Order Code RS21333
Updated July 29, 2005March 6, 2006
CRS Report for Congress
Received through the CRS Web
Northern Ireland: The Peace Process
Kristin Archick
Specialist in European Affairs
Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division
Summary
For years, the British and Irish governments sought to facilitate a peaceful
settlement to the conflict in Northern Ireland. After many ups and downs, the two
governments and the eight parties participating in peace talks announced an agreement
on April 10, 1998. However, the implementation of the resulting Good Friday
Agreement continues to be difficult. This report will be updated as events warrant.
Overview
Since 1969, over 3,200 people have died as a result of political violence in Northern
Ireland, which is a part of the United Kingdom. The conflict, which has its origins in the
1921 division of Ireland, has reflected a struggle between different national, cultural, and
religious identities.1 The Protestant majority (53%) in Northern Ireland defines itself as
British and largely supports continued incorporation in the UK (unionists). The Catholic
minority (44%) considers itself Irish, and many Catholics desire a united Ireland
(nationalists). For years, the British and Irish governments sought to facilitate a political
settlement. The Good Friday Agreement was reached on April 10, 1998. It calls for
devolved government — the transfer of power from London to Belfast — and establishes
a Northern Ireland Assembly and Executive Committee in which unionists and
nationalists share power, a North-South Ministerial Council, and a British-Irish Council.
It also contains provisions on decommissioning (disarmament), policing, human rights,
security normalization, and prisoners, and recognizes that a change in Northern Ireland’s
status can only come about with the consent of the majority of its people. Voters in
Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland approved the accord in referendums on May
22, 1998. Elections to the new Assembly took place on June 25, 1998.
Nonetheless, implementation of the peace agreement has been difficult, and sporadic
violence from dissident groups continues. Instability in the devolved government has. Instability
in the devolved government has been the rule rather than the exception. Unionists remain
1
In 1921, the mostly Catholic, southern part of Ireland won independence from Britain. The
resulting Republic of Ireland occupies about five-sixths of the island of Ireland; Northern Ireland
occupies the remaining one-sixth. For more background, see CRS Report RL30368, Northern
Ireland: Implementation of the Peace Agreement during the 106th Congress, by Karen Donfried.
Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress
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been the rule rather than the exception. Unionists remain concerned about the IRA’s
commitment to decommissioning and non-violence, while nationalists worry about the
the pace of demilitarization, police reforms, and ongoing loyalist paramilitary activity.
Decommissioning, Devolved Government, and Recurrent Crises
After 27 years of direct rule from London, authority over local affairs was transferred
to the Northern Ireland Assembly and Executive on December 1, 1999. On February 11,
2000, however, But on February
11, 2000, London suspended the devolved government because the Assembly’s
First First
Minister, then-Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) leader David Trimble, was poised to resign
to protest the absence of IRA decommissioning. UK officials worried that Trimble would
have been replaced by someone less supportive of, if not opposed to, the peace agreement.
In May 2000, the UUP voted to reinstate the power-sharing institutions following an IRA
pledge to put its arms “beyond use”; the Assembly reconvened in June 2000.
Unionists remained frustrated, however, by the IRA’s lack of decommissioning. The
IRA asserted that progress depended on London fully honoring its demilitarization and
policing commitments. The June 7, 2001 general and local elections in Northern Ireland
saw the more extremist
Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) and the IRA-linked Sinn Fein party
gaining on the UUP
and the moderate nationalist Social Democratic and Labor Party
(SDLP). With no IRA
disarmament, Trimble resigned as First Minister on July 1, 2001.
London suspended the
devolved government on August 10 for 24 hours to avoid calling
new elections, which it
feared would result in additional gains for hardliners. The
Assembly can go no longer
than six weeks without a First Minister, or new elections must
be called. The brief
suspension reset the clock, giving negotiators another six weeks to
try to avert the collapse
of Belfast’s political institutions.
In mid-August 2001, Colombian authorities arrested three suspected IRA members
on charges of training FARC guerrillas to use explosives. The FARC is a 15,000-strong
force that conducts attacks against the Colombian government and U.S. interests. Given
U.S. efforts to help counter the FARC, Washington was troubled by the IRA’s alleged ties
to this group. But after the September 11 terrorist attacks, “President Bush declared war
against international terrorism ... If the IRA wanted to hold on to their weapons any
longer, the Americans would simply have none of it,” according to an Irish diplomat.2
Sinn Fein was facing political isolation and the loss of private American financial support.
Negotiations among Sinn Fein, London, and Dublin continued. On September 21,
2001, London suspended the Assembly again for 24 hours to buy more time. Finally, on
October 23, following a public call for IRA decommissioning by Sinn Fein, the IRA
announced that it reportedly had put a quantity of weapons “beyond use” to “save the
peace process.” In response, the UUP decided to rejoin the power-sharing executive.
London began dismantling several more army watchtowers and promised to devise an
amnesty arrangement for nationalist fugitives. On November 5, David Trimble was
reelected First Minister; SDLP leader Mark Durkan was reelected Deputy First Minister.
2
As quoted in Kevin Cullen, “Sinn Fein Prods IRA on Disarming,” Boston Globe, Oct. 23, 2001.
In April 2004, the IRA suspects were found not guilty on the charges of training the FARC, but
this verdict was overturned by a Colombian appeals court in December 2004. The three suspects
have reportedly fled Colombia. For more information,in December 2004 and the three suspects fled Colombia. In August
2005, they surfaced in the Republic of Ireland. Also see House International Relations
Committee, “International Global Terrorism: Its Links with Illicit Drugs as Illustrated by the IRA
and Other Groups in Colombia,” 107th Cong., 2nd sess., Serial No. 107-87, Apr. 24, 2002.
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amnesty arrangement for nationalist fugitives. On November 5, David Trimble was
reelected First Minister; SDLP leader Mark Durkan was reelected Deputy First Minister.
Relative calm prevailed in early 2002. By March, the British had closed seven more
military bases, bringing the total number vacated to 48 out of 105. On April 8, the IRA
carried out a second act of decommissioning. Still, worries about the IRA’s long-term
commitment to the peace process persisted following allegations that the IRA was buying
new weapons, updating its “hit list,” and was behind the theft of intelligence documents
from a Belfast police barracks. On October 4, police raided Sinn Fein’s Assembly offices
and arrested four officials as part of an investigation into a suspected IRA spy ring. The
UUP and DUP were outraged, and threatened to withdraw from the government unless
Sinn Fein was expelled. Sinn Fein rejected all of the charges against its members.
On October 14, 2002, London suspended Belfast’s devolved government and
reinstated direct rule. Since then, London and Dublin have led talks with Northern
Ireland’s political parties to try to find a way forward. Both UK Prime Minister Tony
Blair and Irish
Prime Minister Bertie Ahern emphasize that “acts of completion” are
necessary. On April
23, 2003, Prime Minister Blair asserted that the IRA still needed to indicate whether
it intended to end all activities, put all of its arms beyond use, and ensure a final closure
of the conflict. On May 1, London postponed Northern Ireland’s May 29 Assembly
elections to give the parties more time to negotiate. At the same time, London and Dublin
published a “Joint Declaration,” which called for a further drawdown of UK forces,
devolution of policing and justice, and an end to paramilitarism and sectarian violence;
they also needed to answer three questions:
“Does the IRA intend to end all activities, including targeting and weapons procurement?
Does the IRA intend to put all its arms beyond use? Does the IRA’s position mean a final
closure of the conflict?” In response, Sinn Fein leader Gerry Adams sought to assure
unionists of the IRA’s “peaceful intent,” stating on April 30 that the IRA’s activities “will
be consistent with its resolve to see the complete and final closure of the conflict.”
London and Dublin insisted, however, that Adams’ words were not adequate guarantees.
On May 1, London postponed Northern Ireland’s May 29 Assembly elections to give
the parties more time to negotiate. At the same time, London and Dublin published a
“Joint Declaration,” which called for a further drawdown of UK forces, devolution of
policing and justice, and an end to paramilitarism and sectarian violence; they also
outlined a deal for “on-the-run” fugitives, and an independent body to monitor
paramilitary ceasefires and political party compliance with the peace accord. To keep up
political momentum, Blair and Ahern sought to implement some parts of the Joint
Declaration ahead of a final deal; demolition of two more army watchtowers began on
May 9, and steps were taken to establish the Independent Monitoring Commission (IMC).
By September 2003, negotiations were focused on assuring unionists that the IRA
was winding down as a paramilitary forceA deal to restore devolution appeared near in the fall of 2003. On October 21, 2003, London announced that
Assembly elections would be held on November 26. Within hours, Gerry Adams declared
Sinn Fein
London set November 26 as the date for the Assembly elections. Within hours, Sinn Fein
leader Gerry Adams declared his party’s “total and absolute commitment to exclusively
democratic and peaceful
means” and called for all guns to be “taken out of Irish society.” Next, the
The IRA asserted
that Adams “accurately reflects our position” and announced a third act of
of decommissioning. ButHowever, Trimble criticized the lack of details about the type and quantity
quantity of arms disposed, and put further progress “on hold.”
On November 26, 2003, voters in Northern Ireland went to the polls despite the
deadlock over devolution. The largely anti-agreement DUP — led by the Reverend Ian
Paisley — overtook the UUP as the dominant unionist party in the Assembly. Sinn Fein
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surpassed the more moderate SDLP to become the largest nationalist party.3 On January
5, 2004, UUP rebel Jeffrey Donaldson defected to the DUP, along with two other UUP
members, increasing the number of DUP seats further. The DUP asserted that it would
not enter into government with Sinn Fein until the IRA disarms and disbands.
Most analysts predicted that the election results would make restoring devolution
more difficult. Negotiations continued, but remained stalemated for much of 2004. In
September 2004,
Prime Ministers Blair and Ahern led intensive talks with the parties.
Although they
concluded without a deal, London and Dublin believed that the IRA was
ready to
3
For more information, see CRS Report RS21692, Northern Ireland: The 2003 Election, by
Kristin Archick.
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guarantee an end to paramilitary activity and the completion of decommissioning
by the end of the year. In . In
November 2004, London and Dublin presented compromise
proposals to Sinn Fein and
the DUP to help resolve remaining issues.4 The transparency
of the decommissioning
process re-emerged as a major stumbling block. The IRA agreed
to allow one Protestant and one Catholic clergyman to witness its decommissioning, but
the DUP called for photographic
evidence to be taken and published., but Sinn Fein and the
IRA balked, viewing these
demands as an attempt to humiliate the IRA. Efforts to restore
devolution were further
complicated by a bank robbery in Belfast on December 20, 2004.
Police believe that the heist was , which police say was
carried out by the IRA. The IRA, backed by Sinn Fein,
has denied denies being involved.
Sinn Fein and the IRA have also come under increasingalso came under increased pressure to address the issue
of of
IRA criminality — including from the Catholic community — following the murder
of Belfast man Robert McCartney during a bar
brawl in late January 2005. The IRA has
expelled three members, and Sinn Fein has suspended
seven others, accused of being
involved. On March 8, 2005, the IRA announced that it
had offered to shoot four men
directly involved in the McCartney killing; the McCartney
family declined this offer,
which was strongly condemned by London, Dublin, and
Washington. On April 6, Adams
effectively called on the IRA to abandon violence and
pursue politics as an “alternative”
to “armed struggle.” London and Dublin welcomed Adams’ statement but stressed that
further progress in the peace process would depend on a decisive end to all IRA activity.
Many observers believe that the UK’s general election on May 5, 2005, has further
confirmed Northern Ireland’s political polarization and may make restoring devolution
harder. The to “armed struggle.” Some viewed Adams’ remarks
as a ploy to bolster Sinn Fein ahead of the UK’s general election on May 5, 2005. The
DUP won nine seats in the UK Parliament, while the UUP lost five of its six
seats,
including Trimble’s. Sinn Fein, with five seats, has a two-seat lead over the SDLP.
Trimble has since resigned as UUP leader and has been replaced by Sir Reg Empey.
On July 28, 2005, the IRA issued its response to Adams’ April appeal. The IRA
announced that it was orderingordered an end to its armed campaign and instructing all members
. It instructed all
members to pursue objectives through “exclusively peaceful means” and to “not engage
in any other
activities whatsoever.” All IRA units were ordered to dump arms, and the IRA stated it
would work to put its arms beyond use as quickly as possible and that this would be
verified by international monitors and two witnesses from the Protestant and Catholic
clergy. The British, Irish, and U.S. governments have welcomed the IRA’s statement but
have cautioned that the IRA’s words must be followed by deeds. Many analysts assert
3
4
For more information, see CRS Report RS21692, Northern Ireland: The 2003 Election.
For the text of the Blair-Ahern proposals, made public on December 8, 2004, see the Northern
Ireland Office’s website [http://www.nio.gov.uk].
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that the IRA’s statement is the clearest and least ambiguous one ever, but unionists remain
cautious, noting that it fails to indicate whether the IRA will disband or to specifically
address the issue of IRA criminality. London and Dublin will now likely intensify efforts
to restore Northern Ireland’s devolved government, although it may still take up to a year
to reach a deal as unionists will want to wait to see if the IRA lives up to its commitments.
UK and Irish officials hope that the lure of office will make both the DUP and Sinn Fein
more willing to make the necessary compromises to restore devolution
IRA stated that two witnesses from the Protestant and Catholic clergy would verify its
decommissioning process, in addition to the international monitors. The British, Irish,
and U.S. governments welcomed the IRA’s statement but cautioned that words must be
followed by deeds. London began dismantling several security posts, and announced
plans to halve the number of British troops in Northern Ireland to 5,000 by August 2007,
despite unionist opposition. Although many analysts asserted that the IRA’s statement
was the least ambiguous one ever, unionists were wary, noting that it did not explicitly
address the issue of IRA criminality nor whether the IRA would disband.4
On September 26, 2005, Northern Ireland’s Independent International Commission
on Decommissioning (IICD) announced that the IRA had put all of its arms beyond use,
asserting that the IRA weaponry dismantled or made inoperable matched estimates
provided by the security forces. The DUP and other unionists have condemned the lack
of details on the quantity of weapons destroyed and remain skeptical, but London and
Dublin appear to believe that the IRA as an organization is now incapable of carrying out
a major attack or destabilizing Northern Ireland politics. On February 1, 2006, an IMC
report asserted that the IRA seemed to be moving in the right direction, but some evidence
indicated that the IRA remained involved in intelligence-gathering and criminal activities;
the IMC also noted that it had received reports that some IRA members had retained a
limited number of weapons, mostly for personal use. The IICD, however, announced that
it had investigated such claims of weapons retention, and found them to be false. The
4
“A Long Time Coming,” Irish Times, July 29, 2005. For the text of the IRA’s July 28, 2005
statement, see BBC News [http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/northern_ireland/4724599.stm].
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British and Irish governments responded positively to the IMC’s report, maintaining that
it demonstrated “enough progress” to make the “process of talking meaningful.”
Nevertheless, ongoing negotiations to restore the devolved government appear deadlocked
still; the DUP continues to insist in the wake of the IMC report that the IRA has not lived
up to its commitments and refuses to talk to Sinn Fein directly until the IRA disbands.5
Implementing Police Reforms
The Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) — Northern Ireland’s former, 92% Protestant
police force — was long viewed by Catholics as an enforcer of Protestant domination.
The peace agreement called for an independent commission to help “ensure policing
arrangements, including composition, recruitment, training, culture, ethos and symbols,
are such that ... Northern Ireland has a police service that can enjoy widespread support
from ... the community as a whole.” In June 1998, Prime Minister Blair appointed Chris
Patten to head this commission. In September 1999, the Patten Commission released a
report with 175 recommendations. It proposed a new name for the RUC, a new badge,
and new symbols free of the British or Irish states. Other key measures included reducing
the size of the force from 11,400 to 7,500, and increasing the proportion of Catholic
officers. Unionists responded negatively, but nationalists were mostly positive.
In May 2000, the Blair government introduced the Police Bill in the House of
Commons. Nationalists were critical, arguing that Patten’s proposals had been gutted.
London responded that amendments would deal with human rights training, promoting
50-50 recruitment of Catholics and Protestants, and oversight responsibilities. The Police
Bill became law on November 23, 2000. While some nationalist concerns had been
addressed, Sinn Fein and the SDLP asserted that the reforms did not go far enough. In
March 2001, recruiting began for the future Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI).
To help ensure nationalist support, London proposed further concessions in July 2001,
which included halving the anti-terrorist “Special Branch.”
In August 2001, the SDLP broke with Sinn Fein and accepted the British revisions;
the SDLP agreed to nominate representatives to the Policing Board, a democratic
oversight body. Despite Sinn Fein’s continued opposition, the Policing Board came into
being on November 4, 2001. That same day, the RUC was renamed the PSNI, and the
first class of recruits drawn 50-50 from both communities began their training. Sinn Fein
maintains that the changes are largely cosmetic. Some say Sinn Fein’s absence from the
Policing Board discourages Catholics from joining the PSNI. To assuage nationalist
concerns further, London outlined plans in November 2002 for new policing legislation
to provide more public accountability and eventually allow former paramilitaries to sit on
Northern Ireland’s new District Policing Partnerships (DPPs), which seek to foster greater
local involvement in policing. Paramilitary participation would be conditional on other
“acts of completion.” DPPs came into being in March 2003. The Police (Northern
Ireland) Act 2003 received Royal Assent in April 2003. In late November 2004, Sinn
5
“IRA Renounces Use of Violence; Vows To Disarm,” New York Times, July 29, 2005; “A Long
Time Coming,” Irish Times, July 29, 2005. For the text of the IRA’s July 28, 2005 statement,
see BBC News [http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/northern_ireland/4724599.stm].
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Fein leader Gerry Adams met with PSNI chief Hugh Orde for the first time in the context
of the search for a comprehensive deal to restore devolution.
U.S. Policy
The Bush Administration views the Good Friday Agreement as the best framework
for a lasting peace in Northern Ireland. U.S. officials assert that trust and confidence can
only be rebuilt if the IRA and other paramilitaries “go out of business.” They also stress
that Sinn Fein must join the Policing Board. A U.S. representative sits on the
Independent Monitoring Commission. U.S. officials called on the IRA to disband
following its March 2005 offer to shoot the McCartney killers. The Bush Administration
has reacted positively to the IRA’s July 2005 statement that it was ending its armed
struggle, but has called for concrete action to follow. Members of Congress actively
support the peace process. Encouraged by the progress on police reforms, Members
prompted the Administration in December 2001 to lift a ban on contacts between the FBI
and the new PSNI. Congress had initiated this prohibition in 1999 because of the former
RUC’s human rights record. Some Members remain concerned with human rights and
accountability issues in Northern Ireland. Recent hearings have focused on the status of
public inquiries into four high-profile murders in Northern Ireland, including the 1989
slaying of Belfast attorney Patrick Finucane, and the peace process.6 The United States
provides aid through the International Fund for Ireland ($18.5 million appropriated for
FY2005; $8.5 million requested for FY2006) and is an important source of investment.
Recent Legislation
H.R. 3057 appropriates $13.5 million for the International Fund for Ireland (IFI) as
part of the FY2006 foreign operations spending measure. Introduced by Rep. Kolbe, June
24, 2005; passed House, June 28, 2005. The Senate version, passed July 20, 2005, does
not earmark funds for the IFI
Fein leader Gerry Adams met with PSNI chief Hugh Orde for the first time in the context
of the search for a comprehensive deal to restore devolution.
5
“IRA Arms: What Next for NI Politics?,” BBC News, September 26, 2005; “Governments
Welcome Positive Report on IRA,” Irish Times, February 2, 2006.
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U.S. Policy
The Bush Administration views the Good Friday Agreement as the best framework
for a lasting peace in Northern Ireland. U.S. officials assert that trust and confidence can
only be rebuilt if the IRA and other paramilitaries “go out of business.” They also stress
that Sinn Fein must join the Policing Board. The Bush Administration reacted positively
to the IRA’s July 2005 statement that it was ending its armed struggle, and called the
announcement that the IRA had fully decommissioned a “critical first step” in translating
its words into concrete action. Members of Congress actively support the peace process.
Encouraged by the progress on police reforms, Members prompted the Administration in
December 2001 to lift a ban on contacts between the FBI and the new PSNI. Congress
had initiated this prohibition in 1999 because of the former RUC’s human rights record.
Some Members remain concerned with human rights and accountability issues in
Northern Ireland. Recent hearings have focused on the status of public inquiries into four
high-profile murders in Northern Ireland, including the 1989 slaying of Belfast attorney
Patrick Finucane, and the peace process.6 The United States has provided aid through the
International Fund for Ireland since 1986 and is an important source of investment.
Recent Legislation
H.Res. 555 expresses support for the 1998 Good Friday Agreement for Northern
Ireland. Introduced by Representative Walsh, November 15, 2005.
P.L. 109-102 (Nov. 14, 2005) appropriates $13.5 million for the International Fund
for Ireland as part of the FY2006 foreign operations spending measure. Introduced as
H.R. 3057 by Representative Kolbe, June 24, 2005.
S. 1935 authorizes appropriations of $20 million per year for FY2006-FY2007 for
the International Fund for Ireland (IFI) and encourages the IFI to support programs related
to policing reform. Introduced by Senator Santorum, October 27, 2005.
H.R. 2601 authorizes Department of State appropriations for FY2006-FY2007,
including $100,000 per year for training and advisory support for the Office of the Police
Ombudsman for Northern Ireland, and $20 million per year for the International Fund for
Ireland. Introduced by Rep.Representative Smith, May 24, 2005; passed House, July 20, 2005.
S.Res 173 (July 13, 2005) expresses support for the 1998 Good Friday Agreement
as the blueprint for lasting peace in Northern Ireland. S.Res. 84 (Mar. 17, 2005)
condemns IRA violence and criminality. Both introduced by Sen.Senator Kennedy.
P.L. 108-449 (Dec. 10, 2004) amends and extends the Irish Peace Process Cultural
and Training Program Act (IPPCTPA) of 1998 through FY2008 to provide job and
conflict resolution
training to persons from Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland.
Introduced by as H.R.
2655 by Rep.Representative Walsh, June 26, 2003.
6
See House International Relations Committee, Subcommittee on Africa, Global Human Rights,
and International Operations, “Northern Ireland Human Rights: Update on the Cory Collusion
Inquiry Reports,” 109th Congress, 1st sess., March 16, 2005; and House International Relations
Committee, Subcommittee on Europe and Emerging Threats, “Northern Ireland: Prospects for
the Peace Process,” 109th Congress, 1st sess., May 25, 2005.