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Who Earns Pass-Through Business Income? An Analysis of Individual Tax Return Data

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Who Earns Pass-Through Business Income? An Analysis of Individual Tax Return Data


Summary

Pass-through businesses—sole proprietorships, partnerships, and S corporations—generate more than half of all business income in the United States. Pass-through income is, in general, taxed only once at the individual income tax rates when it is distributed to its owners. In contrast, the income of C corporations is taxed twice; once at the corporate level according to corporate tax rates, and then a second time at the individual tax rates when shareholders receive dividend payments or realize capital gains. This leads to the so-called "double taxation" of corporate profits.

This report analyzes individual tax return data to determine who earns pass-through business income and bears the burden of taxes on that income. The analysis finds that in 2011 over 82% of net pass-through income iswas earned by taxpayersindividuals with an adjusted gross income (AGI) over $100,000, although these taxpayers accountaccounted for just 23% of returns filedindividual returns with pass-through income. A significant fraction of pass-through income is concentrated among upper-income earners. Taxpayers with an AGI over $250,000, for example, receivereceived 62% of pass-through income, but accountaccounted for just over 6% of returns with pass-through income. A closer look at S corporations and partnerships shows passive income accounts for 10% and 25%, respectively, of their total income. This analysis, when combined with research on the corporate tax burden, suggests that higher-income taxpayers will generally bear most of the burden from increased pass-through taxes.

A number of proposed and scheduled tax changes would result in pass-throughs paying higher taxes. Several lawmakers and the Obama Administration, for example, have expressed interest in taxing large pass-throughs as corporations, which would subject some pass-throughs to an additional layer of taxation. Pass-through taxation could also increase if a tax reform that includes lower corporate tax rates that are paid for by the elimination or reduction of certain business tax benefits is enacted. Additionally, the scheduled expiration of the 2001/2003 tax cuts at the end of this year could increase taxes on pass-throughs by increasing individual tax rates. Lastly, a new 3.8% tax on passive income that was enacted as part of the Health Care and Education Reconciliation Act of 2010 (HCERA, P.L. 111-152) is set to take effect in 2013. The tax may apply to some pass-throughs.

While the analysis of these proposed and scheduled changes suggests that higher-income taxpayers will generally bear most of the burden from increased pass-through taxes, there are circumstances that could raise congressional concern. For example, an across-the-board expiration of the 2001/2003 individual tax rates will increase taxes for all pass-through owners. One option for preventing the tax burden from increasing for lower and middle class business owners is to allow the reduced rates to expire only for higher-income earners.

Concern has also risen over the new 3.8% tax on passive income and its effect on pass-throughs. The distributional analysis in this report shows, however, most S corporation and partnership income is the active type, and active business income is exempt from the 3.8% tax. The share of income that is passive, and potentially subject to the new tax, overwhelmingly accrues to higher-income taxpayers—77% of passive partnership income and 93% of passive S corporation income went to taxpayers with AGI over $250,000. Sole proprietors could generally be expected to be exempt from the tax since most of their income is likely active.


Who Earns Pass-Through Business Income? An Analysis of Individual Tax Return Data

More than half of business income is generated by sole proprietorships, partnerships, and S corporations.1 This fact is important because the income of these businesses is, in general, taxed only once at the individual income tax rates when it is distributed to its owners. This has led sole proprietorships, partnerships, and S corporations to be referred to as "pass-throughs" since their income "passes through" the business to its owners.2 In contrast, the income of C corporations is taxed twice; once at the corporate level according to corporate tax rates, and then a second time at the individual tax rates when shareholders receive dividend payments or realize capital gains. This leads to the so-called "double taxation" of corporate profits.3

A number of proposed and scheduled tax changes could result in pass-throughs paying higher taxes. Several lawmakers and the Obama Administration, for example, have expressed interest in taxing large pass-throughs as corporations, which would subject some of these entities to an additional layer of taxation. Pass-through taxation could also increase if one of the proposed tax reform plans that call for lower corporate tax rates paid for by the elimination or reduction of certain business tax benefits is enacted. Additionally, the scheduled expiration of the 2001/2003 tax cuts at the end of this year could increase taxes on pass-throughs. Lastly, a new 3.8% "unearned income Medicare contribution" tax that is set to take effect in 2013 may apply to some pass-throughs.

This report uses a nationally representative sample of tax returns to analyze who earns pass-through income.4 The analysis finds that upper-income earners account for the majority of pass-through income earned, although lower- and middle-income taxpayers account for the majority of pass-through returns filed. The analysis then determines who would bear the burden of increased taxes on pass-throughs. Theoretically, it is possible that higher-income pass-through owners could shift the burden of increased taxes to lower- and middle-income employees by reducing wages or employment. The analysis on who earns pass-through income, when combined with research on the corporate tax burden, however, suggests that most of the tax burden would fall on higher-income taxpayers. A more detailed discussion of the proposed and scheduled tax changes is presented before moving on to the analysis.

Proposed and Scheduled Tax Changes

A number of recent proposals could increase taxes for pass-throughs. In early 2011, Senate Finance Committee Chairman Max Baucus suggested, for example, that pass-throughs earning above a certain income might have to be taxed as corporations.5 That same year, while testifying before the Senate Finance Committee, Treasury Secretary Tim Geithner said "Congress has to revisit this basic question about whether it makes sense for us as a country to allow certain businesses to choose whether they're treated as corporations for tax purposes or not."6 The Treasury Secretary's comments seemed to indicate his concern about large pass-throughs that were paying lower taxes by intentionally choosing not to be taxed as a corporation. The Secretary's comments also appear to resonate with reports that the Administration is developing a proposal to tax large pass-throughs as corporations, as well as consistent with a broad proposal made by the President's Economic Recovery Advisory Board to tax pass-throughs with corporate characteristics as corporations.7

Recent proposals by lawmakers and the Administration to reform the corporate tax code have called for lower corporate tax rates paid for by the elimination or reduction of certain corporate tax benefits, which could affect pass-throughs.8 Pass-throughs would generally not benefit from a reduction in corporate tax rates, since their income is not subject to the corporate tax. Additionally, depending on how corporate tax benefits are scaled back to offset a rate reduction, pass-throughs could see their tax burden increase. The reason is that not all "corporate" tax benefits are exclusively available to corporations. Often they are available to business more generally.9

Scheduled tax changes that could potentially affect pass-throughs include the expiration of the 2001/2003 tax cuts, later extended in 2010, that is set to occur at the end of 2012. Specifically, barring congressional action, the current individual tax rate structure of 10%, 15% 25%, 28%, 33%, and 35% will revert to 15%, 28%, 31%, 36%, and 39.6%. Since ordinary pass-through income is taxed according to individual rates, some owners of pass-through businesses would likely experience an increase in taxes owed.10 A number of pass-through business owners who realize capital gains, including hedge fund managers who realize carried interest income, could also see taxes increase if the reduced rates for long-term capital gains are also allowed to expire.11

The other scheduled tax change that may affect pass-throughs is a new 3.8% "unearned income Medicare contribution" tax set to take effect in 2013.12 Specifically, the Health Care and Education Reconciliation Act of 2010 (HCERA, P.L. 111-152) included a 3.8% tax on the passive income of those with incomes over $250,000 (couples) and $200,000 (singles). The tax is limited to the excess of income over these amounts or total passive income, whichever is smaller. Active business income is excluded from the tax. There is concern in the business community that this tax may negatively affect pass-through business owners who earn passive business income.13

Who Earns Pass-Through Business Income?

Approximately 27 million (or one in five) taxpayers reported pass-through business income (or loss) totaling more than $704 billion in 2006. Among those earning pass-through income, the average amount reported was $26,011. These figures exclude capital gains income from pass-throughs and farming income. This section analyzes the distribution of pass-through income by a measure of taxpayer income that is used for tax purposes—Individuals with an AGI in excess of $1 million earned about 32% of pass-through income, while filing roughly 1% of all returns with pass-through income

The findings change slightly when the data for each organizational type are analyzed separately. Nearly half of sole proprietorship income was earned by individuals with an AGI of $100,000 or less. Taxpayers with an AGI between $100,000 and $500,000 earned 39% of sole proprietor income. Individuals with an AGI in excess of $1 million earned 6% of sole proprietor income. Partnership net income was more concentrated among upper-income individuals with nearly all of it accruing to taxpayers with AGI in excess of $100,000, including nearly 48% accruing to those with an AGI over $1 million. Nearly all of S corporation income was also earned by taxpayers with an AGI over $100,000, but a greater share of S corporation income than partnership income was earned by those with an AGI over $1 million—about 52%.

Who earns pass-through income may have important implications for tax reform. Recent tax reform discussions have included taxing pass-through income at a lower rate than the current rate. While lowering the tax burden on pass-through income could potentially stimulate the economy, particularly in the short-run, it could also reduce the progressivity of the tax code given the share of pass-through income that is attributable to the upper end of the income distribution. Tax reform could also result in pass-through income being taxed at lower rates than labor income. This could lead some taxpayers to characterize labor income as business income to minimize taxes. Additionally, a tax rate reduction on pass-through (or corporate) income does little to simplify the tax treatment of businesses. The majority of the complexity in the tax system is the result of special tax incentives such as exclusions, credits, and deductions, formally known as "tax expenditures." Finally, reducing taxes on pass-through businesses could have important budgetary and revenue impacts.

More than half of business income is generated by sole proprietorships, partnerships, and S corporations.1 Businesses that choose one of these organizational forms are often referred to as "pass-throughs" because the income they earn passes through the company to its owners without triggering a business-level tax. Pass-through owners then pay taxes on their share of the business's income according to the individual income tax rates. In contrast, the income of C corporations is taxed once at the corporate level according to the corporate tax system, and then a second time at the individual-shareholder level.

The fact that pass-throughs are responsible for more than half of business income is important because recent tax reform discussions have included the possibility of lowering the tax burden on these businesses. Proponents suggest that lowering taxes on pass-throughs may increase investment, output, and employment. On the other hand, lower taxes on pass-throughs could have important consequences on the income distribution and progressivity of the tax system, incentives to characterize labor income as business income, and federal tax revenues.

This report uses a nationally representative sample of individual tax returns to analyze who earns pass-through income.2 The report begins with examining who earns pass-through income generally. The analysis then summarizes the distribution of pass-through income for each type of organization. Recent tax reform proposals are then presented, followed by a review of several considerations that Congress may find useful as it continues to debate tax reform.

Who Earns Pass-Through Business Income? Approximately 28.7 million (or one in five) taxpayers reported pass-through business income (or loss) totaling more than $687 billion in 2011.3 Among those earning pass-through income, the average amount reported was $26,011. These figures exclude capital gains income from pass-throughs and farming income. This section analyzes the distribution of pass-through income by adjusted gross income (AGI). When useful and possible, the analysis also distinguishes between sole proprietorship, partnership, and S corporation income, as well as active and passive income.

Figure 1 shows the distribution of pass-through income by several AGI groupsAGI class. A more detailed distribution, along with the distribution of tax returns reporting pass-through income, may be found in Table A-1 of the Appendix. Taxpayers with incomean AGI of $100,000 or greater earned 8284% of pass-through income, while accounting for roughly 23% of returns reporting pass-through income. Conversely, taxpayers with AGI less than $100,000 earned about 1816% of pass-through income, but accounted for 77% of returns with pass-through income. A significant proportion of pass-through income was concentrated among upper-income earners. Taxpayers with an AGI over $250,000, for example, received 6263% of pass-through income, but accounted for just over 6% of returns reporting such income. MillionairesThose with an AGI in excess of $1 million earned about 3532% of pass-through income, while filing roughly 1% of all returns withreporting pass-through income.

Figure 1. Distribution of Net Pass-Through Income by AGI, 2006

2011

Source: CRS analysis of 20062011 IRS Statistics of Income Public Use Files.

Table 1 displays the distribution of pass-through income by business type. The distribution shows that sole proprietorship income was more evenly distributed across income groups than partnership and S corporation income. Partnership net income was more concentrated among upper income individuals with nearly all of it accruing to taxpayers with AGI in excess of $100,000, including nearly 4448% accruing to those with AGI over $1 million. Nearly all of S corporation income was also earned by taxpayers with an AGI over $100,000, but a greater share of S corporation income than partnership income was earned by those with an AGI over $1 million—about 52S corporation income was also concentrated at the upper-end of the distribution, although more so than partnership income. For example, while nearly all of S corporation income accrued to taxpayers with income over $100,000, a greater share went to those with AGI over $1 million than with partnership income—about 58%.

Table 1 also shows a concentration of net losses for partnerships and S corporations at the lower end of the income distribution. Pass-through income and losses are one component of AGI. Thus, if a taxpayer relies primarily on a partnership or S corporation for income, and the business realizes losses, the taxpayer's AGI will likely be negative. There are several scenarios which could explain the losses. A portion of these losses may be due to start-up businessbusinesses that are experiencing losses. It is also possible that a portion of these losses are due to failing businesses, both new and old. Lastly, some of the losses may be attributable to temporary business disruptions experienced at particular firms. Without more detailed data on the businesses associated with these losses, however, its difficult to know for certain. The individual data do show that for most taxpayers at this end of the distribution, partnership and S corporation losses were larger than non pass-through income, indicating that these taxpayers were relying primarily on pass-through income.

it is difficult to know for certain.

Table 1. Distribution of Net Pass-Through Income by Business Type and AGI, 2006

2011

Adjusted Gross Income

Sole Proprietorships

Partnerships

S Corporations

< $10k

2.1265%

-11.3016.50%

-5.848.95%

$10k to $20k

8.8812.35%

-0.170.19%

-0.080.14%

$20k to $30k

6.7212%

0.5440%

0.0701%

$30k to $40k

4.8409%

1.140.34%

0.3351%

$40k to $50k

4.985.15%

0.7418%

0.4572%

$50k to $75k

10.629.42%

2.311.52%

1.942.46%

$75 to $100k

9.278.94%

2.7604%

2.723.41%

$100k to $250k

26.6525.44%

15.6217.20%

13.9517.51%

$250k to $500k

11.7413.71%

20.4523.57%

13.8315.80%

$500k to $1 million

5.576.10%

23.7293%

14.2516.29%

> $1 million

8.606.01%

43.8447.50%

58.3752.11%

Total

100%

100%

100%

 

 

 

 

Highest Earners

 

 

 

$1 million - $2 million

2.7095%

16.4018.68%

14.7753%

$2 million - $5 million

4.531.89%

14.2471%

15.9598%

$5 million - $10 million

0.5272%

5.646.33%

8.869.45%

> $10 million

0.8644%

7.5678%

18.7912.15%

Total

8.626.01%

43.8447.50%

58.3752.11%

Source: CRS analysis of 20062011 IRS Statistics of Income Public Use Files.

Partnership and S corporation income can be separated into active and passive income. The distinction between the two can be important because passive activity lossesloss rules generally prevent passive losses from offsetting active income. Additionally, active income is exempt from the 3.8% net investment tax that was enacted as part of health care reform, but not imposed until the 2013 tax year.4 Active income is income resulting from active participation in a business, whereas passive income is income from a business thatin which the taxpayer did not materially participate in. A business partner involved in the day to day management and operations of the business, for example, would earn active income, while a silent partner who has no involvement in the business outside of possibly financial commitments would earn passive income. Sole proprietorship income is not distinguished in the data used in this analysis. Most sole proprietors, however, will be actively involved in their business (since they are sole owner) suggesting that the overwhelming majority of sole proprietor income is active.

Figure 2. Distribution of Active and Passive Income by Business Type, 2006

2011

Source: CRS analysis of 20062011 IRS Statistics of Income Public Use Files.

Note: The passive income measure used here does not include capital gains. The data do not allow for corporate and non -corporate capital gains to be separated. Aggregate data show that capital gains are a significant income source for pass-through owners, which indicates the distributions presented could change non trivially if they could be included.

Figure 2 displays the distribution of active and passive income for partnerships and S corporations. As Figure 2 shows, passiveActive income accounts for 10% of total S corporation income, and 25% of partnership76% of partnership income and 90% of S corporation income. Conversely, 90% of S corporation24% of partnership income and 75% of partnership10% of S corporation income is activepassive. A significant share of passive income from either business type is concentrated among higher income individuals (see Table A-2 in the Appendix).

Who Would Bear the Tax Burden?

The analysis above found that the majority of pass-through income accrues to higher income earners. The income these individuals receive is the result of an ownership stake in either a sole proprietorship, partnership, or S corporation. But there are other taxpayers, namely the employees at these firms, who receive income from pass-throughs as well. If taxes are increased on pass-throughs, it is possible that pass-through owners could lower wages, scale back benefits, or reduce employment in an effort to reduce the burden of the tax increase on themselves. Thus, although the majority of pass-through income is concentrated at the upper-end of the income distribution, the tax burden could be shared with lower- and middle-income taxpayers who work at these businesses.

Research on who bears the corporate tax burden can be utilized to understand who would bear the burden of increased pass-through taxation generally—owners (capital), or workers (labor).14 The traditional analysis of the corporate tax indicates that it is capital that bears the burden. In contrast, a number of more recent theoretical studies find labor bearing the majority of the corporate tax burden. These results, however, appear to rely critically on particular assumptions (e.g., an open economy with highly mobile capital) which drive the results. When these assumptions are relaxed the burden of the corporate tax is found to fall mostly on capital, in line with the traditional analysis.15

There has also been a resurgent empirical interest in determining the incidence of the corporate tax. A number of recent empirical studies have found that majority of the corporate tax burden falls on labor. These studies are reviewed and critiqued in CRS Report RL34229, Corporate Tax Reform: Issues for Congress, by [author name scrubbed] and [author name scrubbed], who find the research is seriously flawed, produces unreasonable estimates, is not robust (sensitive to specification changes), or is inconsistent with theory. Given the unreliability of recent empirical research, and the consistency of traditional theoretical models, Gravelle and Hungerford conclude that it "appears that most of the burden of the corporate tax falls on capital." 16 Thus, combining the corporate tax burden research with the analysis of who earns pass-through income, it seems likely that an increased pass-through tax burden would fall mostly on higher-income taxpayers.

Policy Concerns and Options

There are several potential concerns that Congress may want to consider regarding increased taxes on pass-throughs. In some cases there may be options for alleviating these concerns. In other cases it appears that the concerns may not be validated by the data. The following discusses several circumstances that commonly elicit policy concerns.

While it appears as a general rule of thumb that higher-income business owners would bear most of the burden from increased pass-through taxation, there still may be concern about lower- and middle-income pass-through owners. For example, an across-the-board expiration of the 2001/2003 individual tax rates will increase taxes for all pass-through owners. One option for preventing the tax burden from increasing for lower and middle class business owners is to allow the reduced rates to expire only for higher-income earners. Estimates suggest a small share (3% or so) of businesses would be affected if the top individual rates were to expire.17

Similarly, there could be concern over the effect on lower and middle income pass-through owners from tax reform plans that call for lower corporate tax rates to be paid for by the elimination or reduction of certain "corporate" tax benefits. Scaling back corporate tax benefits, however, could raise taxes for pass-throughs since a number of corporate tax benefits are actually available to businesses more generally. An option for preventing the reduction of business tax benefits from impacting these businesses is to allow them to continue to claim the benefits. Additionally, a number of the benefits that have been considered as offsets could be reduced or eliminated without affecting smaller pass-throughs since they generally benefit corporations—including provisions related to overseas operations and fossil fuels.18

Lastly, there is concern that the new 3.8% unearned income Medicare contribution tax may negatively affect many small businesses.19 As the distributional analysis showed, however, most S corporation and partnership income is the active type, and active business income is exempt from the 3.8% tax. The share of income that is passive, and potentially subject to the new tax, overwhelmingly accrues to higher income taxpayers—77% of passive partnership income and 93% of passive S corporation income accrued to taxpayers with AGI over $250,000. Passive income earned by those with AGI of less than $200,000 (single) or $250,000 (married) would not be taxed since these taxpayers' income is not high enough to trigger the tax. Sole proprietors could generally be expected to be exempt from the tax since most of their income is likely active.

It should be noted that there is one particular limitation of the data when it comes to analyzing the 3.8% tax on unearned income. The data do not allow for pass-through capital gains to be distinguished from corporate capital gains. Capital gains are considered passive income for purposes of the 3.8% tax and could be a significant income source for some pass-through owners, particularly for hedge fund managers who receive carried interest. Thus, although most ordinary pass-through income is active, pass-through owners do receive other income which is passive. Still, it is likely that if capital gains could be isolated, the distribution of capital gains would be even more concentrated among higher-income taxpayers since investment income is generally concentrated among this group. In this case, the burden of the 3.8% tax would, like pass-through taxes more generally, fall on higher-income taxpayers.

Conclusion

This report analyzed individual tax return data to determine who earns pass-through business income. It determined that most pass-through income is earned by higher-income individuals, although most returns reporting pass-through income are filed by lower- and middle-income individuals. The report then analyzed who would bear the burden from increased taxes on pass-through income as a result of several proposed and scheduled tax changes. Given the distribution of pass-through income, and applying research about the incidence of the corporate tax, it seems likely that in general an increase in pass-through taxes would fall mostly on higher-income taxpayers. In circumstances where there is concern that this may not be true, the report identifies options to prevent lower and middle class pass-through owners from experiencing an increase in taxes.

Appendix. Detailed Distributions

Table A-1. Distribution of Tax Returns and Pass-Through Income by Adjusted Gross Income, 2006

in the Appendix). Tax Reform Considerations

Recent tax reform discussions have included lowering the tax rates and tax burden on pass-through income. Most recently, the majority party leaders of the House and Senate, along with the Trump Administration, issued the "Unified Framework for Fixing Our Broken Tax Code" on September 27, 2017, which proposes limiting the maximum tax rate on pass-through income to 25%. The House Republican Conference's "Better Way" tax reform blueprint, released on June 24, 2016, also proposes limiting the tax rate to 25%, but indicates that the lower rate will only apply to active pass-through income. Both proposals also include other changes that could potentially affect pass-throughs, such as the tax treatment of depreciable assets and business interest, as well as the restriction or repeal of other business deductions and credits. Because there is a great deal of uncertainty over exactly how these other changes may be implemented, the considerations presented below are reviewed within the context of reducing the tax rates and the general tax burden on pass-through income.

Economic Implications

Attention thus far appears to be primarily focused on the effect reducing taxes on pass-through income could have on the economy's performance, both in the short-run and long-run, the progressivity of the tax system, and small businesses. However, tax experts have also pointed out that the rate reduction could change the incentive for individuals to characterize labor income as business income. Additionally, there is the longer standing question of why the tax code treats businesses differently based on whether they are organized as a pass-through or C corporation, and what effect that has on the complexity of the tax system. This section discusses each of these issues in turn.

Lowering the maximum statutory tax rate on pass-through income would likely stimulate investment in the short-run. The rate reduction, however, may not stimulate as much new investment as other changes that have been discussed as part of tax reform. For example, both the Unified Framework and the Better Way propose allowing businesses to expense new investments.5 Expensing may be more stimulative, or at least better targeted, than a rate reduction since expensing would benefit new investments relatively more than rate reductions. A rate reduction would benefit all pass-through income and thus provide a windfall gain for old investments.

The longer-run effect on the economy from a rate reduction is less clear. This is particularly true if deficits are predicted to increase. Increased deficits may lead to higher future interest rates as the government competes with the private sector for financing. Additionally, policymakers in the future may grow concerned over the sustainability of deficits and raise taxes in response. A rise in interest rates or taxes could curtail or offset any positive effect from a tax rate reduction for pass-throughs or tax reform more generally. Still, without more details about the overall reform, it is difficult to determine more precisely what the impact would be in the short-run or the long-run from any changes. 6

While lowering the tax burden on pass-through income could potentially stimulate the economy, particularly in the short-run, it may also reduce the progressivity of the tax code. As previously stated, 62% of pass-through income was earned by taxpayers with an AGI over $250,000, and 32% was earned by individuals with an AGI in excess of $1 million. The distributions of partnership and S corporation income were more heavily skewed to the upper end of the income distribution. As a result, the benefit from lowering taxes on pass-through income is likely to accrue predominately to upper-income individuals. This would cause the tax system to become less progressive, all else equal.

Reducing the tax burden on pass-throughs seems to be partly driven by the assumption that pass-throughs and small business are synonymous. The data show that this is not the case; the majority of all businesses are small.7 For example, in 2011, more than 99% of both pass-throughs and C corporations had less than 500 employees, which is the most common employment-based threshold used by the Small Business Administration. Additionally, large firms are responsible for a non-trivial share of pass-through employment. About 24% of employees at pass-throughs worked at firms with more than 500 employees in 2011, which is more than the share who were employed at firms with 10 or fewer employees. If the goal of a particular tax policy is to assist small businesses, then basing the policy on a measure of firm size rather than legal form of organization may enhance its effectiveness.

Tax professionals have expressed concern that lowering the tax rate on pass-through business income may encourage some individuals to recharacterize the nature of their income to reduce their taxes. The Unified Framework and the Better Way both propose a maximum tax rate of 25% on pass-through business income. However, the Unified Framework would tax labor income at a maximum rate of at least 35%, and the Better Way would tax labor income at rate up to 33%.8 By taxing business income at a lower rate than labor income, employee-owners of pass-throughs may characterize labor income as business income to take advantage of the lower tax rate. Additionally, some individuals may create pass-through businesses through which to direct their compensation so as to benefit from the lower tax rate. The Unified Framework and Better Way plan recognize this potential challenge but do not lay out detailed steps that would be taken to prevent the recharacterization of income.9

Arguably, a comprehensive tax reform would address the discrepancy that exists in the taxation of corporate and non-corporate businesses. It is well known that this is not an easy task, but reducing the tax burden on pass-through income alone would not address this discrepancy or the inequity and inefficiencies that exist because two otherwise identical businesses are taxed differently because of their legal structure. Additionally, a rate reduction on pass-through (or corporate) income by itself does little to simplify the tax treatment of businesses. The majority of the complexity in the tax system is the result of special tax incentives such as exclusions, credits, and deductions. While policymakers have expressed a desire to pare back business tax incentives in exchange for a rate reduction there have not been any detailed proposals to do so during the most recent round of tax reform debates.

Budgetary and Revenue Impacts

The Joint Committee on Taxation (JCT) has not provided official revenue estimates for the Unified Framework or Better Way proposals as of the date of this writing. The Tax Policy Center (TPC), however, has conducted a preliminary analysis of the Unified Framework. The TPC has estimated that the proposal to limit the tax rate on pass-through income to 25% would generate a revenue loss of $769.6 billion over ten years.10 The TPC has also estimated that the rate reduction contained in the Better Way proposal would lose $412.8 billion over ten years.11 The difference in estimates is explained in part by the fact that the TPC assumed that under the Better Way proposal, characterization of labor income as pass-through income would not occur, whereas it did not make such an assumption for their analysis of the Unified Framework.

The Tax Foundation also analyzed the Better Way plan and found that the rate reduction on pass-through income would cost $515 billion over ten years using a "static" modeling approach, and $388 billion over ten years using a "dynamic" modeling approach.12 Dynamic revenue estimates incorporate economic feedback effects that can result in a portion of a tax rate reduction's static cost being offset by greater economic activity and thus greater tax revenues. The TPC also constructed a dynamic estimate for the Better Way plan, but not for individual provisions. As the date of this writing the Tax Foundation had not estimated the cost of the Unified Framework nor has the TPC conducted a dynamic analysis. It is important to emphasize that with any estimates made thus far by outside groups they must be interpreted with caution. Because detailed legislative language has not been released, estimators made assumptions about missing details needed to estimate the draft proposals. Changing these assumptions to reflect currently unavailable plan details would likely change revenue estimates, perhaps significantly.

Appendix. Detailed Distributions Table A-1. Distribution of Individual Income Tax Returns and Pass-Through Income by Adjusted Gross Income, 2011

Adjusted Gross Income

Returns Reporting Pass-Through Income

% of Returns Reporting Pass-Through Income

Total Pass-Through Income

% of Total Pass-Through Income

Average Pass-Through Income

< $10k

4,478,554

893,000

16.5317.07%

$ -26.6

-$41.5

-3.786.04%

-$5,945

8,488

$10k to $20k

3,583,598

4,308,000

13.2315.03%

$ 2534.6

3.635.04%

$7,142

8,030

$20k - $30k

2,396,688

611,000

8.859.11%

$ 20.3

17.8

2.8959%

$8,482

6,814

$30k - $40k

2,004,143

1,972,000

7.406.88%

$ 16.5

13.2

2.341.92%

$8,255

6,702

$40k - $50k

1,891,013

792,000

6.9825%

$ 16.6

5

2.3639%

$8,786

9,182

$50k - $75k

3,951,384

685,000

14.5912.85%

$ 39.2

34.8

5.5707%

$9,909

448

$75 - $100k

2,684,429

728,000

9.9152%

$ 38.0

36.6

5.3933%

$14,170

13,429

$100k - $250k

4,370,055

945,000

16.1317.25%

$137.2

141.9

19.4520.66%

$31,398

28,732

$250k - $500k

1,026,149

096,000

3.7982%

$101115.5

14.4816.81%

$98,968

105,511

$500k - $1 million

416,344

401,652

1.5440%

$ 89.8

96.0

12.7513.98%

$215,922

239,319

> $1 million

288,175

241,767

1.060.84%

$246221.4

34.9232.23%

$854,943

920,364

Total

27,090,675

28,670,000

100.0%

$704.4

686.9

100.0%

$26,011

 

 

 

 

 

 

23,965

Highest Earners

 

 

 

 

 

$1 million - $2 million

167,754

148,001

0.6252%

$72.1

74.3

10.2282%

$429,367

502,427

$2 million - $5 million

83,776

66,311

0.3123%

$76.9

68.3

10.939.94%

$918,840

1,029,000

$5 million - $10 million

22,068

16,960

0.0806%

$33.6

35.4

4.775.15%

$1,524,106

2,084,000

> $10 million

14,577

9,374

0.0503%

$63.8

43.5

9.066.33%

$4,373,348

639,000

Total

288,175

240,646

1.060.84%

$246221.4

34.9232.23%

$855,064

920,364a

Source: CRS analysis of 20062011 IRS Statistics of Income Public Use Files.

Note: Averages are conditional on having pass-through income.

Notes: Total Pass-Through Income is in billions of dollars. Averages are conditional on having pass-through income.

a. Average for tax filers reporting pass-through income.

Table A-2. Distribution of Active and Passive Partnership and S Corporation Income by Adjusted Gross Income, 20062011

 

Partnership

S Corporation

Adjusted Gross Income

Active

Passive

Active

Passive

 

% of Total

Average

% of Total

Average

% of Total

Average

% of Total

Average

< $10k

-14.4619.48%

-$68,945

75,693

-1.936.95%

-$4,805

12,735

-6.459.77%

-$51,126

61,666

-0.191.71%

-$910

5,989

$10k to $20k

-0.0203%

-$226

241

-0.620.82%

$3,404

-$2,571

-0.09%

-$1,122

$936

0.0261%

$144

2,617

$20k to $30k

0.5346%

$4,581

124

0.5718%

$2,409

891

-0.020.00%

$33

-$235

0.6925%

$4,568

1,431

$30k to $40k

1.180.35%

$8,609

2,868

1.000.30%

$3,164

1,412

0.3352%

$4,079

5,924

0.2444%

$1,064

2,224

$40k to $50k

0.5602%

$4,714

194

1.290.68%

$4,463

2,616

0.5778%

$5,492

8,278

-0.530.19%

-$1,982

$867

$50k to $75k

2.311.35%

$8,419

4,949

2.3307%

$3,044

2,808

2.2249%

$10,525

11,245

-0.492.24%

-$623

$4,018

$75 to $100k

2.541.61%

$11,244

6,709

3.43%

$4,811

5,077

3.1041%

$16,152

15,449

-0.633.41%

-$831

$4,867

$100k to $250k

15.8068%

$25,962

23,500

15.0722.06%

$7,834

11,698

14.6118.65%

$34,343

33,779

7.8545%

$3,629

867

$250k to $500k

22.2725.22%

$85,702

90,207

15.1018.30%

$16,855

21,058

14.3116.47%

$92,903

97,779

9.4497%

$10,046

12,791

$500k to $1 million

25.3380%

$164,196

184,720

18.8217.95%

$35,986

40,508

14.2616.35%

$203,285

224,629

13.8215.67%

$28,982

38,501

> $1 million

44.0049.04%

$317,292

450,778

43.5142.61%

$99,332

122,342

57.1751.04%

$989,678

1,039,000

69.7561.47%

$177,389

210,185

Total

100.00%

$42,856

41,187

100.00%

$14,833

15,582

100.00%

$63,198

55,808

100.00%

$15,344

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

17,328

Highest Earners

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

$1 million - $2 million

17.1019.69%

$234,605

315,273

14.3915.48%

$60,024

76,700

14.5761%

$438,348

493,962

16.8113.91%

$73,375

79,532

$2 million - $5 million

14.4315.50%

$335,592

488,934

13.7212.20%

$104,740

121,248

15.5392%

$939,846

1,146,000

19.6716.44%

$176,540

194,942

$5 million - $10 million

5.346.51%

$403,422

718,396

6.545.78%

$168,679

203,757

8.739.23%

$1,8442,614,000

10.3411.35%

$335,604

535,222

> $10 million

7.1335%

$747,393

1,314,000

8.869.15%

$310,522

522,732

18.3311.28%

$5,628332,000

22.9519.79%

$1,041634,000

Total

44.0049.04%

$317,292

450,778

43.5142.61%

$99,332

122,342

57.1751.04%

$989,678

1,039,000

69.7561.47%

$177,389

210,185

Source: CRS analysis of 20062011 IRS Statistics of Income Public Use Files.

Note: Averages are conditional on having active or passive income from the respective business type.

Author Contact Information
Mark P. Keightley, Specialist in Economics ([email address scrubbed], [phone number scrubbed])

Footnotes

Kyle Pomerleau, Details and Analysis of the 2016 House Republican Tax Reform Plan, Tax Foundation, Fiscal Fact No. 516, July 2016, https://files.taxfoundation.org/legacy/docs/TaxFoundation_FF516.pdf.
1.

This figure includes sole proprietorships, partnerships, limited liability companies (LLCs), and S corporations. The exact percentage has fluctuated over time and is sensitive to swings in the business cycle, but between 1998 (the first year pass-through income accounted for more than 50% of business income) and 20082012 (the latest data year), the average fraction of income accruing to pass-throughs has been 5960%. CRS calculations from Internal Revenue Service's Integrated Business Data, Table 1, httphttps://www.irs.gov/pub/irs-soi/80ot1all.xlsuac/soi-tax-stats-integrated-business-data. Net income is measured as net income less deficit. Regulated investment companies (RICs) and real estate investment trust (REITtrusts (REITs) were excluded. Including RICs and REITs lowers the percentage of income accruing to pass-through over the same time period to 5051%.

2.

For more information on the taxation of various business forms, see CRS Report R40748, Business Organizational Choices: Taxation and Responses to Legislative Changes, by [author name scrubbed].

3.

For information on the role of the corporate tax and a discussion of integrating the individual and corporate tax systems, see CRS Report RL34229, Corporate Tax Reform: Issues for Congress, by [author name scrubbed] and [author name scrubbed].

4.

The data used for the analysis comes from the Internal Revenue Service's (IRS) 20062011 Public Use Tax File. This nationally representative sample of tax returns contains detailed information on individual taxpayers. There is a significant lag in the release of the Tax Files, which explains the use of data from the 20062011 tax year.

53.

For purposes of this report, pass-through income is computed as sole proprietorship net profits as reported on Schedule C, net total partnership income with the Section 179 deduction, and net total S corporation income with the Section 179 deduction.

4.

The tax was enacted by the Health Care and Education Reconciliation Act of 2010 (HCERA, P.L. 111-152), but did not take effect until 2013. The tax applies to single taxpayers with a modified adjusted gross income (MAGI) in excess of $200,000 and married taxpayers with an MAGI in excess of $250,000. The amount of tax owed is equal to 3.8% multiplied by the lesser of (1) net investment income or (2) the amount by which their MAGI exceeds the above $200,000/$250,000 thresholds. Net investment income includes interest, dividends, annuities, royalties, certain rents, and certain other passive business income. Net investment income also includes the amount of capital gain on a home sale that exceeds the amount that can be excluded from taxation.

5.

The Unified Framework proposes allowing fully expensing for new investments (other than structures) for at least the next five years. The Better Way proposal would permanently move to an expensing approach.

6.

For example, it is not uncommon, for example, that allowing expensing is coupled with disallowing business deductions for interest payments. Disallowing the deduction of business interest could impact small firms (both pass-throughs and C corporations) who may rely more on debt financing than equity financing. For more information, see CRS In Focus IF10696, Key Issues in Tax Reform: The Business Interest Deduction and Capital Expensing, by Mark P. Keightley.

7.

The data presented in this paragraph may be found in CRS Report R44086, Pass-Throughs, Corporations, and Small Businesses: A Look at Firm Size, by Mark P. Keightley and Jeffrey M. Stupak. Defining a "small" business is not cut and dry. For a detailed analysis of how small businesses have been identified for federal purposes, see CRS Report R40860, Small Business Size Standards: A Historical Analysis of Contemporary Issues, by Robert Jay Dilger.

8.

The Unified Framework states that an additional top rate may be applied to high-income earners to maintain progressivity of the tax code, but does not specify what that rate would be.

9.

The Better Way plan states that it would require business owners to be paid "reasonable compensation," whereas the Unified Framework states that the tax writing committees will draft rules to prevent recharacterization of income.

10.

TPC Staff, A Preliminary Analysis of the Unified Framework, Tax Policy Center, September 29, 2017, http://www.taxpolicycenter.org/publications/preliminary-analysis-unified-framework/full.

11.

Benjamin Page, Dynamic Analysis of the House GOP Plan: An Update, Tax Policy Center, June 30, 2017, http://www.taxpolicycenter.org/publications/dynamic-analysis-house-gop-tax-plan-update/full.

12.

Nicola M. White and Drew Pierson, "Baucus Says Congress Should Look at Taxing Passthroughs as Corporations," Tax Notes Today, May 5, 2011.

6.

See Senate hearing testimony by Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner. U.S. Congress, Senate Committee on Finance, The President's Budget for Fiscal Year 2012, 112th Cong., February 16, 2011.

7.

Martin Sullivan, "Why Not Tax Large Passthroughs as Corporations?" Tax Notes, June 6, 2011, pp. 1015-1018, and President's Economic Recovery Advisory Board, The Report on Tax Reform Options: Simplification, Compliance, and Corporate Taxation, Washington, DC, August 2010, pp. 74-77, http://www.treasury.gov/resource-center/tax-policy/Documents/PERAB-Tax-Reform-Report-8-2010.pdf.

8.

In the 112th Congress, Senators Wyden and Coats have introduced S. 727, which would lower corporate rate to 25% and eliminate a number of corporate tax expenditures. Ways and Means Committee Chairman Dave Camp, in a draft proposal, has pushed to lower the corporate tax rate to 25% and broaden the corporate tax base (see, http://waysandmeans.house.gov/taxreform/). The President's National Commission on Fiscal Responsibility and Reform proposed reducing the corporate rate to between 23% and 29% and eliminating all business tax expenditures (see, http://www.fiscalcommission.gov/).

9.

For analysis on other aspects of corporate tax reform, see CRS Report RL34229, Corporate Tax Reform: Issues for Congress, by [author name scrubbed] and [author name scrubbed].

10.

For more information on the 2001/2003 tax cuts, see CRS Report R42020, The 2001 and 2003 Bush Tax Cuts and Deficit Reduction, by [author name scrubbed], and CRS Report R41393, The Bush Tax Cuts and the Economy, by [author name scrubbed].

11.

For more information on carried interest, see CRS Report RS22717, Taxation of Private Equity and Hedge Fund Partnerships: Characterization of Carried Interest, by [author name scrubbed].

12.

For more information, see CRS Report R41413, The 3.8% Medicare Contribution Tax on Unearned Income, Including Real Estate Transactions, by [author name scrubbed].

13.

See, for example, Letter from Susan Eckerly, Senior Vice President, Public Policy, National Federation of Independent Business, to Senator John Cornyn, October 19, 2011, http://www.nfib.com/issues-elections/issues-elections-item?cmsid=58534.

14.

See CRS Report RL34229, Corporate Tax Reform: Issues for Congress, by [author name scrubbed] and [author name scrubbed] for a review and critique of recent empirical results regarding the burden of the corporate tax.

15.

The traditional view on the incidence of the corporate tax originated with the development of the "Harberger model" in 1962 and subsequent refinements. See Arnold Harberger, "The Incidence of the Corporate Tax," The Journal of Political Economy, vol. 70 (June 1962), pp. 215-240. A review and critique of recent theoretical research, as well as a discussion of the extensions of the Harberger model can be found in Jennifer C. Gravelle, "Corporate Tax Incidence: Review of General Equilibrium Estimates and Analysis" Congressional Budget Office, Working Paper 2010-03, May 2010.

16.

Both the U.S. Department of Treasury and the Congressional Budget Office assume that the burden of the corporate tax generally falls on capital. See ''Treasury's Panel Model for Tax Analysis,'' Office of Tax Analysis Technical Working Paper 3, July 2008, table 3, footnote 2, and Congressional Budget Office, Historical Effective Tax Rates: 1976 to 2006, April 2009, p. 2, http://www.cbo.gov/publications/collections/tax/2009/summary_table_2006.pdf.

17.

See CRS Report R41392, Small Business and the Expiration of the 2001 Tax Rate Reductions: Economic Issues, by [author name scrubbed].

18.

See CRS Report R41743, International Corporate Tax Rate Comparisons and Policy Implications, by [author name scrubbed].

19.

http://www.nfib.com/issues-elections/issues-elections-item?cmsid=58534.