Order Code RS21333
Updated September 27, 2006
CRS Report for Congress
Received through the CRS WebMay 10, 2007
Northern Ireland: The Peace Process
Kristin Archick and Vince L. Morelli
Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division
Summary
For years, the British and Irish governments have sought to facilitate a peaceful
settlement to the conflict in Northern Ireland. After many ups and downs, the two
governments and the Northern Ireland political parties participating in the peace talks
announced an agreement on
April 10, 1998. The implementation of the resulting Good Friday Agreement continues
to be difficult. A political stalemate in Northern Ireland since 2002 has halted the peace
process and forced London to suspend the devolved government and to resume
governance of the province. British and Irish leaders have set a November 24, 2006,
deadline to revive talks on governance in Northern Ireland. This report will be updated
as events warrant. See also CRS Report RS21692, Northern Ireland: The 2003
Election, by Kristin Archick. April 10, 1998. Despite a much improved security situation
in the years since then, full implementation of the resulting Good Friday Agreement has
been difficult. On May 8, 2007, however, Northern Ireland’s devolved political
institutions were restored after an almost five-year suspension following a powersharing deal between the largest unionist and nationalist parties. This report will be
updated as events warrant.
Overview
Since 1969, over 3,200 people have died as a result of political violence in Northern
Ireland, which is a part of the United Kingdom. The conflict, which has its origins in the
1921 division of Ireland, has reflected a struggle between different national, cultural, and
religious identities.1 The Protestant majority (53%) in Northern Ireland defines itself as
British and largely supports continued incorporation in the UK (unionists). The Catholic
minority (44%) considers itself Irish, and many Catholics desire a united Ireland
(nationalists). For years, the British and Irish governments sought to facilitate a political
settlement. The Good Friday Agreement was reached on April 10, 1998. The Agreement
established acalled for devolved government — the transfer of power from London to Belfast —
with an Assembly and Executive Committee in which unionists (Ulster Unionist Party,
UUP, and the Democratic Unionist Party, DUP) and nationalists (Socialist Democratic
Labor Party, SDLP and Sinn Fein) share power. Additionally, the Agreement created a
North-South Ministerial Council, and a British-Irish Council. It also contained provisions
on with
a Northern Ireland Assembly and Executive Committee in which unionist and nationalist
parties would share power.
The Agreement also contained provisions on
decommissioning (disarmament), policing, human rights, UK security normalization
(demilitarization), and the status of prisoners, and recognizesrecognized that a change in Northern
Ireland’s status can only come about with the consent of the majority of its people. Voters
1
In 1921, the mostly Catholic, southern part of Ireland won independence from Britain. The
resulting Republic of Ireland occupies about five-sixths of the island of Ireland; Northern Ireland
occupies the remaining one-sixth.
Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress
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in Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland approved the accord in referendums on
May 22, 1998. Elections to the Assembly took place on June 25, 1998.
In October 2002 Northern Ireland police raided Sinn Fein’s Assembly offices and
arrested four officials as part of an investigation into a suspected IRA spy ring.
Consequently, on October 14, 2002, London suspended Belfast’s devolved government
and reinstated direct rule. Since then, the political situation has remained stalemated.
Unionists remain concerned about the IRA’s commitment to non-violence and Sinn Fein’s
refusal to join the Policing Board. Nationalists worry about the pace of UK
demilitarization, police reforms, and the DUP’s refusal to share power with Sinn Fein.
Decommissioning, Devolved Government, and Recurrent Crises
Instability in Northern Ireland’s devolved government has been the rule rather than
the exception; decommissioning has been a key sticking point. Authority over local affairs
was first transferred to the Northern Ireland Assembly and Executive on December 1,
1999, after 27 years of direct rule from London. But on February 11, 2000, London
suspended the devolved government because the Assembly’s First Minister, then-Ulster
Unionist Party (UUP) leader David Trimble, was poised to resign to protest the absence
of IRA decommissioning. After intense negotiations involving Trimble and Sinn Fein,
the IRA’s associated political party, an IRA pledge to put its arms “beyond use” was
issued. The power-sharing institutions were then reinstated in June 2000.
For the next twelve months, Unionists
Additionally, the Agreement created a North-South Ministerial Council and a British-Irish
Council. Voters in Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland approved the accord in
referendums on May 22, 1998. Elections to the Assembly took place on June 25, 1998.
1
In 1921, the mostly Catholic, southern part of Ireland won independence from Britain. The
resulting Republic of Ireland occupies about five-sixths of the island of Ireland; Northern Ireland
occupies the remaining one-sixth.
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Nevertheless, full implementation of the peace agreement has been difficult. The
devolved government was suspended for the fourth time in October 2002 amid a loss of
trust and confidence on both sides of the conflict. Unionists were concerned about the
IRA’s commitment to non-violence and the lack of full nationalist support for policing;
meanwhile, nationalists worried about the pace of UK demilitarization, police reforms,
and ongoing loyalist paramilitary activity. Efforts to restore the devolved government
culminated on March 26, 2007, when the traditionally anti-Agreement Democratic
Unionist Party (DUP) agreed to enter into a power-sharing government with Sinn Fein,
the IRA’s associated political party. The new government began work on May 8, 2007,
with DUP leader Ian Paisley as First Minister and Sinn Fein’s chief negotiator Martin
McGuinness as Deputy First Minister. London and Dublin hope that this deal will
entrench the political settlement embodied in the Good Friday Agreement and produce
a politically stable devolved government in Northern Ireland.
Devolved Government and Recurrent Crises
1999-2002. For years, instability in Northern Ireland’s devolved government was
the rule rather than the exception; decommissioning and police reforms were key sticking
points. Authority over local affairs was first transferred to the Northern Ireland Assembly
and Executive on December 1, 1999, after 27 years of direct rule from London. But on
February 11, 2000, London suspended the devolved government because the Assembly’s
First Minister, then-Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) leader David Trimble, was poised to
resign to protest the absence of IRA decommissioning. After intense negotiations
involving Trimble and Sinn Fein, the IRA pledged to put its arms “beyond use.” The
power-sharing institutions were reinstated in June 2000.
For the next twelve months, unionists remained frustrated by the ongoing lack of
IRA decommissioning. As a result, Trimble resigned as First Minister on July 1, 2001.
Since the Assembly can operate no longer than six weeks without a First Minister or new
elections must be called, London suspended the devolved government on August 10 for
24 hours to avoid calling new elections. London feared elections would result in gains
for hardliners. The brief
suspension reset the clock, giving negotiators another six weeks
to try to avert the collapse
of Belfast’s political institutions. Meanwhile, pressure on the
IRA to decommission
began to grow following the August 2001 arrests in Colombia of
three suspected IRA
members on charges of training FARC guerrillas to use explosives.
The, and the September 11
terrorist attacks added to the pressure. According to an Irish diplomat,
“President Bush declared war against
international terrorism ... If the IRA wanted to hold
on to their weapons any longer, the
Americans would simply have none of it.”2 Sinn Fein,
was facing political isolation and
the loss of private U.S. financial support.
Negotiations to restore devolution continued throughout the summer. .
On September
21, 2001, London suspended the Assembly again for 24 hours to buy more
time. Finally,
on October 23, after Sinn Fein leader Gerry Adams publicly called for IRA
decommissioning, the IRA announced that it had put a quantity of weapons “beyond use”
to “save the peace process.” In response, the UUP decided to rejoin the Executive. On, and
the Assembly reconvened in November 2001.
2
As quoted in Kevin Cullen, “Sinn Fein Prods IRA on Disarming,” Boston Globe, Oct. 23, 2001.
In April 2004, the IRA suspects were found not guilty on the charges of training the FARC, but
this verdict was overturned in December 2004 and the three suspects fled Colombia. In August
2005, they surfaced in the Republic of Ireland. Also see House International Relations
Committee, “International Global Terrorism: Its Links with Illicit Drugs as Illustrated by the IRA
and Other Groups in Colombia,” 107th Cong., 2nd sess., Serial No. 107-87, Apr. 24, 2002.
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November 5, David Trimble was reelected First Minister; Mark Durkan, leader of the
moderate nationalist Social Democratic and Labor Party (SDLP), was reelected Deputy
First Minister. October 23,
2001.
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Relative calm prevailed in early 2002. On April 8, 2002, the IRA carried out a
second act of decommissioning. Still, worries about the IRA’s long-term commitment
to the peace process persisted following allegations that the IRA was buying new
weapons, updating its “hit list,” and was behind the theft of intelligence documents from
a Belfast police barracks. On October 4, 2002 police raided Sinn Fein’s Assembly offices
and arrested four officials as part of an investigation into a suspected IRA spy ring. The
UUP and the harder line Democratic Unionist Party (DUP)DUP threatened to withdraw from
the government unless Sinn Fein was
expelled.
With the political process in turmoil, London once again suspended Belfast’s
devolved government and reinstated direct rule on October 14, 2002. Since then, London
and Dublin have
2003-Present. Following the 2002 suspension of the devolved government,
London and Dublin led talks with Northern Ireland’s political parties to try to find a way
forward. Negotiations have largely focused on finding a formula to assure unionists that
the the
IRA was winding down as a paramilitary force, and meeting nationalist demands for
government stability, and achieving and more progress in the fields of policingpolice, justice, and
human rights fields. In
. In October 2003, the IRA announced a third act of decommissioning, but
UUP leader
Trimble criticized the lack of details about the quantity of arms disposed, and
put further
progress toward restoring devolution “on hold.”
Despite the suspension of the power-sharing at the executive levelinstitutions, Assembly elections
took took
place in November 2003. The elections resulted in a shift toward the perceived
hardliners, the DUPperceived hardliners.
The DUP — led by the Reverend Ian Paisley and Sinn Fein led by Gerry Adams.
— overtook the UUP as the dominant
unionist party. Sinn Fein surpassed the more moderate Social Democratic and Labor
Party (SDLP) to become the largest nationalist party. Immediately after the elections, the
DUP asserted that it would not enter into government
with Sinn Fein until the IRA
disarmed and disbanded; the DUP also refused to talk directly to Sinn Fein. Most analysts
. Most analysts predicted that the
election results would make restoring devolution more difficult.
Negotiations continued
but remained stalemated for much of 2004.
Efforts to restore
devolution were further complicated by a December 2004 bank
robbery in Belfast, which
police believed was carried out by the IRA, and the January
2005 murder of Belfast man,
Robert McCartney, during a bar brawl involving IRA
members. These incidents
increased pressure on the IRA and Sinn Fein to also address
the issue of IRA criminality.
On April 6, 2005, Gerry Adams effectively called on the IRA to
abandon violence and
pursue politics as an “alternative” to “armed struggle.”
On July 28, 2005, the IRA ordered an end to its armed campaign. It instructed all
members to pursue objectives through “exclusively peaceful means” and to “not engage
in any other activities whatsoever.” All IRA units were ordered to “dump arms.” The
British, Irish, and U.S. governments welcomed the IRA’s statement but cautioned that
words must be followed by deeds. In response to the IRA announcement, and despite
unionist opposition, London began dismantling security posts along the Northern Ireland
border, and announced plans to cut the number of British troops in Northern Ireland to
5,000 by August 2007. Although many analysts asserted that the IRA’s
statement was the
least ambiguous one ever, unionists were wary, noting that it did not
explicitly address the
issue of IRA criminality or whether the IRA would disband.3
3
“A Long Time Coming,” Irish Times, July 29, 2005. For the text of the IRA’s July 28, 2005
statement, see BBC News [http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/northern_ireland/4724599.stm].
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The
DUP and other unionists also wanted Sinn Fein to support Northern Ireland’s new police
service (see below). On September 26, 2005, Northern Ireland’s Independent
International Commission
on Decommissioning (IICD) announced that the IRA had put
all of its arms beyond use,
asserting that the IRA weaponry dismantled or made
inoperable matched estimates
provided by the security forces. The DUP and other unionists have remained skeptical,
but London and Dublin appear to believe that the IRA as an organization was now
incapable of carrying out a major attack or destabilizing Northern Ireland politics. On
provided by the security forces. On February 1, 2006, the
International Monitoring Commission (IMC), which monitors
paramilitary ceasefires and
political party compliance with the peace agreement, issued
a status report. The IMC asserted that the IRA seemed to be moving in the right direction.
The British and Irish governments responded positively to the IMC’s report, maintaining
that it demonstrated “enough progress” to make the “process of talking meaningful.”4
However, despite the IICD certification that the IRA has put its weapons “beyond use”
and the IRA statement abandoning sectarian violence, DUP leaders refused to govern
alongside Sinn Fein until the DUP was convinced that the IRA had completely disarmed
and disbanded and until Sinn Fein agreed to participate on the Police Board for Northern
Ireland.
In an attempt to break the stalemate, on April 6, 2006, London and Dublin
announced that the Northern Ireland Assembly would be recalled in mid-May and given
an initial six weeks to appoint ministers to the Executive, thereby restoring the devolved
government. The Northern Ireland Assembly reconvened on May 15, 2006. The
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moving in the right direction. However, unionists remained skeptical and the DUP
continued to resist sharing power with Sinn Fein.
In an attempt to break the stalemate, London recalled the Northern Ireland Assembly
on May 15, 2006; the Assembly was permitted to debate policy matters but was not given
the power to make
laws. LondonUK and DublinIrish officials had hoped that by recalling the Assembly,
even in such a
“shadow” form, confidence would build between the opposing parties and
in the political
process.
When this attempt ultimately failed, London and Dublin gave the
parties until
November 24, 2006, to reach an agreement onform an Executive or a new British-Irish
governing scheme “partnership
arrangements” would be implemented to effectively govern Northern Ireland. The
exact exact
form of such partnership arrangements remainswas left unclear, but some analysts view this
prospect viewed this prospect
as a veiled threat to unionists to reach a deal to restore devolution or risk ceding
greater authority over the affairs of Northern Ireland to Dublin.5
Throughout the summer both London and Dublin insisted that the November 24
deadline was firm despite the warning from the DUP that the deadline would not be met.
With no real progress in the negotiations achieved by mid-September, Prime Ministers
Blair and Ahern announced a plan to convene a meeting of all of the parties in Scotland
in October in an attempt to hammer out a deal. Neither the DUP nor the UUP feel such
talks outside of Belfast would accomplish any more than what had taken place thus far,
but London and Dublin continue to insist the meetings take place.
Many analysts believe that the immediate prospects for reestablishing an Executive
are dim. The DUP maintains that the IRA has not lived up to its commitments on
4
“IRA Arms: What Next for NI Politics?,” BBC News, September 26, 2005; “Governments
Welcome Positive Report on IRA,” Irish Times, Feb. 2, 2006.
5
Brian Lavery, “Blair and Ahern Warn Ulster: End the Standoff by Fall Deadline,” New York
Times, Apr. 7, 2006. For the text of the Blair-Ahern statement on Apr. 6, 2006, see BBC News
[http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/politics/4883600.stm].
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disarmament and criminal activity and must disband and that Sinn Fein must join the
Policing Board. Sinn Fein insists that DUP first agrees to return to a power-sharing
government. Many experts believe that no further progress can be expected unless
Reverend Paisley decides that he and his DUP leadership can sit in the same room and
talk to Sinn Fein directly or that Sinn Fein agrees to join the Police Board.6 The members
of the Assembly have been told that if there is no agreement to restore the power-sharing
government by November 2006, the Assembly will be disbanded.
Implementing Police Reforms
The Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) — Northern Ireland’s former, 92% Protestant
police force — was long viewed by Catholics as an enforcer of Protestant domination.
The Good Friday agreement called for an independent commission to help “ensure
policing arrangements, including composition, recruitment, training, culture, ethos and
symbols, are such that ... Northern Ireland has a police service that can enjoy widespread
support from ... the community as a whole.” In June 1998, Prime Minister Blair
appointed Chris Patten to head this commission. In September 1999, the Patten
Commission released a report with 175 recommendations. It proposed a new name for
the RUC, a new badge, and new symbols free of the British or Irish states. Other key
measures included reducing the size of the force from 11,400 to 7,500, and increasing the
proportion of Catholic officers. Unionists responded negatively, but nationalists were
affairs of Northern Ireland to Dublin.3
With no real progress in the negotiations by mid-September 2006, UK Prime
Minister Tony Blair and Irish Prime Minister Bertie Ahern announced an all-party
meeting in Scotland in an attempt to hammer out a deal. On October 13, Blair and Ahern
put forth a road map, known as the “St. Andrews Agreement,” intended to break the
political stalemate. It called for negotiations between November 2006 and March 2007
on forming a new permanent government; during this time, the DUP would agree to share
power with Sinn Fein, and Sinn Fein would agree to support the police service and join
the Policing Board. The St. Andrews Agreement also included some changes to the
operation of the power-sharing institutions and provisions on government stability and
human rights; in addition, to meet nationalist demands, it called for the devolution of
policing and justice powers from London to Belfast by 2008. It set March 7, 2007, as the
date for new Assembly elections, and March 26 as the date for London to rescind direct
rule and restore Northern Ireland’s devolved government. Blair and Ahern warned that
failure to establish an Executive by March 26 would result in the dissolution of the
Assembly and new British-Irish “partnership arrangements” to govern Northern Ireland.4
Analysts contended that the biggest problem was the lack of trust between the DUP
and Sinn Fein. The DUP wanted Sinn Fein to accept Northern Ireland’s new police
service, the courts, and the rule of law before agreeing to shared government. Meanwhile,
Sinn Fein wanted the shared government to sit before accepting policing because it feared
that, otherwise, the DUP would raise additional issues regarding the IRA before agreeing
to share power. In January 2007, Sinn Fein members voted to support Northern Ireland’s
police and the criminal justice system in the context of the reestablishment of the political
institutions and confirmation that policing and justice powers would be transferred, as
called for in the St. Andrews Agreement. Many experts viewed Sinn Fein’s resolution as
historic, given the IRA’s traditional view of the police as a legitimate target.5
On March 7, Northern Ireland voters went to the polls. Once again, the DUP and
Sinn Fein emerged as the largest unionist and nationalist parties. Both the DUP and Sinn
3
Brian Lavery, “Blair and Ahern Warn Ulster: End the Standoff by Fall Deadline,” New York
Times, April 7, 2006.
4
For the text of the Agreement, see [http://www.nio.gov.uk/st_andrews_agreement.pdf].
5
“Sinn Fein Votes To Support Police,” BBC News, January 28, 2007.
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Fein interpreted these election results, in which each saw off challenges from internal
dissenters opposed to the St. Andrews Agreement, as providing a mandate to work toward
forming a power-sharing government. Analysts speculated that in light of Sinn Fein’s
commitment to policing, and perhaps to secure his own legacy, Paisley was finally ready
to enter into government with Sinn Fein.
On March 26, 2007, Paisley and Adams met for the first time and announced a deal
to enter into a power-sharing government on May 8, 2007. London and Dublin agreed to
accept the six-week delay in restoring Northern Ireland’s devolved government given that
the two parties were able to reach agreement themselves. The DUP had pressed for the
delay in order to “raise the level of confidence in the [unionist] community,” especially
in regard to Sinn Fein’s pledge to support policing. Analysts contend that the image of
Paisley and Adams sitting at the same table and the statements of both pledging to work
toward a better future for “all” the people of Northern Ireland were unprecedented. On
May 8, 2007, Paisley and Sinn Fein’s chief negotiator Martin McGuinness were sworn
in as First and Deputy First Minister respectively, and the power-sharing Assembly and
Executive began work. London and Dublin hope that the power-sharing agreement
between the DUP and Sinn Fein will usher in a new era in Northern Ireland politics,
producing a stable and permanent devolved government. Many experts believe that
unlike past efforts, this deal will stick, given that it was reached by the DUP and Sinn
Fein, viewed as the two most polarized forces in Northern Ireland politics.6
Implementing Police Reforms
The Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) — Northern Ireland’s former, 92% Protestant
police force — was long viewed by Catholics as an enforcer of Protestant domination.
Human rights organizations accused the RUC of brutality and collusion with loyalist
paramilitary groups. Defenders of the RUC pointed to its tradition of loyalty and
discipline and its record in fighting terrorism. The Good Friday Agreement called for an
independent commission to help “ensure policing arrangements, including composition,
recruitment, training, culture, ethos and symbols, are such that ... Northern Ireland has a
police service that can enjoy widespread support from ... the community as a whole.” In
June 1998, Prime Minister Blair appointed Chris Patten to head this commission. In
September 1999, the Patten Commission released a report with 175 recommendations.
It proposed a new name for the RUC, a new badge, and new symbols free of the British
or Irish states. Other key measures included reducing the size of the force from 11,400
to 7,500, and increasing the proportion of Catholic officers. Unionists responded
negatively, but nationalists were mostly positive.
In May 2000, the Blair government introduced the Police Bill in the House of
Commons. Nationalists were critical, arguing that Patten’s proposals had been gutted.
London responded that amendments would deal with human rights training, promoting
50-50 recruitment of Catholics and Protestants, and oversight responsibilities. The Police
Bill became law on November 23, 2000. While some nationalist concerns had been
addressed, Sinn Fein and the SDLP asserted that the reforms did not go far enough. In
March 2001, recruiting began for the future Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI).
6
Frank Millar, “Paisley Reaches Out and Grasps Cherished Prize,” Irish Times, March 27, 2007;
“NI Politics Moves Away from Edge,” BBC News, May 8, 2007.
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To help ensure nationalist support, London proposed further concessions in July 2001,
which included halving the anti-terrorist “Special Branch.”
In August 2001, the SDLP broke with Sinn Fein over the proposal to create a
democratic oversight body known as the Policing Board and and accepted the British
government’s additional concessions on policing; the SDLP (along with the UUP and
DUP accepted the British revisions and) agreed to nominate representatives to the Board.
Policing Board, a democratic oversight
body. On November 4, 2001, the Policing Board came into being. That same day, the
RUC was
renamed the PSNI, and the first class of recruits drawn 50-50 from both
Catholic and
Protestant communities began their training. Sinn Fein continues to oppose the Board,
and manySome say that Sinn Fein’s
absence from the Policing Board has discouraged more
Catholics from joining the PSNI. To assuage nationalist concerns further, London
outlined plans in November 2002 for new policing legislation to provide more public
accountability and eventually allow former paramilitaries to sit on Northern Ireland’s new
District Policing Partnerships (DPPs), which seek to foster greater local involvement in
policing.
6
“Paisley Nomination Smart Tactics,” BBC News, May 22, 2006; “Hain Plays Down Failure To
Elect First Minister,” Irish Times, May 23, 2006.
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In November 2004, Sinn Fein leader Gerry Adams met with PSNI chief Hugh Orde
for the first time. However, many experts believe that Sinn Fein will not join the Policing
Board until there is a deal to revive the devolved government. Sinn Fein also wants to see
the transfer of Catholics from joining the PSNI.
In November 2004, Sinn Fein leader Gerry Adams met with PSNI chief Hugh Orde
for the first time. However, Sinn Fein maintained that its acceptance of the PSNI and the
Policing Board hinged on a deal to revive the devolved government and the transfer of
policing and justice powers from London to a restored Assembly and
Executive. In February 2006, London introduced a new bill in the UK Parliament to pave
the way for such a transfer. Sinn Fein views the proposed legislation as a first step but
maintains that the “devil is in the details.”7 In September 2006, reports circulated that
Sinn Fein leader Gerry Adams had signaled that Sinn Fein may be willing to cooperate
with police on the ground but would not join the Board until the devolved government
was back in full operation. This idea has been rejected by the DUP and the SDLP.
U.S. Policy
The Bush Administration views the Good Friday Agreement as the best framework
for a lasting peace in Northern Ireland. U.S. officials assert that trust and confidence can
only be rebuilt if the IRA and other paramilitaries “go out of business” and that Sinn Fein
must join the Policing Board. The Bush Administration reacted positively to the IRA’s
July 2005 statement that it was ending its armed struggle and called the announcement
that the IRA had fully decommissioned a “critical first step” in translating its words into
action. Most Members of Congress actively support the peace process. Encouraged by
the progress on police reforms, several Members prompted the Administration in
December 2001 to lift a ban on contacts between the FBI and the new PSNI. Congress had
initiated this prohibition in 1999 because of the former RUC’s human rights record.
Recent hearings in the 109th Congress have focused on the peace process, policing
reforms, and the status of public inquiries into several high-profile murders in Northern
Ireland. The U.S. has provided aid through the International Fund for Ireland since 1986.
For FY2007, the House of Representatives added $10.8 million to the Foreign Operations
Appropriations bill for the IFI.
Recent Legislation
P.L. 109-102 (Nov. 14, 2005) appropriated $13.5 million for the International Fund
for Ireland as part of the FY2006 foreign operations spending measure.
H.R. 2601 authorized Department of State appropriations for FY2006-FY2007,
including $100,000 per year for training for the Office of the Police Ombudsman for
Northern Ireland, and $20 million per year for the International Fund for Ireland.
Introduced by Representative Smith, May 24, 2005; passed House, July 20, 2005.
H.Res. 744 (April 4, 2006) expresses support for the 1998 Good Friday Agreement
as the blueprint for lasting peace in Northern Ireland and for ongoing police reforms.
Introduced by Representative Hyde, March 29, 2006.
7
“MPs To See Devolved Policing Bill Today,” Irish Times, Feb. 16, 2006 Executive. As noted
above, in January 2007, Sinn Fein members voted to support the police and join the
Policing Board in the context of a reconstituted Assembly and Executive. Sinn Fein
members are expected to take their places on the Policing Board following the restoration
of the devolved government on May 8, 2007.
U.S. Policy
The Bush Administration views the Good Friday Agreement as the best framework
for a lasting peace in Northern Ireland. U.S. officials welcomed the March 2007 deal
between Paisley and Adams; President Bush had called both leaders to urge them to “take
the final steps” to restore devolution. The United States had long maintained that the IRA
and other paramilitaries must “go out of business” and that Sinn Fein should join the
Policing Board. Many Members of Congress actively support the peace process.
Encouraged by progress on police reforms, several Members prompted the Administration
in December 2001 to lift a ban on contacts between the FBI and the new PSNI. Congress
had initiated this prohibition in 1999 because of the former RUC’s human rights record.
Hearings in the 109th Congress focused on the peace process, policing reforms, and the
status of public inquiries into several murders in Northern Ireland, including the 1989
slaying of Belfast attorney Patrick Finucane, in which collusion between the security
forces and paramilitary groups is suspected. The United States is an important source of
investment in Northern Ireland and has provided aid through the International Fund for
Ireland (IFI) since 1986.
Recent Legislation
H.Con.Res. 20 (Smith; passed House, January 30, 2007; passed Senate, March 15,
2007) calls on the UK government to establish a full, independent, and public inquiry into
the 1989 murder of Northern Ireland attorney Patrick Finucane.
H.Res. 222 (McCarthy; passed March 13, 2007) expresses support for the 1998
Good Friday Agreement as the blueprint for lasting peace in Northern Ireland.
P.L. 110-5 (February 15, 2007) appropriated $13 million for the International Fund
crsphpgw
for Ireland as part of the FY2007 Continuing Appropriations Resolution.