury and U.S. State Department.
American Schools and Hospitals Abroad Program (ASHA)62
Through Foreign Operations appropriations legislation, Congress has funded the ASHA program
as part of the overall Development Assistance (DA) appropriation to the United States Agency for
International Development (USAID). According to USAID, ASHA is designed to strengthen selfsustaining schools, libraries, and medical centers that best demonstrate American ideals and
practices abroad. ASHA has been providing support to institutions in the Middle East since 1957,
and a number of Israeli universities and hospitals have been recipients of ASHA grants. Over the
past several years, institutions in Israel such as Nazareth Hospital, Shaare Zedek Medical Center
in Jerusalem, The Feinberg Graduate School of the Weizmann Institute of Science, the Sackler
Faculty of Medicine of the Tel Aviv University, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, the
Hadassah Medical Organization, and the Sanz Medical Center-Laniado Hospital have received
ASHA funding. The Hadassah Medical Organization was nominated for the 2005 Nobel Peace
Prize for its equitable treatment of Palestinians and Israeli patients. According to USAID,
institutions based in Israel have received the most program funding in the Middle East region.
Table 4. ASHA Program Grants from Israel Account, FY2000-FY2011
Fiscal year
Amount
FY2000
$2.75 million
FY2001
$2.25 million
FY2002
$2.65 million
FY2003
$3.05 million
73
“U.S. report recommends ending loan guarantees to Israel at end of 2011,” Ha'aretz, July 28, 2011.
“U.S. to grant three-year extension of loan guarantees to Israel,” Ha'aretz, January 25, 2012.
75
Ibid.
76
62
According to USAID, recipients of ASHA grants on behalf of overseas institutions must be private U.S.
organizations, headquartered in the United States, and tax-exempt. The U.S. organization must also serve as the
founder for and/or sponsor of the overseas institution. Schools must be for secondary or higher education and hospital
centers must conduct medical education and research outside the United States. Grants are made to U.S. sponsors for
the exclusive benefit of institutions abroad. See http://www.usaid.gov/our_work/cross-cutting_programs/asha/.
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Fiscal year
AmountTable 5. ASHA Program Grants from Israel Account, FY2000-FY2012
Fiscal year
Amount
FY2000
$2.75 million
FY2001
$2.25 million
FY2002
$2.65 million
FY2003
$3.05 million
FY2004
$3.15 million
FY2005
$2.95 million
FY2006
$3.35 million
FY2007
$2.95 million
FY2008
$3.90 million
FY2009
$3.90 million
FY2010
$3.80 million
FY2011
$4.225 million
FY2012
$3.00 million
Total
$41Total
$38.925 million
Source: USAID.
U.S.-Israeli Scientific & Business Cooperation
In the early 1970s, Israeli academics and businessmen began looking for ways to expand
investment in Israel’s high technology sector. At the time, Israel’s nascent technology sector,
which would later become the driving force in Israelthe country’s economy, was in need of private
capital for
research and development. The United States and Israel launched several programs to stimulate
stimulate Israeli industrial and scientific research, and Congress has on several occasions
authorized and
appropriated funds for the following organizations:
•
The BIRD Foundation (Israel-U.S. Binational Research & Development
Foundation).7763 BIRD, which was established in 1977, provides matchmaking
services between Israeli and American companies in research and development
with the goal of expanding cooperation between U.S. and Israeli private high tech
industries. The mission of the Foundation is “to stimulate, promote and support
joint (non-defense) industrial R&D of mutual benefit to…” the two countries.7864
Projects are supported in the areas of homeland security, communications,
electronics, electro-optics, software, life sciences, and renewable and alternative
energy, among others.7965 According to the Foundation, $282295 million in grants have
been awarded to 813 projects. While support for military projects are not a part of
the program, several of the completed ventures have yielded products that might
be useful in a military setting, including the Aircraft Enhanced Vision System
(EVS) camera, “which is designed to provide day/night improved orientation
during taxiing or flying. It allows visual landing in reduced visibility conditions,
such as fog, haze, dust, smog etc.” The Foundation also funded the creation of a
77almost a thousand projects. While support for military projects
63
See http://www.birdf.com/default.asp. Congress helped establish BIRD’s endowment with appropriations of $30
million and $15 million in 1977 and 1985, respectively. These grants were matched by the Israeli government for a
total endowment of $90 million.
7864
Eitan Ydilevich, “Building U.S.-Israel Economic Partnerships, The BIRD Model,” Washington, DC. June 10, 2010,
p. 2.
7965
BIRD Foundation, What is BIRD?, available at http://www.birdf.com/Index.asp?CategoryID=22&ArticleID=79
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Through-Wall Location and Sensing System that is portable and “detects whether
people are present behind walls, how many, and where they are situated.”80
•
The BSF Foundation (U.S.-Israel Binational Science Foundation).8120
U.S. Foreign Aid to Israel
are not a part of the program, several of the completed ventures have yielded
products that might be useful in a military setting, including the Aircraft
Enhanced Vision System (EVS) camera, “which is designed to provide day/night
improved orientation during taxiing or flying. It allows visual landing in reduced
visibility conditions, such as fog, haze, dust, smog etc.” The Foundation also
funded the creation of a Through-Wall Location and Sensing System that is
portable and “detects whether people are present behind walls, how many, and
where they are situated.”66
•
The BSF Foundation (U.S.-Israel Binational Science Foundation).67 BSF, which
was started in 1972, promotes cooperation in scientific and technological
research.
•
The BARD Foundation (Binational Agriculture and Research and Development
Fund). BARD was created in 1978 and supports U.S.-Israeli cooperation in
agricultural research.8268
•
In 1995, the United States and Israel established The U.S.-Israel Science and
Technology Foundation (USISTF) to fund and administer projects mandated by
the U.S.-Israel Science and Technology Commission (USISTC)8369, a bilateral
entity jointly established by the United States Department of Commerce and the
Israel Ministry of Industry, Trade, and Labor in 1994 to foster scientific,
technological, and economic cooperation between the two countries.
Section 917 of P.L. 110-140, the Renewable Fuels, Consumer Protection, and Energy Efficiency
Act of 2007, contains the original language of the U.S.-Israel Energy Cooperation Act (H.R.
1838). Although it does not appropriate any funds for joint research and development, it does
establish a grant program to support research, development, and commercialization of renewable
energy or energy efficiency. The law also authorizes the Secretary of Energy to provide funds for
the grant program as needed.
Congress appropriates funds for the U.S.-Israeli Energy Cooperation Program in the annual
Energy and Water Development and Related Agencies Appropriations bill. In FY2009, Congress
provided $2 million for the program in P.L. 111-8, the Omnibus Appropriations Act, 2009.84 In
FY2010, Congress provided an additional $2 million in P.L. 111-85, the Energy and Water
Development and Related Agencies Appropriations Act, 2010.
In November 2009, the U.S. Department of Energy and the Israeli Ministry of National
Infrastructures announced that they would each contribute $3.3 million to the BIRD Foundation
80U.S.-Israeli Energy Cooperation
In 2005, Congress began to consider legislation to expand U.S.-Israeli scientific cooperation in
the field of renewable energy. Lawmakers reviewed legislation in the House and the Senate
entitled, “The United States-Israel Energy Cooperation Act.” Various forms of the bill would have
authorized the Department of Energy to establish a joint U.S.-Israeli grant program to fund
research in solar, biomass, and wind energy, among other directives. Section 917 of P.L. 110-140,
the Renewable Fuels, Consumer Protection, and Energy Efficiency Act of 2007, contains the
original language of the U.S.-Israel Energy Cooperation Act (H.R. 1838). Although it did not
appropriate any funds for joint research and development, it did establish a grant program to
support research, development, and commercialization of renewable energy or energy efficiency.
66
Information from the BIRD Foundation website, http://www.birdf.com.
See http://www.bsf.org.il/Gateway4/. Congress helped establish BSF’s endowment with appropriations of $30
million and $20 million in 1972 and 1984 respectively. These grants were matched by Israel for a total endowment of
$100 million. According to the treaty establishing the Foundation, the Foundation shall use the interest, as well as any
funds derived from its activities, for the operations of the Foundation.
8268
See http://www.bard-isus.com/. Congress helped establish BARD’s endowment with appropriations of $40 million
and $15 million in 1979 and 1985 respectively. These grants were matched by the State of Israel for a total endowment
of $110 million. In recent years, Congress has provided funds for BARD in annual Agriculture Appropriations
legislation at approximately $500,000 a year.
8369
The U.S.-Israel Science and Technology Commission (USISTC) was established in 1993 to facilitate cooperative
ventures between high tech industries in boththe two countries. The goal of the program is to “to maximize the contribution of
of technology to economic growth.” While the collaborative work may be somewhat similar to that supported by the
BIRD Foundation, “the Science and Technology Commission assists in the commercialization of new technologies
with longer lead times to market. These projects involve higher risk and require substantial capital commitments.” The
ventures are funded and administered by the U.S.-Israel Science and Technology Foundation. The U.S. and Israeli
governments each committed $15 million to the effort over three years for a total of $30 million.
84
P.L. 111-8 did not specify an amount for the program but adopted the House version of the energy and water
appropriations bill that recommended $2 million to fund the U.S.-Israeli cooperative agreement. The Senate version
had recommended $5 million for FY2009.
81
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U.S. Foreign Aid to Israel
to launch four clean energy projects. The projects include two solar power related technologies, a
“smart grid” technology and a biodiesel project.
In January 2010, the Israeli government injected an additional $55 million into the BIRD, BSF,
and BARD foundations. According to former Israeli Finance Minister Yuval Steinitz, “This is a
significant and important step for strengthening economic and technological ties with the United
States and for capital inflows to Israeli innovation…. We hope that in the wake of this step, we
will find more opportunities for achieving these targets.”
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U.S. Foreign Aid to Israel
The law also authorized the Secretary of Energy to provide funds for the grant program as
needed.
To date, Congress and the Administration have provided a total of $6.3 million for the grant
program, known as BIRD Energy. In FY2009, Congress provided $2 million for the program in
P.L. 111-8, the Omnibus Appropriations Act, 2009.70 In FY2010, Congress provided an additional
$2 million in P.L. 111-85, the Energy and Water Development and Related Agencies
Appropriations Act, 2010. In FY2011, the Department of Energy allocated $300,000 in
discretionary spending for Bird Energy. For FY2012, Congress provided an additional $2 million
in funding. In report language (H.Rept. 112-331) accompanying P.L. 112-74, the Consolidated
Appropriations Act 2012, lawmakers directed the Department of Energy “to only fund activities
within the International Program that directly benefit domestic industry, increase American
energy self-sufficiency, further United States research efforts, or reduce domestic pollution.
Within available funds, the conference agreement includes $2,000,000 for the U.S.-Israel energy
cooperative agreement.”
70
P.L. 111-8 did not specify an amount for the program but adopted the House version of the energy and water
appropriations bill that recommended $2 million to fund the U.S.-Israeli cooperative agreement. The Senate version
had recommended $5 million for FY2009.
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U.S. Foreign Aid to Israel
Appendix A. Historical Background
1948-1970
U.S. government assistance to Israel began in 1949 with a $100 million Export-Import Bank
Loan.8571 For the next two decades, U.S. aid to Israel was modest and was far less than in later
years.8672 Although the United States provided moderate amounts of economic aid (mostly loans),
Israel’s main early patron was France, which provided Israel with advanced military equipment
and technology.8773 In 1962, Israel purchased its first advanced weapons system from the United
States (Hawk antiaircraft missiles).8874 In 1968, a year after Israel’s victory in the Six Day War, the
Johnson Administration, with strong support from Congress, approved the sale of Phantom
aircraft to Israel, establishing the precedent for U.S. support for what later came to be referred to
as Israel’s qualitative military edge over its neighbors.8975
1970-Present
Large-scale U.S. assistance for Israel increased considerably after several consecutive ArabIsraeli wars in the late 1960s and early 1970s created a sense among many Americans that Israel
was continually under siege.9076 Consequently, Congress, supported by broad U.S. public opinion,
committed to strengthening Israel’s military and economy through large increases in foreign aid.
From 1966 through 1970, average aid per year increased to about $102 million and military loans
increased to about 47% of the total. In 1971, the United States provided Israel with military loans
of $545 million, up from $30 million in 1970. Also in 1971, Congress first designated a specific
amount of aid for Israel in legislation (an “earmark”). Economic assistance changed from project
aid, such as support for agricultural development work, to a Commodity Import Program (CIP)
for the purchase of U.S. goods.9177 In effect, the United States stepped in to fill the role that France
had relinquished when French President Charles de Gaulle refused to supply Israel with military
hardware to protest its preemptive launch of the Six Day War in June 1967. Israel became the
largest recipient of U.S. foreign assistance in 1974, and has only been superseded at various times
by Iraq and Afghanistan in the past decade because of short-term U.S. aid aimed at building those
8571
In 1948, President Harry Truman, who sympathized with the plight of Israel in its early days and recognized its
statehood over the objections of some of his top advisors, placed an arms embargo on Israel and her Arab neighbors in
order to keep the United States neutral in the ongoing Arab-Israeli conflict. The Tripartite Declaration of 1950
reaffirmed U.S., British, and French opposition to the development of Arab-Israeli arms races.
8672
From 1949 through 1965, U.S. aid to Israel averaged about $63 million per year, over 95% of which was economic
development assistance and food aid. A modest military loan program began in 1959.
8773
France supplied Israel with military equipment mainly to counter Egypt. In the 1950s and early 1960s, Egypt
antagonized France by providing arms and training for Algeria’s war for independence against France.
8874
“America’s Staunchest Mideast Ally,” Christian Science Monitor, August 21, 2003.
8975
Section 303 of P.L. 90-554, Foreign Assistance Act of 1968, expresses the sense of Congress to see the United States
negotiate the sale of supersonic aircraft to Israel.
9076
Between 1967 and 1973, Israel and its Arab neighbors fought the June 1967 War, the ensuing War of Attrition
(1969), and the October 1973 War. Israel also was engaged in low level guerrilla warfare with the Palestinian
Liberation Organization and other groups, which had bases in Jordan and later in Lebanon. The 1974 emergency aid for
Israel, following the 1973 war, included the first U.S. military grant aid to Israel.
9177
The Commodity Import Program for Israel ended in 1979 and was replaced with direct, largely unconditional cash
transfers.
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U.S. Foreign Aid to Israel
countries’ indigenous security capabilities. From 1971 to the present, U.S. aid to Israel has
averaged over $2.6 billion per year, two-thirds of which has been military assistance.
The 1979 Israeli-Egyptian Peace Treaty
The 1979 Camp David Peace Treatypeace treaty between Israel and Egypt ushered in the current era of U.S.
financial financial
support for peace between Israel and its Arab neighbors. To facilitate a full and formal
cessation cessation
of hostilities and Israel’s return of the Sinai Peninsula to Egypt, the United States
provided a total
of $7.5 billion to both parties in 1979. The “Special International Security
Assistance Act of
1979” (P.L. 96-35) provided military and economic grants to Israel and Egypt
at a ratio of 3:2,
respectively.9278
Emergency Aid
U.S. assistance also has been used to help ease financial pressures on the Israeli treasury during
recession.9379 In 1985, the United States significantly increased U.S. assistance to Israel, with
Congress passing a special economic assistance package of $1.5 billion in order to help the Israeli
economy cope with soaring inflation and economic stagnation.9480 As part of the assistance
agreement, the United States and Israel formed the U.S.-Israel Joint Economic Development
Group (JEDG) to support Israeli economic reforms.9581 In addition, U.S. economic aid was
converted to a cash grant transfer in 1981, and all U.S. military aid to Israel was converted from
loans into grants in 1985.9682
During difficult times for Israel, U.S. aid to Israel has increased. In 1991, Congress provided
Israel $650 million in emergency grants to pay for damage and other costs from Operation Desert
Storm, as well as Patriot missiles to defend against Iraqi Scud missile attacks. After the 1991
collapse of the Soviet Union and the ensuing increase in migration of Russian and other Eastern
bloc Jews to Israel, Congress approved $10 billion in loan guarantees for Israel to help it absorb
immigrants and provide them with adequate social services. Finally, in the aftermath of the 2003
Iraq invasion, Congress passed the FY2003 Emergency Supplemental Appropriations Act (P.L.
108-11), which included $9 billion in loan guarantees over three years for Israel’s economic
recovery and $1 billion in military grants.
9278
This ratio is not found in the text of the 1978 and 1979 Camp David agreementsCamp David Accords and or the 1979 Israel-Egypt treaty. U.S. officials
have not formally
recognized the ratio. Egypt believes that, since it took political risks in making peace with Israel, the
United States
should be even-handed in its assistance policy to the region. The Egyptian government claims that a 3:2
ratio between
Israel and Egypt was established during the negotiations.
9379
Beginning in the mid-1970s, Israel could no longer meet its balance of payments and government deficits with
imported capital (gifts from overseas Jews, West German reparations, regular U.S. aid) and began to rely more on
borrowed capital. Growing debt servicing costs, mounting government social services expenditures, perennial high
defense spending, and a stagnant domestic economy combined with worldwide inflation and declining foreign markets
for Israeli goods to push the Israeli economy into a near crisis situation in the mid-1980s.
9480
See Title I, Chapter V of P.L. 99-88, Economic Support Fund Assistance for Israel, Egypt, and Jordan. In 1985, the
United States and Israel also concluded a Free Trade Agreement, which dramatically boosted Israeli exports to the
United States.
9581
The JEDG meets on an annual basis to discuss financial sector and labor market reforms, trade liberalization, and
privatization. The JEDG also monitors the disbursement of U.S. loan guarantees to Israel.
9682
The 1974 emergency aid for Israel, following the 1973 war, included the first U.S. military grant aid.
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U.S. Foreign Aid to Israel
Using Aid to Support the Peace Process
During the 1990s, the United States provided aid to support the Israeli-Palestinian peace process.
In late 1998, Israel requested $1.2 billion in additional U.S. aid to fund the movement of troops
and military installations out of areas of the West Bank as called for in the October 23, 1998, Wye
Agreement.9783 The Clinton Administration requested $1.2 billion in military aid for Israel to
implement the Wye Agreementthis amount for Israel despite the fact that itsthe
Wye Agreement’s implementation had stalled. President
Clinton vetoed H.R. 2606, the FY2000
foreign operations appropriations bill, in part because it
did not include the Wye funding. On
November 29, 1999, the President signed the consolidated
appropriations bill, H.R. 3194 (P.L.
106-113), which included in Division B passage of H.R.
3422, the Foreign Operations
Appropriations bill. Title VI of H.R. 3422 included the $1.2 billion
Wye funding for Israel.
9783
The full text of the 1998 Wye River Memorandum, a U.S.-brokered Israeli-Palestinian security agreement, is
available at http://www.mfa.gov.il/NR/exeres/EE54A289-8F0A-4CDC-93C9-71BD631109AB.htm.
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U.S. Foreign Aid to Israel
Appendix B. Bilateral Aid to Israel
Table B-1 shows cumulative U.S. aid to Israel for FY1949 through FY1996, and U.S. aid to
Israel for each fiscal year since. Detail for the years 1949-1996 is shown in Table B-2 and Table
B-3.
Table B-1. Recent U.S. Bilateral Aid to Israel
(millions of dollars)
Year
Total
Military
Grant
Economic
Grant
Immig.
Grant
ASHA
All other
1949-199619491996
68,030.9
29,014.9
23,122.4
868.9
121.4
14,903.3
1997
3,132.1
1,800.0
1,200.0
80.0
2.1
50.0
1998
3,080.0
1,800.0
1,200.0
80.0
—
—
1999
3,010.0
1,860.0
1,080.0
70.0
—
—
2000
4,131.85
3,120.0
949.1
60.0
2.75
—
2001
2,876.05
1,975.6
838.2
60.0
2.25
—
2002
2,850.65
2,040.0
720.0
60.0
2.65
28.0
2003
3,745.15
3,086.4
596.1
59.6
3.05
—
2004
2,687.25
2,147.3
477.2
49.7
3.15
2005
2,612.15
2,202.2
357.0
50.0
2.95
2006
2,534.5
2,257.0
237.0
40.0
2007
2,503.15
2,340.0
120.0
40.0
2.95
0.2
2008
2,423.9
2,380.0
0
40.0
3.90
0
2009
2,583.9
2,550.0
0
30.0
3.90
0
2010
2,803.8
2,775.0
0
25.0
3.80
0
2011
3,029.22
3,0000.0
0
25.0
4.225
0
2012
3,095098.0
3,075.0
0
20.0
—
0
2013
Request
3,115.0
3,100.0
0
15.0
—
0
Year
Total
115,129.57
67,423.4
30,897.0
1,658.2
—
1593.00
0
3,100.0
0
15.0
—
0
3,100.0
0
15.0
—
0
2013
2014
Request
Total
3,115.0 (Before
Sequestration)
3,115.0
118,247.57
70,523.4
30,897.0
1,673.2
—
162.075
9.9
—
0.5
14,991.9
Notes: ESF was earmarked for $960 million for FY2000 but was reduced to meet a 0.38% recisionrescission. FY2000
military grants include $1.2 billion for the Wye agreement and $1.92 billion in annual military aid. Final amounts
for FY2003 are reduced by 0.65% mandated recisionrescission, and final amounts for FY2004 are reduced by 0.59%.
The $600 million in housing loan guarantees, $5.5 billion in military debt reduction loan guarantees, $9.2 billion in
Soviet Jew resettlement loan guarantees, and $9 billion in economic recovery loan guarantees are not included in
the tables because the United States government did not transfer funds to Israel. The United States underwrote
loans to Israel from commercial institutions.
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U.S. Foreign Aid to Israel
Table B-2. U.S. Assistance to Israel, FY1949-FY1996
(millions of dollars)
Year
Military
Loan
Total
Military
Grant
Economic
Loan
Economic
Grant
FFP Loan
FFP
Grant
1949
100.0
-
-
-
-
-
-
1950
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
1951
35.1
-
-
-
0.1
-
-
1952
86.4
-
-
-
63.7
-
22.7
1953
73.6
-
-
-
73.6
-
a
1954
74.7
-
-
-
54.0
-
20.7
1955
52.7
-
-
20.0
21.5
10.8
0.4
1956
50.8
-
-
10.0
14.0
25.2
1.6
1957
40.9
-
-
10.0
16.8
11.8
2.3
1958
85.4
-
-
15.0
9.0
34.9
2.3
1959
53.3
0.4
-
10.0
9.2
29.0
1.7
1960
56.2
0.5
-
15.0
8.9
26.8
4.5
1961
77.9
a
-
16.0
8.5
13.8
9.8
1962
93.4
13.2
-
45.0
0.4
18.5
6.8
1963
87.9
13.3
-
45.0
-
12.4
6.0
1964
37.0
-
-
20.0
-
12.2
4.8
1965
65.1
12.9
-
20.0
-
23.9
4.9
1966
126.8
90.0
-
10.0
-
25.9
0.9
1967
23.7
7.0
-
5.5
-
-
0.6
1968
106.5
25.0
-
-
-
51.3
0.5
1969
160.3
85.0
-
-
-
36.1
0.6
1970
93.6
30.0
-
-
-
40.7
0.4
1971
634.3
545.0
-
-
-
55.5
0.3
1972
430.9
300.0
-
-
50.0
53.8
0.4
1973
492.8
307.5
-
-
50.0
59.4
0.4
1974
2,621.3
982.7
1,500.0
-
50.0
-
1.5
1975
778.0
200.0
100.0
-
344.5
8.6
-
1976
2,337.7
750.0
750.0
225.0
475.0
14.4
a
292.5
100.0
100.0
25.0
50.0
3.6
-
1977
1,762.5
500.0
500.0
245.0
490.0
7.0
-
1978
1,822.6
500.0
500.0
260.0
525.0
6.8
-
1979
4,888.0
2,700.0
1,300.0
260.0
525.0
5.1
-
1980
2,121.0
500.0
500.0
260.0
525.0
1.0
-
1981
2,413.4
900.0
500.0
-
764.0
-
-
1982
2,250.5
850.0
550.0
-
806.0
-
-
TQ
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U.S. Foreign Aid to Israel
Year
Total
Military
Loan
Military
Grant
Economic
Loan
Economic
Grant
FFP Loan
FFP
Grant
1983
2,505.6
950.0
750.0
-
785.0
-
-
1984
2,631.6
850.0
850.0
-
910.0
-
-
1985
3,376.7
-
1,400.0
-
1,950.0
-
1986
3,663.5
-
1,722.6
-
1,898.4
-
-
1987
3,040.2
-
1,800.0
-
1,200.0
-
-
1988
3,043.4
-
1,800.0
-
1,200.0
-
-
1989
3,045.6
-
1,800.0
-
1,200.0
-
-
1990
3,034.9
-
1,792.3
-
1,194.8
-
-
1991
3,712.3
-
1,800.0
-
1,850.0
-
-
1992
3,100.0
-
1,800.0
-
1,200.0
-
-
1993
3,103.4
-
1,800.0
-
1,200.0
-
-
1994
3,097.2
-
1,800.0
-
1,200.0
-
-
1995
3,102.4
-
1,800.0
-
1,200.0
-
-
1996
3,144.0
-
1,800.0
-
1,200.0
-
-
Total
68,030.9
588.5
94.1
11,212.5
29,014.9
1,516.5
23,122.4
Notes: a = less than $50,000
- = None
NA = Not Available
TQ = Transition Quarter, when the U.S. fiscal year changed from June to September.
FFP = Food for Peace
Cooperative Development Grant: Three programs are in the cooperative development category: Middle East
Regional Cooperation (MERC) intended for projects that foster economic growth and economic cooperation
between Israel and its neighbors; Cooperative Development Program (CDP); and the Cooperative Development
Research (CDR), both of which fund Israel’s foreign aid program. Israel received about one half of the $94
million MERC, and all of the $53 million CDP and $39 million CDR.
“Other Loan” is a CCC loan. “Other Grants” are $20 million in 1975 for a seawater desalting plant and $50
million in 1996 for anti-terrorism.
Definition of Aid: Under the category of foreign aid, some people include other funds transferred to Israel, such
as the $180 million for research and development of the Arrow missile, or the $7.9 billion in loan guarantees
Congressional Research Service
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U.S. Foreign Aid to Israel
Table B-3. U.S. Assistance to Israel, FY1949-FY1996
(millions of dollars)
Year
Ex-Im. Bank
Loan
Jewish Refug.
Resettle Grant
Amer. Schools &
Hosp. Grant
Other
Loan
Coop. Devel.
Grant
Other
Grant
1949
100.0
-
-
-
-
-
1950
-
-
-
-
-
-
1951
35.0
-
-
-
-
-
1952
-
-
-
-
-
-
1953
-
-
-
-
-
-
1954
-
-
-
-
-
-
1955
-
-
-
-
-
-
Congressional Research Service
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U.S. Foreign Aid to Israel
Year
Ex-Im. Bank
Loan
Jewish Refug.
Resettle Grant
Amer. Schools &
Hosp. Grant
Other
Loan
Coop. Devel.
Grant
Other
Grant
1956
-
-
-
-
-
-
1957
-
-
-
-
-
-
1958
24.2
-
-
-
-
-
1959
3.0
-
-
-
-
-
1960
0.5
-
-
-
-
-
1961
29.8
-
-
-
-
-
1962
9.5
-
-
-
-
-
1963
11.2
-
-
-
-
-
1964
-
-
-
-
-
-
1965
3.4
-
-
-
-
-
1966
-
-
-
-
-
-
1967
9.6
-
1.0
-
-
-
1968
23.7
-
6.0
-
-
-
1969
38.6
-
-
-
-
-
1970
10.0
-
12.5
-
-
-
1971
31.0
-
2.5
-
-
-
1972
21.1
-
5.6
-
-
-
1973
21.1
50.0
4.4
-
-
-
1974
47.3
36.5
3.3
-
-
-
1975
62.4
40.0
2.5
-
-
20.0
1976
104.7
15.0
3.6
-
-
-
TQ
12.6
-
1.3
-
-
-
1977
0.9
15.0
4.6
-
-
-
1978
5.4
20.0
5.4
-
-
-
1979
68.7
25.0
4.2
-
-
-
1980
305.9
25.0
4.1
-
-
-
1981
217.4
25.0
2.0
-
5.0
-
1982
6.5
12.5
3.0
17.5
5.0
-
Congressional Research Service
29
U.S. Foreign Aid to Israel
Year
Ex-Im. Bank
Loan
Jewish Refug.
Resettle Grant
Amer. Schools &
Hosp. Grant
Other
Loan
Coop. Devel.
Grant
Other
Grant
1983
-
12.5
3.1
-
5.0
-
1984
-
12.5
4.1
-
5.0
-
1985
-
15.0
4.7
-
7.0
-
1986
15.0
12.0
5.5
-
10.0
-
1987
-
25.0
5.2
-
10.0
-
1988
-
25.0
4.9
-
13.5
-
1989
-
28.0
6.9
-
10.7
-
1990
-
29.9
3.5
-
14.4
-
Congressional Research Service
33
U.S. Foreign Aid to Israel
Year
Ex-Im. Bank
Loan
Jewish Refug.
Resettle Grant
Amer. Schools &
Hosp. Grant
Other
Loan
Coop. Devel.
Grant
Other
Grant
1991
-
45.0
2.6
-
14.7
-
1992
-
80.0
3.5
-
16.5
-
1993
-
80.0
2.5
-
20.9
-
1994
-
80.0
2.7
-
14.5
-
1995
-
80.0
2.9
-
19.5
-
1996
-
80.0
3.3
-
14.0
50.0
868.9
121.4
17.5
185.7
70.0
Total
1218.5
Notes: a = less than $50,000
- = None
NA = Not Available
TQ = Transition Quarter, when the U.S. fiscal year changed from June to September.
FFP = Food for Peace
Cooperative Development Grant: Three programs are in the cooperative development category: Middle East
Regional Cooperation (MERC) intended for projects that foster economic growth and economic cooperation
between Israel and its neighbors; Cooperative Development Program (CDP); and the Cooperative Development
Research (CDR), both of which fund Israel’s foreign aid program. Israel received about one half of the $94
million MERC, and all of the $53 million CDP and $39 million CDR.
“Other Loan” is a CCC loan. “Other Grants” are $20 million in 1975 for a seawater desalting plant and $50
million in 1996 for anti-terrorism.
Definition of Aid: Under the category of foreign aid, some people include other funds transferred to Israel, such
as the $180 million for research and development of the Arrow missile, or the $7.9 billion in loan guarantees for
housing or settling Soviet Jews in Israel. None of these funds is included in this table.
Author Contact Information
Jeremy M. Sharp
Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs
jsharp@crs.loc.gov, 7-8687
Congressional Research Service
3430