Order Code RS21333
Updated March 6September 27, 2006
CRS Report for Congress
Received through the CRS Web
Northern Ireland: The Peace Process
Kristin Archick
Specialist in European Affairs and Vince L. Morelli
Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division
Summary
For years, the British and Irish governments have sought to facilitate a peaceful
settlement to the conflict in Northern Ireland. After many ups and downs, the two
governments and the eight parties participating in the peace talks announced an agreement
on on
April 10, 1998. However, theThe implementation of the resulting Good Friday
Agreement continues to be difficult. This report will be updated as events warrant.
to be difficult. A political stalemate in Northern Ireland since 2002 has halted the peace
process and forced London to suspend the devolved government and to resume
governance of the province. British and Irish leaders have set a November 24, 2006,
deadline to revive talks on governance in Northern Ireland. This report will be updated
as events warrant. See also CRS Report RS21692, Northern Ireland: The 2003
Election, by Kristin Archick.
Overview
Since 1969, over 3,200 people have died as a result of political violence in Northern
Ireland, which is a part of the United Kingdom. The conflict, which has its origins in the
1921 division of Ireland, has reflected a struggle between different national, cultural, and
religious identities.1 The Protestant majority (53%) in Northern Ireland defines itself as
British and largely supports continued incorporation in the UK (unionists). The Catholic
minority (44%) considers itself Irish, and many Catholics desire a united Ireland
(nationalists). For years, the British and Irish governments sought to facilitate a political
settlement. The Good Friday Agreement was reached on April 10, 1998. It calls for
The Agreement
established a devolved government — the transfer of power from London to Belfast — and establishes
a Northern Ireland
with an Assembly and Executive Committee in which unionists and
nationalists share power, a (Ulster Unionist Party,
UUP, and the Democratic Unionist Party, DUP) and nationalists (Socialist Democratic
Labor Party, SDLP and Sinn Fein) share power. Additionally, the Agreement created a
North-South Ministerial Council, and a British-Irish Council.
It also containscontained provisions
on decommissioning (disarmament), policing, human rights,
security normalization, and UK security normalization
(demilitarization), and the status of prisoners, and recognizes that a change in Northern
Ireland’s
status can only come about with the consent of the majority of its people. Voters in
Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland approved the accord in referendums on May
22, 1998. Elections to the new Assembly took place on June 25, 1998.
Nonetheless, implementation of the peace agreement has been difficult. Instability
in the devolved government has been the rule rather than the exception. Unionists remain
1
In 1921, the mostly Catholic, southern part of Ireland won independence from Britain. The
resulting Republic of Ireland occupies about five-sixths of the island of Ireland; Northern Ireland
occupies the remaining one-sixth. For more background, see CRS Report RL30368, Northern
Ireland: Implementation of the Peace Agreement during the 106th Congress, by Karen Donfried.
Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress
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concerned about the IRA’s commitment to non-violence, while nationalists worry about
the pace of demilitarization, police reforms, and ongoing loyalist paramilitary activity.
Decommissioning, Devolved Government, and Recurrent Crises
After 27 years of direct rule from London, authority over local affairs was transferred
to the Northern Ireland Assembly and Executive on December 1, 1999. But on February
11, 2000, London suspended the devolved government because the Assembly’s First
Minister, then-Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) leader David Trimble, was poised to resign
to protest the absence of IRA decommissioning. UK officials worried that Trimble would
have been replaced by someone less supportive of, if not opposed to, the peace agreement.
In May 2000, the UUP voted to reinstate the power-sharing institutions following an IRA
pledge to put its arms “beyond use”; the Assembly reconvened in June 2000.
Unionists remained frustrated, however, by the IRA’s lack of decommissioning. The
June 7, 2001 general and local elections in Northern Ireland saw the more extremist
Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) and the IRA-linked Sinn Fein party gaining on the UUP
and the moderate nationalist Social Democratic and Labor Party (SDLP). With no IRA
disarmament, Trimble resigned as First Minister on July 1, 2001. London suspended the
devolved government on August 10 for 24 hours to avoid calling new elections, which it
feared would result in additional gains for hardliners. The Assembly can go no longer
than six weeks without a First Minister, or new elections must be called. The brief
suspension reset the clock, giving negotiators another six weeks to try to avert the collapse
of Belfast’s political institutions.
In mid-August 2001, Colombian authorities arrested three suspected IRA members
on charges of training FARC guerrillas to use explosives. The FARC is a 15,000-strong
force that conducts attacks against the Colombian government and U.S. interests. Given
U.S. efforts to help counter the FARC, Washington was troubled by the IRA’s alleged ties
to this group. But after the September 11 terrorist attacks, “President Bush declared war
against international terrorism ... If the IRA wanted to hold on to their weapons any
longer, the Americans would simply have none of it,” according to an Irish diplomat.2
Sinn Fein was facing political isolation and the loss of private American financial support.
Negotiations among Sinn Fein, London, and Dublin continued. On September 21,
2001, London suspended the Assembly again for 24 hours to buy more time. Finally, on
October 23, following a public call for IRA decommissioning by Sinn Fein, the IRA
announced that it reportedly had put a quantity of weapons “beyond use” to “save the
peace process.” In response, the UUP decided to rejoin the power-sharing executive.
London began dismantling several more army watchtowers and promised to devise an
amnesty arrangement for nationalist fugitives. On November 5, David Trimble was
reelected First Minister; SDLP leader Mark Durkan was reelected Deputy First Minister. status can only come about with the consent of the majority of its people. Voters
1
In 1921, the mostly Catholic, southern part of Ireland won independence from Britain. The
resulting Republic of Ireland occupies about five-sixths of the island of Ireland; Northern Ireland
occupies the remaining one-sixth.
Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress
CRS-2
in Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland approved the accord in referendums on
May 22, 1998. Elections to the Assembly took place on June 25, 1998.
In October 2002 Northern Ireland police raided Sinn Fein’s Assembly offices and
arrested four officials as part of an investigation into a suspected IRA spy ring.
Consequently, on October 14, 2002, London suspended Belfast’s devolved government
and reinstated direct rule. Since then, the political situation has remained stalemated.
Unionists remain concerned about the IRA’s commitment to non-violence and Sinn Fein’s
refusal to join the Policing Board. Nationalists worry about the pace of UK
demilitarization, police reforms, and the DUP’s refusal to share power with Sinn Fein.
Decommissioning, Devolved Government, and Recurrent Crises
Instability in Northern Ireland’s devolved government has been the rule rather than
the exception; decommissioning has been a key sticking point. Authority over local affairs
was first transferred to the Northern Ireland Assembly and Executive on December 1,
1999, after 27 years of direct rule from London. But on February 11, 2000, London
suspended the devolved government because the Assembly’s First Minister, then-Ulster
Unionist Party (UUP) leader David Trimble, was poised to resign to protest the absence
of IRA decommissioning. After intense negotiations involving Trimble and Sinn Fein,
the IRA’s associated political party, an IRA pledge to put its arms “beyond use” was
issued. The power-sharing institutions were then reinstated in June 2000.
For the next twelve months, Unionists remained frustrated by the ongoing lack of
IRA decommissioning. As a result, Trimble resigned as First Minister on July 1, 2001.
Since the Assembly can operate no longer than six weeks without a First Minister or new
elections must be called, London suspended the devolved government on August 10 for
24 hours to avoid calling new elections. London feared elections would result in gains
for hardliners. The brief suspension reset the clock, giving negotiators another six weeks
to try to avert the collapse of Belfast’s political institutions. Meanwhile, pressure on the
IRA to decommission began to grow following the August 2001 arrests in Colombia of
three suspected IRA members on charges of training FARC guerrillas to use explosives.
The September 11 terrorist attacks added to the pressure. According to an Irish diplomat,
“President Bush declared war against international terrorism ... If the IRA wanted to hold
on to their weapons any longer, the Americans would simply have none of it.”2 Sinn Fein,
was facing political isolation and the loss of private U.S. financial support.
Negotiations to restore devolution continued throughout the summer. On September
21, 2001, London suspended the Assembly again for 24 hours to buy more time. Finally,
on October 23, after Sinn Fein leader Gerry Adams publicly called for IRA
decommissioning, the IRA announced that it had put a quantity of weapons “beyond use”
to “save the peace process.” In response, the UUP decided to rejoin the Executive. On
2
As quoted in Kevin Cullen, “Sinn Fein Prods IRA on Disarming,” Boston Globe, Oct. 23, 2001.
In April 2004, the IRA suspects were found not guilty on the charges of training the FARC, but
this verdict was overturned in December 2004 and the three suspects fled Colombia. In August
2005, they surfaced in the Republic of Ireland. Also see House International Relations
Committee, “International Global Terrorism: Its Links with Illicit Drugs as Illustrated by the IRA
and Other Groups in Colombia,” 107th Cong., 2nd sess., Serial No. 107-87, Apr. 24, 2002.
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Relative calm prevailed in early 2002. By March, the British had closed seven more
military bases, bringing the total number vacated to 48 out of 105. On April 8, the IRA
carried out a November 5, David Trimble was reelected First Minister; Mark Durkan, leader of the
moderate nationalist Social Democratic and Labor Party (SDLP), was reelected Deputy
First Minister. Relative calm prevailed in early 2002. On April 8, the IRA carried out a
second act of decommissioning. Still, worries about the IRA’s long-term
commitment commitment
to the peace process persisted following allegations that the IRA was buying
new new
weapons, updating its “hit list,” and was behind the theft of intelligence documents
from from
a Belfast police barracks. On October 4, 2002 police raided Sinn Fein’s Assembly offices
and arrested four officials as part of an investigation into a suspected IRA spy ring. The
UUP and DUP were outraged, andthe harder line Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) threatened to withdraw from
the government unless
Sinn Fein was expelled. Sinn Fein rejected all of the charges against its members.
On October 14, 2002, London
With the political process in turmoil, London once again suspended Belfast’s
devolved government and
reinstated direct rule on October 14, 2002. Since then, London
and Dublin have led talks with Northern
Ireland’s political parties to try to find a way forward. Both UK Prime Minister Tony
Blair and Irish Prime Minister Bertie Ahern emphasize that “acts of completion” are
necessary. On April 23, 2003, Blair asserted that the IRA still needed to indicate whether
it intended to end all activities, put all of its arms beyond use, and ensure a final closure
of the conflict. On May 1, London postponed Northern Ireland’s May 29 Assembly
elections to give the parties more time to negotiate. At the same time, London and Dublin
published a “Joint Declaration,” which called for a further drawdown of UK forces,
devolution of policing and justice, and an end to paramilitarism and sectarian violence;
they also outlined a deal for “on-the-run” fugitives, and an independent body to monitor
paramilitary ceasefires and political party compliance with the peace accord. To keep up
political momentum, Blair and Ahern sought to implement some parts of the Joint
Declaration ahead of a final deal; demolition of two more army watchtowers began on
May 9, and steps were taken to establish the Independent Monitoring Commission (IMC).
A deal to restore devolution appeared near in the fall of 2003. On October 21, 2003,
London set November 26 as the date for the Assembly elections. Within hours, Sinn Fein
leader Gerry Adams declared his party’s “total and absolute commitment to exclusively
democratic and peaceful means” and called for all guns to be “taken out of Irish society.”
The IRA asserted that Adams “accurately reflects our position” and announced a third act
of decommissioning. However, Trimble criticized the lack of details about the type and
quantity of arms disposed, and put further progress “on hold.”
On November 26, 2003, voters in Northern Ireland went to the polls despite the
deadlock over devolution. The largely anti-agreement DUP — led by the Reverend Ian
Paisley — overtook the UUP as the dominant unionist party in the Assembly. Sinn Fein
surpassed the more moderate SDLP to become the largest nationalist party.3 On January
5, 2004, UUP rebel Jeffrey Donaldson defected to the DUP, along with two other UUP
members, increasing the number of DUP seats further. The DUP asserted that it would
not enter into government with Sinn Fein until the IRA disarms and disbands.
Most analysts predicted that the election results would make restoring devolution
more difficult. Negotiations remained stalemated for much of 2004. In September 2004,
Prime Ministers Blair and Ahern led intensive talks with the parties. Although they
concluded without a deal, London and Dublin believed that the IRA was ready to
3
For more information, see CRS Report RS21692, Northern Ireland: The 2003 Election, by
Kristin Archick.
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guarantee an end to paramilitary activity and the completion of decommissioning. In
November 2004, London and Dublin presented compromise proposals to Sinn Fein and
the DUP to help resolve remaining issues. The transparency of the decommissioning
process re-emerged as a major stumbling block. The DUP called for photographic
evidence to be taken and published, but Sinn Fein and the IRA balked, viewing these
demands as an attempt to humiliate the IRA. Efforts to restore devolution were further
complicated by a bank robbery in Belfast on December 20, 2004, which police say was
carried out by the IRA. The IRA denies being involved.
Sinn Fein and the IRA also came under increased pressure to address the issue of
IRA criminality following the murder of Belfast man Robert McCartney during a bar
brawl in late January 2005. The IRA expelled three members, and Sinn Fein suspended
seven others, accused of being involved. On March 8, 2005, the IRA announced that it
had offered to shoot four men directly involved in the McCartney killing; the McCartney
family declined this offer, which was strongly condemned by London, Dublin, and
Washington. On April 6, Adams effectively called on the IRA to abandon violence and
pursue politics as an “alternative” to “armed struggle.” Some viewed Adams’ remarks
as a ploy to bolster Sinn Fein ahead of the UK’s general election on May 5, 2005. The
DUP won nine seats in the UK Parliament, while the UUP lost five of its six seats,
including Trimble’s. Sinn Fein, with five seats, has a two-seat lead over the SDLP.
Trimble resigned as UUP leader and has been replaced by Sir Reg Empey.
On July 28, 2005, the IRA ordered an end to its armed campaign. It instructed all
members to pursue objectives through “exclusively peaceful means” and to “not engage
in any other activities whatsoever.” All IRA units were ordered to dump arms, and the
IRA stated that two witnesses from the Protestant and Catholic clergy would verify its
decommissioning process, in addition to the international monitors. The British, Irish,
and U.S. governments welcomed the IRA’s statement but cautioned that words must be
followed by deeds. London began dismantling several security posts, and announced
plans to halve the number of British troops in Northern Ireland to 5,000 by August 2007,
despite unionist opposition. Although many analysts asserted that the IRA’s statement
was the least ambiguous one ever, unionists were wary, noting that it did not explicitly
address the issue of IRA criminality nor whether the IRA would disband.4
On September 26, 2005, Northern Ireland’s Independent International Commission
on Decommissioning (IICD) announced that the IRA had put all of its arms beyond use,
asserting that the IRA weaponry dismantled or made inoperable matched estimates
provided by the security forces. The DUP and other unionists have condemned the lack
of details on the quantity of weapons destroyed and remain skeptical, but London and
Dublin appear to believe that the IRA as an organization is now incapable of carrying out
a major attack or destabilizing Northern Ireland politics. On February 1, 2006, an IMC
report asserted that the IRA seemed to be moving in the right direction, but some evidence
indicated that the IRA remained involved in intelligence-gathering and criminal activities;
the IMC also noted that it had received reports that some IRA members had retained a
limited number of weapons, mostly for personal use. The IICD, however, announced that
it had investigated such claims of weapons retention, and found them to be false. The
4
“A Long Time Coming,” Irish Times, July 29, 2005. For the text of the IRA’s July 28, 2005
statement, see BBC News [http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/northern_ireland/4724599.stm].
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British and Irish governments responded positively to the IMC’s report, maintaining that
it demonstrated “enough progress” to make the “process of talking meaningful.”
Nevertheless, ongoing negotiations to restore the devolved government appear deadlocked
still; the DUP continues to insist in the wake of the IMC report that the IRA has not lived
up to its commitments and refuses to talk to Sinn Fein directly until the IRA disbands.5
Implementing Police Reforms
The Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) — Northern Ireland’s former, 92% Protestant
police force — was long viewed by Catholics as an enforcer of Protestant domination.
The peace agreement called for an independent commission to help “ensure policing
arrangements, including composition, recruitment, training, culture, ethos and symbols,
are such that ... Northern Ireland has a police service that can enjoy widespread support
from ... the community as a whole.” In June 1998, Prime Minister Blair appointed Chris
Patten to head this commission. In September 1999, the Patten Commission released a
report with 175 recommendations. It proposed a new name for the RUC, a new badge,
and new symbols free of the British or Irish states. Other key measures included reducing
the size of the force from 11,400 to 7,500, and increasing the proportion of Catholic
officers. Unionists responded negatively, but nationalists were
forward. Negotiations have largely focused on finding a formula to assure unionists that
the IRA was winding down as a paramilitary force, meeting nationalist demands for
government stability, and achieving more progress in the fields of policing, justice, and
human rights. In October 2003, the IRA announced a third act of decommissioning, but
UUP leader Trimble criticized the lack of details about the quantity of arms disposed, and
put further progress toward restoring devolution “on hold.”
Despite the suspension of power-sharing at the executive level, Assembly elections
took place in November 2003. The elections resulted in a shift toward the perceived
hardliners, the DUP led by the Reverend Ian Paisley and Sinn Fein led by Gerry Adams.
Immediately after the elections, the DUP asserted that it would not enter into government
with Sinn Fein until the IRA disarmed and disbanded. Most analysts predicted that the
election results would make restoring devolution more difficult. Negotiations continued
but remained stalemated for much of 2004.
Efforts to restore devolution were further complicated by a December 2004 bank
robbery in Belfast, which police believed was carried out by the IRA, and the January
2005 murder of Belfast man, Robert McCartney, during a bar brawl involving IRA
members. These incidents increased pressure on the IRA and Sinn Fein to also address
the issue of IRA criminality. On April 6, Gerry Adams effectively called on the IRA to
abandon violence and pursue politics as an “alternative” to “armed struggle.”
On July 28, 2005, the IRA ordered an end to its armed campaign. It instructed all
members to pursue objectives through “exclusively peaceful means” and to “not engage
in any other activities whatsoever.” All IRA units were ordered to “dump arms.” The
British, Irish, and U.S. governments welcomed the IRA’s statement but cautioned that
words must be followed by deeds. In response to the IRA announcement, and despite
unionist opposition, London began dismantling security posts along the Northern Ireland
border, and announced plans to cut the number of British troops in Northern Ireland to
5,000 by August 2007. Although many analysts asserted that the IRA’s statement was the
least ambiguous one ever, unionists were wary, noting that it did not explicitly address the
issue of IRA criminality or whether the IRA would disband.3
3
“A Long Time Coming,” Irish Times, July 29, 2005. For the text of the IRA’s July 28, 2005
statement, see BBC News [http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/northern_ireland/4724599.stm].
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On September 26, 2005, Northern Ireland’s Independent International Commission
on Decommissioning (IICD) announced that the IRA had put all of its arms beyond use,
asserting that the IRA weaponry dismantled or made inoperable matched estimates
provided by the security forces. The DUP and other unionists have remained skeptical,
but London and Dublin appear to believe that the IRA as an organization was now
incapable of carrying out a major attack or destabilizing Northern Ireland politics. On
February 1, 2006, the International Monitoring Commission (IMC), which monitors
paramilitary ceasefires and political party compliance with the peace agreement, issued
a status report. The IMC asserted that the IRA seemed to be moving in the right direction.
The British and Irish governments responded positively to the IMC’s report, maintaining
that it demonstrated “enough progress” to make the “process of talking meaningful.”4
However, despite the IICD certification that the IRA has put its weapons “beyond use”
and the IRA statement abandoning sectarian violence, DUP leaders refused to govern
alongside Sinn Fein until the DUP was convinced that the IRA had completely disarmed
and disbanded and until Sinn Fein agreed to participate on the Police Board for Northern
Ireland.
In an attempt to break the stalemate, on April 6, 2006, London and Dublin
announced that the Northern Ireland Assembly would be recalled in mid-May and given
an initial six weeks to appoint ministers to the Executive, thereby restoring the devolved
government. The Northern Ireland Assembly reconvened on May 15, 2006. The
Assembly was permitted to debate policy matters but was not given the power to make
laws. London and Dublin had hoped that by recalling the Assembly, even in such a
“shadow” form, confidence would build between the opposing parties and in the political
process.
When this attempt ultimately failed, London and Dublin gave the parties until
November 24, 2006, to reach an agreement on an Executive or a new British-Irish
governing scheme would be implemented to effectively govern Northern Ireland. The
exact form of such partnership arrangements remains unclear, but some analysts view this
prospect as a veiled threat to unionists to reach a deal to restore devolution or risk ceding
greater authority over the affairs of Northern Ireland to Dublin.5
Throughout the summer both London and Dublin insisted that the November 24
deadline was firm despite the warning from the DUP that the deadline would not be met.
With no real progress in the negotiations achieved by mid-September, Prime Ministers
Blair and Ahern announced a plan to convene a meeting of all of the parties in Scotland
in October in an attempt to hammer out a deal. Neither the DUP nor the UUP feel such
talks outside of Belfast would accomplish any more than what had taken place thus far,
but London and Dublin continue to insist the meetings take place.
Many analysts believe that the immediate prospects for reestablishing an Executive
are dim. The DUP maintains that the IRA has not lived up to its commitments on
4
“IRA Arms: What Next for NI Politics?,” BBC News, September 26, 2005; “Governments
Welcome Positive Report on IRA,” Irish Times, Feb. 2, 2006.
5
Brian Lavery, “Blair and Ahern Warn Ulster: End the Standoff by Fall Deadline,” New York
Times, Apr. 7, 2006. For the text of the Blair-Ahern statement on Apr. 6, 2006, see BBC News
[http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/politics/4883600.stm].
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disarmament and criminal activity and must disband and that Sinn Fein must join the
Policing Board. Sinn Fein insists that DUP first agrees to return to a power-sharing
government. Many experts believe that no further progress can be expected unless
Reverend Paisley decides that he and his DUP leadership can sit in the same room and
talk to Sinn Fein directly or that Sinn Fein agrees to join the Police Board.6 The members
of the Assembly have been told that if there is no agreement to restore the power-sharing
government by November 2006, the Assembly will be disbanded.
Implementing Police Reforms
The Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) — Northern Ireland’s former, 92% Protestant
police force — was long viewed by Catholics as an enforcer of Protestant domination.
The Good Friday agreement called for an independent commission to help “ensure
policing arrangements, including composition, recruitment, training, culture, ethos and
symbols, are such that ... Northern Ireland has a police service that can enjoy widespread
support from ... the community as a whole.” In June 1998, Prime Minister Blair
appointed Chris Patten to head this commission. In September 1999, the Patten
Commission released a report with 175 recommendations. It proposed a new name for
the RUC, a new badge, and new symbols free of the British or Irish states. Other key
measures included reducing the size of the force from 11,400 to 7,500, and increasing the
proportion of Catholic officers. Unionists responded negatively, but nationalists were
mostly positive.
In May 2000, the Blair government introduced the Police Bill in the House of
Commons. Nationalists were critical, arguing that Patten’s proposals had been gutted.
London responded that amendments would deal with human rights training, promoting
50-50 recruitment of Catholics and Protestants, and oversight responsibilities. The Police
Bill became law on November 23, 2000. While some nationalist concerns had been
addressed, Sinn Fein and the SDLP asserted that the reforms did not go far enough. In
March 2001, recruiting began for the future Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI).
To help ensure nationalist support, London proposed further concessions in July 2001,
which included halving the anti-terrorist “Special Branch.”
In August 2001, the SDLP broke with Sinn Fein andover the proposal to create a
democratic oversight body known as the Policing Board and along with the UUP and
DUP accepted the British revisions;
the SDLP and agreed to nominate representatives to the Policing Board, a democratic
oversight body. Despite Sinn Fein’s continued opposition, the Policing Board came into
being on November 4, 2001Board.
On November 4, 2001, the Policing Board came into being. That same day, the RUC was
renamed the PSNI, and the
first class of recruits drawn 50-50 from both Catholic and
Protestant communities began their training. Sinn Fein
maintains that the changes are largely cosmetic. Some say continues to oppose the Board,
and many say that Sinn Fein’s absence from the
Policing Board discourages has discouraged more
Catholics from joining the PSNI. To assuage nationalist
concerns further, London
outlined plans in November 2002 for new policing legislation
to provide more public
accountability and eventually allow former paramilitaries to sit on
Northern Ireland’s new
District Policing Partnerships (DPPs), which seek to foster greater
local involvement in policing. Paramilitary participation would be conditional on other
“acts of completion.” DPPs came into being in March 2003. The Police (Northern
Ireland) Act 2003 received Royal Assent in April 2003. In late November 2004, Sinn
policing.
6
“Paisley Nomination Smart Tactics,” BBC News, May 22, 2006; “Hain Plays Down Failure To
Elect First Minister,” Irish Times, May 23, 2006.
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In November 2004, Sinn Fein leader Gerry Adams met with PSNI chief Hugh Orde for the first time in the context
of the search for a comprehensive deal to restore devolution.
5
“IRA Arms: What Next for NI Politics?,” BBC News, September 26, 2005; “Governments
Welcome Positive Report on IRA,” Irish Times, February 2, 2006.
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for the first time. However, many experts believe that Sinn Fein will not join the Policing
Board until there is a deal to revive the devolved government. Sinn Fein also wants to see
the transfer of policing and justice powers from London to a restored Assembly and
Executive. In February 2006, London introduced a new bill in the UK Parliament to pave
the way for such a transfer. Sinn Fein views the proposed legislation as a first step but
maintains that the “devil is in the details.”7 In September 2006, reports circulated that
Sinn Fein leader Gerry Adams had signaled that Sinn Fein may be willing to cooperate
with police on the ground but would not join the Board until the devolved government
was back in full operation. This idea has been rejected by the DUP and the SDLP.
U.S. Policy
The Bush Administration views the Good Friday Agreement as the best framework
for a lasting peace in Northern Ireland. U.S. officials assert that trust and confidence can
only be rebuilt if the IRA and other paramilitaries “go out of business.” They also stress
” and that Sinn Fein
must join the Policing Board. The Bush Administration reacted positively
to the IRA’s
July 2005 statement that it was ending its armed struggle, and called the
announcement announcement
that the IRA had fully decommissioned a “critical first step” in translating
its words into concrete action.
action. Most Members of Congress actively support the peace process.
Encouraged by
the progress on police reforms, several Members prompted the Administration in
December 2001 to lift a ban on contacts between the FBI and the new PSNI. Congress
had had
initiated this prohibition in 1999 because of the former RUC’s human rights record.
Some Members remain concerned with human rights and accountability issues in
Northern Ireland. Recent hearings have focused onRecent hearings in the 109th Congress have focused on the peace process, policing
reforms, and the status of public inquiries into four
several high-profile murders in Northern Ireland, including the 1989 slaying of Belfast attorney
Patrick Finucane, and the peace process.6 The United States
Ireland. The U.S. has provided aid through the
International Fund for Ireland since 1986 and is an important source of investment.
Recent Legislation
H.Res. 555 expresses support for the 1998 Good Friday Agreement for Northern
Ireland. Introduced by Representative Walsh, November 15, 2005..
For FY2007, the House of Representatives added $10.8 million to the Foreign Operations
Appropriations bill for the IFI.
Recent Legislation
P.L. 109-102 (Nov. 14, 2005) appropriatesappropriated $13.5 million for the International Fund
for Ireland as part of the FY2006 foreign operations spending measure. Introduced as
H.R. 3057 by Representative Kolbe, June 24, 2005.
S. 1935 authorizes appropriations of $20 million per year for FY2006-FY2007 for
the International Fund for Ireland (IFI) and encourages the IFI to support programs related
to policing reform. Introduced by Senator Santorum, October 27, 2005.
H.R. 2601 authorizes.
H.R. 2601 authorized Department of State appropriations for FY2006-FY2007,
including $100,000 per year for training and advisory support for the Office of the Police
Ombudsman for
Northern Ireland, and $20 million per year for the International Fund for
Ireland.
Introduced by Representative Smith, May 24, 2005; passed House, July 20, 2005.
S.Res 173 (July 13, 2005H.Res. 744 (April 4, 2006) expresses support for the 1998 Good Friday Agreement
as the blueprint for lasting peace in Northern Ireland. S.Res. 84 (Mar. 17, 2005)
condemns IRA violence and criminality. Both introduced by Senator Kennedy.
P.L. 108-449 (Dec. 10, 2004) amends and extends the Irish Peace Process Cultural
and Training Program Act of 1998 through FY2008 to provide job and conflict resolution
training to persons from Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. Introduced as H.R.
2655 and for ongoing police reforms.
Introduced by Representative Walsh, June 26, 2003.
6
See House International Relations Committee, Subcommittee on Africa, Global Human Rights,
and International Operations, “Northern Ireland Human Rights: Update on the Cory Collusion
Inquiry Reports,” 109th Congress, 1st sess., March 16, 2005; and House International Relations
Committee, Subcommittee on Europe and Emerging Threats, “Northern Ireland: Prospects for
the Peace Process,” 109th Congress, 1st sess., May 25, 2005Hyde, March 29, 2006.
7
“MPs To See Devolved Policing Bill Today,” Irish Times, Feb. 16, 2006.