Israel: Major Issues and U.S. Relations
April 17, 2023
Israel has forged close bilateral cooperation with the United States in many areas. A 10-year
bilateral military aid memorandum of understanding commits the United States to provide Israel
Jim Zanotti
$3.3 billion in Foreign Military Financing and to spend $500 million annually on joint missile
Specialist in Middle
defense programs from FY2019 to FY2028, subject to congressional appropriations. Some
Eastern Affairs
Members of Congress have increased their scrutiny over Israel’s use of U.S. security assistance,

contributing to debate on the subject. This report also discusses the following matters:

Netanyahu’s return to power and judicial reform debate. In December 2022, Likud party
leader Benjamin Netanyahu became prime minister of a new government, replacing a 2021-2022 coalition that had formed in
opposition to Netanyahu. He previously served as prime minister from 1996 to 1999 and 2009 to 2021. The November 2022
election was the fifth held in Israel since a legal process began in December 2018 addressing corruption allegations against
Netanyahu. Netanyahu’s inclusion of ultra-nationalists Bezalel Smotrich and Itamar Ben Gvir within the new Israeli
government has triggered debate about the consequences for Israel’s democracy, its ability to manage tensions with its Arab
citizens and with Palestinians, and its relations with the United States and other countries. The government has proposed
legislation to overhaul Israel’s judicial system, triggering a highly charged national debate over checks and balances in Israel
with potential international implications. With President Biden and some Members of Congress encouraging a compromise
solution, and broad domestic disagreement over the issue, Netanyahu’s government temporarily postponed the legislation in
March 2023 to allow time to work toward national consensus.
Israeli-Palestinian issues. In hopes of preserving the viability of a negotiated two-state solution among Israelis and
Palestinians, Biden Administration officials have sought to help manage tensions, bolster Israel’s defensive capabilities, and
strengthen U.S.-Palestinian ties that frayed during the Trump Administration. Administration officials have regularly spoken
out against steps taken by Israelis or Palestinians that could risk sparking violence and undermining the vision of two states—
including settlement expansion, legalization of outposts, demolitions and evictions, disruptions to the historic status quo of
the holy sites, and incitement and acquiescence to violence. Since 2022, Israeli-Palestinian violence has triggered heightened
West Bank counterterrorism measures, with another spike in early 2023 leading the Palestinian Authority to announce the
suspension of security coordination with Israel. The United States, Jordan, and Egypt have convened periodic talks aimed at
bolstering Israel-PA coordination, de-escalating tensions, and minimizing unilateral measures. As the Gaza Strip remains
under the control of the Sunni Islamist militant group Hamas (a U.S.-designated terrorist organization), the United States and
other international actors face significant challenges in seeking to help with reconstruction without bolstering the group.
The Abraham Accords and Israeli normalization with Muslim-majority states. The Biden Administration has followed
agreements reached during the Trump Administration that normalized or improved relations between Israel and four Arab or
Muslim-majority states—the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Bahrain, Sudan, and Morocco. Biden Administration officials
have said that any further U.S. efforts to assist Israeli normalization with Muslim-majority countries would seek to preserve
the viability of a negotiated two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Ongoing efforts to deepen security and
economic ties between Israel, the UAE, Bahrain, and Morocco could drive broader regional cooperation—including on
various types of defense—that inclines other Arab and Muslim-majority countries toward future normalization with Israel.
Congress has passed legislation encouraging more normalization and greater regional security cooperation involving Israel.
Countering Iran and other regional dynamics. Israeli officials seek to counter Iranian regional influence and prevent Iran
from acquiring nuclear weapons. Israel supported President Trump’s withdrawal of the United States from the 2015
international agreement that constrained Iran’s nuclear activities. Amid seemingly diminished prospects for a possible U.S.
return to the agreement, Israeli leaders seek greater international pressure on Iran amid questions about the tenor of U.S.-
Israel cooperation on Iran-related issues. Israel also has reportedly conducted a number of covert or military operations
against Iran and its allies in Syria, Lebanon, and Iraq for various purposes, including to prevent Lebanese Hezbollah from
bolstering its weapons arsenal and capabilities. Via U.S. mediation, Israel and Lebanon—which do not have formal
relations—reached agreement in October 2022 on maritime boundaries to allow both countries to extract offshore natural gas.
Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine. In the wake of Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine, Israel has sought to provide political
support for Ukraine and humanitarian relief for Ukrainians without alienating Russia. Israel has shown reluctance to provide
lethal assistance to Ukraine—citing the need to deconflict its military operations over Syria with Russia. However, Israel is
reportedly providing or planning to provide basic intelligence, assistance with early warning systems, and anti-drone
jamming systems to counter Iran-made drones and missiles used by Russia.
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Overview: Major Issues for U.S.-Israel Relations
Israel (see Appendix A for a map and basic facts) has forged close bilateral cooperation with the
United States in many areas. For more background, see CRS Report RL33476, Israel:
Background and U.S. Relations, by Jim Zanotti, and CRS Report RL33222, U.S. Foreign Aid to
Israel, by Jeremy M. Sharp.
U.S.-Israel security cooperation—a critical part of the bilateral relationship—is multifaceted. U.S.
law requires the executive branch to take certain actions to preserve Israel’s “qualitative military
edge,” or QME, and expedites aid and arms sales to Israel in various ways. A 10-year bilateral
military aid memorandum of understanding (MOU)—signed in 2016—commits the United States
to provide Israel $3.3 billion in Foreign Military Financing (FMF) and to spend $500 million
annually on joint missile defense programs from FY2019 to FY2028, subject to congressional
appropriations. The MOU anticipates possible supplemental aid in emergency situations such as
conflict. In March 2022, Congress appropriated $1 billion in supplemental funding through
FY2024 for the Iron Dome anti-rocket system as a response to the system’s heavy use during a
May 2021 conflict between Israel and Gaza Strip-based groups such as Hamas and Palestine
Islamic Jihad (both of which are U.S.-designated terrorist organizations). Some lawmakers seek
oversight measures and legislation to distinguish certain Israeli actions in the West Bank and
Gaza from general U.S. support for Israeli security.1
Additional issues to be discussed below with significant implications for U.S.-Israel relations
include the following:
 The December 2022 return of Benjamin Netanyahu as Israel’s prime minister at
the head of a coalition government that includes ministers from ultra-nationalist
parties. The new government’s judicial reform proposal has triggered a highly
charged national debate in Israel and prompted statements from U.S. officials and
lawmakers.
 Israeli-Palestinian violence and other problems.
 Israel’s relations with various Arab states since the 2020-2021 Abraham Accords.
 Concerns about Iran’s nuclear program and regional influence, including with
Lebanon-based Hezbollah and in Syria.
 Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine.
Netanyahu’s Return to Power and New Coalition
Partners
On December 29, 2022, Israel’s Knesset (parliament) voted to reinstall Likud party leader
Benjamin Netanyahu for a third stint as prime minister (his previous terms were 1996-1999 and
2009-2021). He heads a coalition government that includes ultra-nationalist and ultra-Orthodox
parties (see Figure 1 and Appendix B).

1 For example, the Two-State Solution Act (H.R. 5344 from the 117th Congress) would have expressly prohibited U.S.
assistance (including defense articles or services) to further, aid, or support unilateral efforts to annex or exercise
permanent control over any part of the West Bank (including East Jerusalem) or Gaza.
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Figure 1. November 2022 Knesset Election Results

Source: Britain Israel Communications and Research Centre, with graphic adapted by CRS. The Religious
Zionism slate consists of three separate parties: Religious Zionism (7 seats), Jewish Power (6), and Noam (1).
The 2022 election was the fifth held in Israel since a legal process regarding corruption
allegations against Netanyahu began in December 2018; his criminal trial is ongoing and could
last for months or years.2 Two of the previous four elections did not result in the formation of a
government, and the other two resulted in short-lived coalition governments—a 2020-2021
government with Netanyahu as prime minister, and a 2021-2022 government without him.
Coalition partners who support legal measures to help Netanyahu avoid criminal punishment may
have leverage to pursue their policy preferences.3
Key Government Figures and Decisionmaking
Netanyahu’s inclusion of ultra-nationalists Bezalel Smotrich and Itamar Ben Gvir within the new
Israeli government (see Table 1) has triggered debate about the implications for Israel’s
democracy, its ability to manage tensions with its Arab citizens and with Palestinians, and its
relations with the United States and other countries.4 Coalition agreements state that the Jewish
people have an “exclusive right” to the land between the Mediterranean Sea and Jordan River,5
appearing to conflict with Palestinian statehood aspirations. Smotrich has devoted his career to
expanding Jewish control in the West Bank and advocating for the application of Jewish religious
law in Israeli society.6 Ben Gvir expresses many similar views and has been a fixture at
contentious gatherings of Jews and Arabs in Jerusalem.7 An Israeli court convicted him in 2007
for incitement to racism and supporting terrorism.8
Upon the government’s formation, President Joe Biden stated that his Administration would work
with the government to jointly address many issues in the region and “will continue to support the
two state solution and oppose policies that endanger its viability or contradict our mutual interests

2 Yonah Jeremy Bob, “Where the Benjamin Netanyahu trials stand – and where they are going – analysis,” Jerusalem
Post, August 16, 2022.
3 Ron Kampeas, “Why Netanyahu’s new government could alienate Israel’s conservative American allies,” Jewish
Telegraphic Agency, December 30, 2022.
4 Josef Federman, “As Israel’s Netanyahu returns to office, troubles lie ahead,” Associated Press, December 29, 2022.
5 Barak Ravid, “Israel swears in most right-wing government in its history,” Axios, December 29, 2022.
6 “Bezalel Smotrich: The controversial and feared Netanyahu ally,” Ynetnews/i24News, December 30, 2022.
7 Gregoire Sauvage, “Itamar Ben Gvir, the ultra-nationalist accused of stirring up violence in Jerusalem,” May 15,
2021.
8 Etgar Lefkovits, “Ben-Gvir convicted of inciting to racism,” Jerusalem Post, June 25, 2007.
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and values.”9 Earlier, Secretary of State Antony Blinken said that the Administration will “gauge
the government by the policies it pursues rather than individual personalities.”10
Table 1. Israeli Government: Key Positions
Position
Name
Party
Prime Minister
Benjamin Netanyahu
Likud
Defense Minister
Yoav Gallant
Likud
Foreign Minister
Eli Cohen
Likud
Finance Minister and Minister within Defense Ministry
Bezalel Smotrich
Religious Zionism
Justice Minister
Yariv Levin
Likud
National Security Minister
Itamar Ben Gvir
Jewish Power
Transportation Minister
Miri Regev
Likud
Strategic Affairs Minister
Ron Dermer
No formal affiliation
Energy Minister
Israel Katz
Likud
Agriculture and Rural Development Minister
Avi Dichter
Likud
Smotrich and Ben Gvir have each assumed some security responsibilities. Under the coalition
agreements, Smotrich has a defense ministry position with formal responsibility over civil affairs
units administering West Bank and Gaza Strip issues, including the planning commission that
oversees West Bank settlement construction and home demolitions.11 Ben Gvir heads a national
security ministry with general authority over Israel’s police—including personnel that patrol
Jerusalem and its disputed holy sites.12 He also expects to oversee the border police, including
units that have operated in the West Bank under Israel Defense Forces (IDF) authority.13 Ben Gvir
supports easing open-fire conditions for security forces and increasing their legal immunity.14
Defense Minister Yoav Gallant and top IDF leaders have apparently sought to prevent changes to
the defense ministry and border police from disrupting the chain of command.15 In February
2023, Smotrich received general responsibilities to direct settlement planning and enforcement
over illegal construction in the West Bank, while Gallant maintained formal powers to intervene
in Smotrich’s decisions with cause.16 It is unclear how the arrangement will work in practice,

9 White House, “Statement from President Joe Biden on the New Government of the State of Israel,” December 29,
2022.
10 State Department, “Secretary Antony J. Blinken at the J Street National Conference,” December 4, 2022.
11 Carrie Keller-Lynn, “Smotrich given authority over key West Bank appointments in deal with Likud,” Times of
Israel, December 5, 2022.
12 Carrie Keller-Lynn, “Knesset passes ‘Ben Gvir law,’ cementing minister’s expanded powers over police,” Times of
Israel, December 28, 2022. For background on Jerusalem and its holy sites, see CRS Report RL33476, Israel:
Background and U.S. Relations, by Jim Zanotti.
13 “Likud agrees to split entire Border Police from police force, hand Ben Gvir control,” Times of Israel, December 29,
2022.
14 Keller-Lynn, “Knesset passes ‘Ben Gvir law.’”
15 Herb Keinon, “Israel’s new defense minister faces new challenges from within – analysis,” Jerusalem Post, January
2, 2023; Ash Obel, “Smotrich refuses to attend meeting with IDF chief on transfer of West Bank powers,” Times of
Israel, January 25, 2023.
16 Jeremy Sharon, “Smotrich handed sweeping powers over West Bank, control over settlement planning,” Times of
Israel, February 23, 2023.
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especially if Gallant and Smotrich disagree on an issue that arguably has both civilian and
national security implications.
Netanyahu has asserted that he will personally retain ultimate responsibility for policy.17 One
Israeli journalist has argued that Netanyahu’s efforts to act as a buffer between his coalition
partners and Western countries concerned about their influence will eventually lead to him losing
the support of one or the other.18 Two former U.S. officials have written that if a new Israeli
government with Smotrich and Ben Gvir features open hostility to Arabs and illiberal measures to
change Israel’s democracy, opponents of strong U.S.-Israel relations will exploit the situation “to
try to undo aspects of the relationship, and certainly to challenge Israeli military requests.”19
The coalition agreements are not legally binding.20 The degree of their implementation could have
significant consequences for issues like West Bank annexation or legalization of outposts, the
rights of minorities (including Arabs, women, and LGBTQ people), and diaspora immigration to
Israel.21 The part of the coalition agreement referring to the possible annexation of West Bank
areas explicitly defers to Netanyahu’s preferred timing and consideration of Israeli interests.22
Proposed Judicial System Changes and Controversy
Overview
Justice Minister Yariv Levin proposed legislation in January 2023 to overhaul Israel’s judicial
system in the following ways:23
 Require larger HCJ majorities to invalidate laws or government decisions.
 Allow the Knesset to override HCJ decisions, unless the full 15-judge panel
decides unanimously.
 Give the government effective control of the panel that appoints judges.
 Prevent the HCJ from applying a “reasonableness” test to legislation and
government action.
 Allow cabinet ministers to appoint legal advisers from outside the Justice
Ministry’s aegis.
Reducing the judiciary’s power to curb Knesset majority-backed government action could allow
this coalition to enact laws that have encountered or would likely encounter HCJ resistance. Such
laws could include legalizing Jewish West Bank outposts on private Palestinian land, exempting

17 Steve Inskeep and Daniel Estrin, “‘They are joining me. I’m not joining them’: Netanyahu defends far-right allies,”
NPR, December 15, 2022.
18 Ben Caspit, “Crisis imminent as Netanyahu’s far-right partners set to govern West Bank,” Al-Monitor, December 9,
2022.
19 Dennis Ross and David Makovsky, “A narrow government with Ben Gvir and Smotrich threatens US-Israel ties,”
Times of Israel, November 2, 2022.
20 Barak Ravid, “Israel swears in most right-wing government in its history,” Axios, December 29, 2022.
21 Tovah Lazaroff, “Netanyahu coalition pledges to advance West Bank annexation policies,” Jerusalem Post,
December 22, 2022; Rina Bassist, “With discrimination protections at risk, protests planned across Israel,” Al-Monitor,
December 28, 2022; Zvika Klein, “Netanyahu agrees to amend Law of Return in coalition deal with UTJ,” Jerusalem
Post, December 22, 2022.
22 “Netanyahu agrees to amend Law of Return in coalition deal with UTJ,” Associated Press, December 28, 2022.
23 Jeremy Sharon, “Justice minister unveils plan to shackle the High Court, overhaul Israel’s judiciary,” Times of Israel,
January 4, 2023.
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ultra-Orthodox Jews from military conscription, or changing minority rights and the religious-
secular balance in Israel.24 It is unclear whether Prime Minister Netanyahu’s participation in the
legislative process for the judicial reform proposal is legal because of an existing conflict of
interest agreement barring him from matters that could affect his criminal case.25 Netanyahu has
participated in the ongoing debates despite the insistence of Israel’s attorney general that he is
prohibited from doing so. In March, the Knesset passed a law that—if not overturned by the
HCJ—would limit the circumstances under which a prime minister could be removed from
office.26
The government’s proposed legislation on judicial reform has triggered a highly charged national
debate over checks and balances in Israel. Since its announcement, hundreds of thousands of
Israelis have joined protests in conjunction with opposition politicians,27 and many former HCJ
justices and attorneys general have strongly criticized the proposal and called on the government
to withdraw it to prevent “serious damage” to the rule of law.28 Widespread opposition has
encompassed other sectors of society. A number of leading figures in Israel’s financial and
economic sector—including the head of Israel’s central bank and several executives in the
country’s high-tech industry—have expressed concern about the proposed judicial reforms’
potential impact on Israel’s economy and its global appeal.29 Additionally, many military and
security personnel—including several reservists who play critical roles in the Israel Air Force—
have joined protests and/or threatened to suspend their service if the proposals pass without
significant change. In March, IDF chief of staff Lieutenant General Herzi Halevi said that the IDF
could not operate without “the volunteering spirit of the reservists ... which depends on the
preservation of the IDF as the ‘people’s army’ in a Jewish and democratic country.”30
Netanyahu has defended the need for reform. He has argued that the HCJ has exercised broad
powers of judicial review since the 1990s despite Israel’s lack of a written constitution as a clear
reference point, while calling for substantive dialogue during the legislative process to ensure that
the changes can be made responsibly.31 HCJ President Esther Hayut has said that the HCJ intends
to examine any legislation enacted, raising the possibility of a constitutional crisis if the HCJ
rules that the legislation is invalid.32

24 Dov Lieber, “Israel’s Court Plan Deepens Divisions,” Wall Street Journal, January 24, 2023; “Israel unveils
controversial plans to overhaul judicial system,” Associated Press, January 4, 2023.
25 “Israel’s attorney-general tells Netanyahu to stay out of push for judicial changes,” Reuters, February 2, 2023; Chen
Maanit, “Netanyahu Says No Conflict of Interest in His Judicial Reforms,” Ha’aretz, January 26, 2023.
26 Henriette Chacar, “Israel's attorney general accuses Netanyahu of breaking the law,” Reuters, March 24, 2023.
27 Lieber, “Israel’s Court Plan Deepens Divisions”; “Anti-overhaul protesters call to turn up heat as over 300,000
estimated at rallies,” Times of Israel, March 11, 2023.
28 Tamar Uriel-Beeri, “Former Israel A-Gs on reforms: ‘They threaten to destroy judicial system,’” Jerusalem Post,
January 12, 2023.
29 Neri Zilber, “Will Less Democracy Kill Israel’s Tech Sector?” Foreign Policy, January 26, 2023.
30 Neri Zilber, “Netanyahu Holds the Key to De-escalating Israel’s Crisis,” Newlines Magazine, March 16, 2023.
31 “PM defends judicial overhaul: Amendments will be made responsibly, everyone calm down,” Times of Israel,
January 13, 2022; Transcript: One-On-One with Israel’s Netanyahu amid Surging Violence, CNN, January 31, 2023.
For some additional arguments supporting judicial reform in Israel, see Richard A. Epstein and Max Raskin, “Israel’s
Proposed Judicial Reforms Aren’t ‘Extreme,’” Wall Street Journal, January 29, 2023; and Peter Berkowitz, “Israel’s
Constitutional Counterrevolution,” Real Clear Politics, February 5, 2023. For some historical context, see Patrick
Kingsley, “Social Rifts, Spread over Decades, at the Root of Israel’s Judicial Crisis,” New York Times, March 11, 2023.
32 David Horovitz, “Constitutional crisis looms, as Supreme Court president shows she won’t go quietly,” Times of
Israel, January 12, 2023.
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Some observers warn about international implications of efforts to weaken Israel’s judiciary. For
example, a former legal adviser for Israel’s defense ministry has said that international or foreign
courts have to date largely trusted Israel’s justice system to deal with politicians or soldiers
accused of illegal actions. He then speculated, “But if we get rid of that [current levels of
domestic legal accountability] and give carte blanche to [soldiers to] do what they want and give
them immunity from prosecution, it would open up all sorts of measures.”33
Some Members of Congress have shared varying views on the reform proposal. For example, two
Members of Congress expressed concerns in January that it might strain U.S.-Israel relations.34 In
February and March, a number of other Members voiced opinions. Some joined letters to
President Biden or Israeli leaders—or made separate statements—expressing support for the
principles of judicial review and minority rights.35 Others stated confidence in Israelis to make
their own democratic decisions.36
In mid-March, Israeli President Isaac Herzog introduced a framework that he promoted as
facilitating a compromise to preserve Israeli democracy and unity. It would aim to strengthen
civil rights and limit the potential for a government backed by a narrow Knesset majority to make
swift and major changes to the judiciary, absent broader support from national institutions.37
Netanyahu rejected Herzog’s specific proposal while indicating that he remained open to
compromise in principle.38
Domestic Crisis and Postponement of Legislation
On March 19, President Biden called Prime Minister Netanyahu—according to an unnamed
senior Administration official—to express concern about the judicial reform issue.39 A White
House readout of the call said that the President “offered support for efforts underway to forge a
compromise” consistent with democratic values such as “genuine checks and balances” and “the
broadest possible base of popular support.”40 After the Biden-Netanyahu call, the Israeli
government announced that most of the judicial reform legislation would be postponed until the
Knesset returns from a spring recess in late April, potentially allowing for dialogue among
differing viewpoints on those issues.

33 Fabian, “Former defense legal adviser warns against planned government moves in West Bank.”
34 Representative Jerrold Nadler, “As the Most Senior Jewish Member of Congress, I Now Fear Deeply for the U.S.-
Israel Relationship,” Ha’aretz, January 25, 2023; Representative Brad Sherman, interviewed in Ben Samuels, “Top
pro-Israel Democrat Warns Netanyahu Government ‘Mistakes’ Could Erode U.S. Support,” Ha’aretz, January 23,
2023.
35 Full text of two letters available at https://delauro.house.gov/sites/evo-subsites/delauro.house.gov/files/evo-media-
document/final-3.8.23-delauro-schakowsky-mcgovern-letter-to-biden-administration-on-two-state-solution-
compressed.pdf and https://nadler.house.gov/uploadedfiles/3.9.23_letter_to_israeli_government_final.pdf. See also
Laura Kelly, “Netanyahu’s judicial reforms have US lawmakers worried about Israeli democracy,” The Hill, March 9,
2023; Marc Rod, “While some sound alarm, pro-Israel members call for measured approach on judicial reform,”
Jewish Insider, February 16, 2023.
36 Rod, “While some sound alarm, pro-Israel members call for measured approach on judicial reform.”
37 “Warning of civil war, Herzog unveils framework for judicial reform; PM rejects it,” Times of Israel, March 15,
2023.
38 Patrick Kingsley, “An Effort to Resolve Israel’s Impasse Stalls on How to Pick Judges,” New York Times, March 17,
2023; Elliott Abrams, “Israel and the Debate over the Role of the Judiciary in Democratic Government,” Council on
Foreign Relations, March 16, 2023.
39 “Biden calls Israel’s Netanyahu to express judicial plan ‘concern,’” Associated Press, March 19, 2023.
40 White House, “Readout of President Joe Biden’s Call with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel,” March 19,
2023.
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However, the government continued to press forward with plans to pass a bill before April 2 that
would have given it a large amount of—though not total—control over judicial appointments.41
Over the next week, domestic opposition to the bill intensified, and on March 25, Defense
Minister Gallant departed from Netanyahu’s position by calling for a pause to the legislation until
after the spring recess, based on stated concerns that contention over the proposals was affecting
Israel’s military and security forces. On March 26, Netanyahu announced his decision to fire
Gallant. Later that day, a National Security Council spokesperson said, “We are deeply concerned
by today’s developments out of Israel, which further underscore the urgent need for
compromise.”42
After protests opposing the legislation—as well as counter-demonstrations supporting it—
expanded, and a general strike closed down much of the country on March 27, Netanyahu
announced that day that all judicial reform legislation would be postponed to prevent a rift among
Israelis. He proclaimed his readiness to start an immediate dialogue with the opposition to “bring
a reform that will restore the balance between the different branches of government while
strengthening civil liberties.”43 Reportedly, National Security Minister Ben Gvir acquiesced to
giving the government until late July to pass consensus-based judicial reform, after receiving
Netanyahu’s agreement that if the government and opposition cannot reach agreement, the
legislation will pass unilaterally.44
A New National Guard?
As part of the apparent deal with Ben Gvir, Netanyahu also reportedly agreed to place a new National Guard
security unit derived from Israel’s Border Police under Ben Gvir’s direct authority.45 In early April, Israel’s cabinet
authorized establishing the National Guard, which would apparently focus on addressing crime and unrest in
mixed Arab-Jewish areas of Israel. Instead of placing the new unit under Ben Gvir’s authority, the cabinet
designated a 90-day period to receive recommendations from government agencies regarding its role and
command structure. Some key figures, including Israel’s attorney general, chief of police, and opposition leader,
have raised questions about the new unit’s mandate or whether it might increase rather than decrease sectarian
tensions.46 As of mid-April, Netanyahu appears to favor placing the National Guard under the aegis of Israel’s
police rather than directly under Ben Gvir’s authority.47
Assessment
It is unclear how the postponement will affect legislative outcomes on judicial reform. In a late
March interview, Netanyahu said that the Knesset should be limited in its power to nullify HCJ
decisions. That issue is separate from the judicial appointments clause at the center of the late
March crisis. In the same interview, Netanyahu reiterated his view that the HCJ needs checking to
strengthen Israeli democracy.48 As of mid-April, negotiations between the coalition and

41 Barak Ravid, “Scoop: Biden tells Bibi he’s never seen such anxiety over Israel’s political situation,” Axios, March
20, 2023; Jeremy Sharon, “Ostensibly softened, Rothman bill gives coalition broad control over choice of judges,”
Times of Israel, March 21, 2023.
42 White House, “Statement from NSC Spokesperson Adrienne Watson on Developments in Israel,” March 26, 2023.
43 Barak Ravid, “Bibi suspends judicial overhaul after mass protests across Israel,” Axios, March 27, 2023.
44 Ibid.
45 Eliav Breuer, “Ben-Gvir gets National Guard in exchange for support of judicial reform delay,” Jerusalem Post,
March 27, 2023.
46 Dan Williams, “Israel OKs Ben-Gvir's ‘national guard’ but hedges on his powers,” Reuters,
47 Ben Caspit, “Israel’s Netanyahu falls in polls, could abandon judicial overhaul,” Al-Monitor, April 14, 2023.
48 “Netanyahu in weekend interview: Overhaul necessary as Supreme Court ‘too powerful,’” Times of Israel, March 27,
2023.
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opposition parties reportedly have focused on reaching agreement on all the disputed issues, and
also codifying fundamental civil rights.49
On April 13, Netanyahu said that there was no deadline to enact judicial reform legislation, and
that his priority is to achieve broad national consensus.50 One journalist has speculated that
Netanyahu may be looking for ways to distance himself from his ultra-nationalist coalition
partners in light of concerns about possible declines in his approval rating, domestic political and
economic stability, Israeli-Palestinian tensions, and relations with the United States.51 On April
14, Moody’s Investors Service kept Israel’s credit ratings constant, but downgraded the outlook
on those ratings from “positive” to “stable,” reflecting “a deterioration of Israel’s governance, as
illustrated by the recent events around the government’s proposal for overhauling the country's
judiciary.”52
Polls suggest that a majority of Israelis may support some form of judicial reform, but the specific
reforms introduced by the government seem to attract only minority support. Majorities appear to
favor compromises that would preserve at least some judicial review powers and a role for
justices alongside politicians in making judicial appointments.53
As public debate continues, Netanyahu has roundly criticized military reservists threatening not
to serve. He also has sought to convince military leadership to do more to counter this behavior.54
Some Israeli analysts have suggested that reservists’ actions played a major role in pressuring
Netanyahu to pause the judicial reform legislation.55 As various media sources speculate on the
effect future controversies might have on reservists as well as full-time personnel, some surveys
indicate that reservists’ military service has not decreased drastically to date.56
After the postponement of the government’s judicial reform proposals, President Biden expressed
hope that Netanyahu will walk away from them and reiterated his earlier call for compromise. He
also dismissed the idea of Netanyahu visiting the White House “in the near term.”57 Netanyahu
has said that Israel will not make decisions based on outside pressure,58 but referred to U.S.-Israel
ties as “unshakeable” while virtually addressing the State Department’s 2023 Summit for
Democracy.59

49 Jeremy Sharon, “Judicial overhaul negotiation teams hold talks on anchoring fundamental rights in law,” Times of
Israel, April 11, 2023.
50 Caspit, “Israel’s Netanyahu falls in polls, could abandon judicial overhaul.”
51 Ibid.
52 Moody’s Investors Service, “Moody’s changes outlook on Israel to stable from positive, affirms A1 ratings,” April
14, 2023.
53 Tamar Hermann and Or Anabi, “Only a Minority of Israelis Support the Proposed Judicial Overhaul,” Israel
Democracy Institute, February 21, 2023, and “Overhauling the Judicial System – What Do Israelis Think?” Israel
Democracy Institute, February 3, 2023; “Direct Polls: 3/4 of Israelis support judicial reform,” Israel National News,
March 7, 2023.
54 Amos Harel, “Netanyahu Tries to Regain Control of His Generals, but May Lose Another Battle,” Ha’aretz, April 7,
2023.
55 Dion Nissenbaum et al., “Soldiers Forced Netanyahu’s Hand,” Wall Street Journal, March 29, 2023.
56 Yonah Jeremy Bob, “Is volunteering for IDF reserve duty cratering or stable? – analysis,” Jerusalem Post, March 27,
2023.
57 Josef Federman, “Israeli PM, Biden exchange frosty words over legal overhaul,” Associated Press, March 29, 2023.
58 Ibid.
59 Israeli Prime Minister’s Office, “PM Netanyahu Addresses the US State Dept. Summit for Democracy 2023,” March
29, 2023.
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Facing negative public polling from his decision—never fully finalized—to fire Defense Minister
Gallant, Netanyahu reversed the decision in early April.60 Pressure on Netanyahu to clearly
reinstate Gallant came at a time when Israel’s military has faced heightened challenges or threats
from violence in the West Bank, Gaza Strip, and Lebanon.61
Gallant’s reinstatement came shortly after Israeli media reported that the IDF’s Military
Intelligence directorate had warned Israel’s top national security decision-makers that Israel’s
strategic situation and deterrence has eroded over the past several months for various reasons,
particularly domestic division over judicial reform legislation. According to Israel Hayom:
This view of Israel is shared by all members of the anti-Israeli axis led by Iran, and it has
been clearly manifested in the series of meetings held by Hezbollah Secretary-General
Hassan Nasrallah with Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad officials aimed at coordinating
their positions.... The Palestinian Authority has also been encouraged by the US-Israel
friction and it hopes to seize on it, particularly in international forums – from UN
committees to The Hague.62
Israeli-Palestinian Issues63
Overview
Biden Administration officials have said that they seek to preserve the viability of a negotiated
two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, while playing down near-term prospects for
direct Israeli-Palestinian negotiations.64 In doing so, they seek to help manage tensions, bolster
Israel’s defensive capabilities, and strengthen U.S.-Palestinian ties that frayed during the Trump
Administration.65 These officials regularly speak out against steps taken by Israelis or Palestinians
that could fuel violence and risk undermining the vision of two states.66 In January 2023 remarks
made alongside Palestinian Authority (PA) President Mahmoud Abbas during a visit to the West
Bank, Secretary of State Antony Blinken said:
Meanwhile, we oppose any action by either side that makes that goal [a two-state solution]
more difficult to achieve, more distant. And we’ve been clear that this includes things like
settlement expansion, the legalization of outposts, demolitions and evictions, disruptions
to the historic status quo of the holy sites, and of course incitement and acquiescence to
violence. We look to both sides to unequivocally condemn any acts of violence regardless
of the victim or the perpetrator.67

60 Barak Ravid, “In reversal, Netanyahu says he’s keeping Gallant as Israel’s defense minister,” Axios, April 10, 2023.
61 Ben Caspit, “Israel, Lebanon’s Hezbollah agree to avoid confrontation, but for how long?” Al-Monitor, April 7,
2023.
62 Yoav Limor, “Exclusive: Intelligence Directorate sounds alarm over eroding Israeli deterrence,” Israel Hayom, April
4, 2023.
63 See also CRS Report RL34074, The Palestinians: Background and U.S. Relations, by Jim Zanotti.
64 State Department Press Briefing, February 23, 2023; White House, “Remarks by President Biden and President
Abbas of the Palestinian National Authority in Joint Press Statement | Bethlehem, West Bank,” July 15, 2022.
65 CRS Report RL34074, The Palestinians: Background and U.S. Relations, by Jim Zanotti.
66 U.S. Mission to the United Nations, “Remarks by Ambassador Linda Thomas-Greenfield at a UN Security Council
Briefing on the Situation in the Middle East,” September 28, 2022.
67 State Department, “Secretary Antony J. Blinken and Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas After Their
Meeting,” January 31, 2023.
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U.S. Policy on Jerusalem
The Trump Administration made U.S. policy changes affecting bilateral relations when it recognized Jerusalem as
Israel’s capital in 2017 and moved the location of the U.S. Embassy in Israel from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem in 2018.
These actions could affect future outcomes regarding Jerusalem’s status—given Palestinian claims to East Jerusalem
as their future national capital—though the Trump Administration did not take a position on the boundaries of
Israeli sovereignty in the city. The Biden Administration has said that the embassy wil remain in Jerusalem.68
Israel’s previous government took some steps to improve Palestinians’ economic and living
circumstances, including through loans and work permits.69 However, some critics charged that
the measures mirrored past Israeli efforts to manage the conflict’s effects unilaterally rather than
address its causes through negotiation with Palestinians.70 During President Biden’s July 2022
visit to Israel and the West Bank, the White House released a statement saying that Israel had
committed to expanding the number of Palestinian work permits, 24-hour accessibility to the
Allenby border crossing between the West Bank and Jordan, and efforts to upgrade the West Bank
and Gaza to 4G communications infrastructure.71 As of April 2023, Israeli personnel began 24-
hour operations at the Allenby crossing five days a week.72
Israeli-Palestinian tensions have heightened in 2023. In response to a Palestinian-backed U.N.
General Assembly resolution in December 2022 requesting an International Court of Justice
advisory opinion on Israeli actions in the West Bank (including East Jerusalem) and Gaza, the
Netanyahu government has taken a number of retaliatory actions. These include withholding tax
revenue due the PA (partly authorized by existing Israeli law) and rerouting some of it to Israeli
families victimized by terrorism, freezing construction plans for Palestinians in parts of the West
Bank, and rescinding expedited travel privileges at checkpoints for PA officials.73 Some countries
(including France, Germany, and Japan) signed a statement expressing deep concern regarding
these Israeli steps, calling them “punitive measures against the Palestinian people, leadership, and
civil society.”74
In January 2023, National Security Minister Ben Gvir visited Jerusalem’s Temple Mount/Haram
al Sharif (“Mount/Haram”) a few days after taking office, triggering statements of condemnation
or concern from Palestinians and several governments both within the region and globally.75
Netanyahu has pledged to maintain the historic “status quo” that allows only Muslims to worship
at the holy site, and has downplayed Ben Gvir’s visit by referring to previous ministerial visits to

68 Niels Lesniewski, “White House confirms Biden will keep embassy in Jerusalem,” Roll Call, February 9, 2021.
69 Thomas Grove and Fatima AbdulKarim, “Israel Offers Economic Help to Palestinians in Bid to Stem Influence of
Hamas,” Wall Street Journal, February 8, 2022; Aaron Boxerman, “Israel set to raise work permit quotas for Gazans to
20,000,” Times of Israel, March 26, 2022.
70 Neri Zilber, “Israel’s new plan is to ‘shrink,’ not solve, the Palestinian conflict,” CNN, September 16, 2021.
71 White House, “FACT SHEET: The United States-Palestinian Relationship,” July 14, 2022. The Allenby crossing is
scheduled to operate on a nearly continuous basis starting in April 2023. Jacob Magid, “After US pressure, Allenby
crossing to Jordan set to open at all hours on weekdays,” Times of Israel, November 24, 2022.
72 Rina Bassist, “Israel expands border crossing hours for Palestinians going to Jordan,” Al-Monitor, April 3, 2023.
73 “Israel to withhold PA tax revenue, impose other sanctions after Abbas’s UN success,” Times of Israel, January 6,
2023; Tovah Lazaroff, “Smotrich doubles penalties for pay-for-slay, withholds NIS 100m,” Jerusalem Post, February
2, 2023.
74 Luke Tress, “Over 90 countries urge Israel to lift sanctions put on Palestinians after UN vote,” Times of Israel,
January 17, 2023.
75 Barak Ravid, “Israeli ultranationalist minister visits sensitive Jerusalem holy site, raising tensions,” Axios, January 3,
2023; U.N. Security Council, “Leaders on All Sides of Palestinian Question Must Help Alleviate Tensions, Maintain
Status Quo at Jerusalem’s Holy Sites, Senior Peace Official Tells Security Council,” January 5, 2023.
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the site.76 Expressing deep concern about the potentially provocative nature of Ben Gvir’s visit,
the State Department spokesperson called on Netanyahu to keep his commitment on the status
quo.77 During Netanyahu’s late January visit to King Abdullah II of Jordan, which has a custodial
role over the Mount/Haram, the king reportedly told Netanyahu that Israel should respect the
“historic and legal status quo in the Holy Aqsa mosque and not violate it.”78
Gaza and Its Challenges
The Gaza Strip—control ed by Hamas but significantly affected by general Israeli and Egyptian access and
import/export restrictions—faces difficult and complicated political, economic, and humanitarian conditions.79
Palestinian militants in Gaza clash at times with Israel’s military as it patrols Gaza’s frontiers with Israel, with
militant actions and Israeli responses sometimes endangering civilians in both places. These incidents occasionally
escalate toward larger conflict, as in May 2021. Hamas and Israel reportedly work through Egypt and Qatar to
help manage the flow of necessary resources into Gaza and prevent or manage conflict escalation. Since 2018,
Egypt and Hamas (perhaps with implied Israeli approval) have permitted some commercial trade via the informal
Salah al Din crossing that bypasses the formal PA controls and taxes at other Gaza crossings.80
With Gaza under Hamas control, the obstacles to international y supported recovery from the May 2021 conflict
remain largely the same as after previous Israel-Gaza conflicts in 2008-2009, 2012, and 2014.81 Because of the PA’s
inability to control security in Gaza, it has been unwil ing to manage donor pledges toward reconstruction, leading
to concerns about Hamas diverting international assistance for its own purposes.82 Before the 2021 conflict, Qatar
had provided cash assistance for Gaza, but due to Israeli concerns about the potential for its diversion, Qatar
began an arrangement in September 2021 to provide money transfers to needy families through the United
Nations.83 In November 2021, Qatar and Egypt agreed on a new mechanism—with Israel’s tacit approval—to
restart assistance toward Gaza civil servants’ salaries that had been on hold since the May 2021 outbreak of
conflict.84
Israel-West Bank Violence
After an upsurge in Israeli-Palestinian violence during 2022 that resulted in the deaths of 30
Israelis or foreigners in Israel and at least 170 Palestinians in the West Bank,85 violence has
spiked in early 2023. For this year as of mid-April, more than 15 Israelis and 90 Palestinians have
died from attacks by militants and/or extremists on both sides against civilians and/or their
property, or clashes involving Israeli security forces and Palestinian militants.86 In late February,
Palestinian gunmen shot and killed two Israeli settlers passing through the village of Huwara,

76 Transcript: One-On-One with Israel’s Netanyahu amid Surging Violence. For background, see CRS Report
RL33476, Israel: Background and U.S. Relations, by Jim Zanotti.
77 State Department Press Briefing, January 3, 2023.
78 “King Abdullah meets Israeli PM Netanyahu in surprise Jordan visit, royal court says,” Reuters, January 24, 2023.
For background, see CRS Report RL33546, Jordan: Background and U.S. Relations, by Jeremy M. Sharp.
79 CRS Report RL34074, The Palestinians: Background and U.S. Relations, by Jim Zanotti.
80 Ahmad Abu Amer, “Egypt, Qatar agreement with Israel, Hamas provides boost for Gaza economy,” Al-Monitor,
November 23, 2021; Neri Zilber, “New Gaza Crossing Raises Questions About Blockade Policies,” Washington
Institute for Near East Policy, October 23, 2019.
81 David Makovsky, “Why Blinken Will Have a Tough Sell,” Washington Institute for Near East Policy, May 25, 2021.
82 Ibid.
83 Aaron Boxerman, “UN to begin dispensing Qatari cash to needy Gazan families Monday under new deal,” Times of
Israel, September 12, 2021.
84 Yaniv Kubovich, “Egypt, Qatar Reach Breakthrough on Hamas Civil Servants Salaries,” haaretz.com, November 29,
2021; Abu Amer, “Egypt, Qatar agreement with Israel, Hamas.”
85 Patrick Kingsley, “As Violence Rages, New Israeli Alliance Risks Fueling Even More of It,” New York Times,
January 29, 2023.
86 Aaron Boxerman, “Tense Calm Follows Violence in, Around Gaza,” Wall Street Journal, April 8, 2023.
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triggering retaliatory attacks by dozens of settlers that killed one Palestinian and injured more
than 300, and burned around 30 homes and 100 cars in the village.87 Amid negative U.S. and
international reactions to the retaliatory attacks, Netanyahu and several other officials criticized
them. Finance Minister Smotrich appealed to settlers to leave the response to Palestinian violence
to the government, and then called for the government to “wipe out” Huwara. After receiving
heavy U.S. and international condemnation for the statement, he expressed regret and insisted it
was not intended literally.88 In March, Smotrich said, “There is no such thing as a Palestinian
people,” drawing objections from the National Security Council spokesperson for any language
that can “become an obstacle to a viable two-state solution.”89
Since at least the second half of 2022, Israeli counterterrorism efforts have concentrated on
northern West Bank cities like Nablus and Jenin in connection with efforts to arrest terrorism
suspects, halt illicit weapons smuggling and production, and establish order.90 As the increase in
Israeli-Palestinian violence has attracted greater U.S. policy attention,91 Israeli and PA forces have
approached West Bank militants in different ways, leading to some tensions and the possibility of
future escalation.92 The PA reportedly has sought time and flexibility to address militancy
independent of Israeli dictates, as part of an effort to reach compromises that avoid major armed
confrontations or arrests. Some PA personnel reportedly have directly targeted Israeli forces or
settlers, raising questions about the PA’s ability to control individuals’ actions.93
Israel’s government approved measures in January that Prime Minister Netanyahu said were
aimed at curbing terrorism, but might further fuel tensions, including steps reducing benefits for
families of accused terrorists, accelerating home demolitions and West Bank settlement building,
reinforcing Israeli military and police units, and expediting gun licenses for Israelis.94 In
defending Israel’s steps as “targeted action on the terrorists and their immediate circle,”
Netanyahu said that he continues to allow 150,000 Palestinians to work in Israel, has reduced
security checkpoints, and encourages investment by Israelis and “our new peace partners in the
Gulf” in Palestinian areas of the West Bank.95
After a deadly January Israeli raid in Jenin, the PA announced a suspension of security
coordination with Israel,96 but its practical meaning is unclear.97 Previously, the PA publicly

87 “‘They burned everything’: Israeli settlers torch Palestinian homes, cars after West Bank attack,” Agence France
Presse, February 27, 2023.
88 State Department Press Briefing, March 1, 2023; Omri Nahmias and Tovah Lazaroff, “Smotrich walks back Huwara
comments during US visit,” March 13, 2023.
89 “Israeli minister says there’s ‘no such thing as a Palestinian people,’ inviting US rebuke,” CNN, March 21, 2023.
90 Isabel Kershner, “Palestinian Assailant Kills Three Israelis in the West Bank,” New York Times, November 16, 2022.
91 State Department Press Briefings, October 25, 2022, and September 28, 2022; “Remarks by Ambassador Linda
Thomas-Greenfield,” September 28, 2022. See also CRS Report RL34074, The Palestinians: Background and U.S.
Relations, by Jim Zanotti.
92 Isabel Kershner, “Israeli Military Targets New Palestinian Militia,” New York Times, October 26, 2022; Yaniv
Kubovich and Jack Khoury, “Nablus’ ‘Lion’s Den’ Has Become a Major Headache for Israel and the Palestinian
Authority,” Haaretz, October 12, 2022.
93 Ahmad Melhem, “Palestinian security forces become more involved in resistance in West Bank,” Al-Monitor,
October 12, 2022.
94 Lieber et al., “Israeli-Palestinian Violence Grows”; Abdulrahim, “Palestinian Is Shot Dead Outside Israeli Settlement
in West Bank.”
95 Transcript: One-On-One with Israel’s Netanyahu amid Surging Violence.
96 “In light of the massacre in Jenin, Palestinian leadership declares end to security coordination with Israel,” WAFA
News Agency, January 26, 2023.
97 Yoni Ben Menachem, “By Ending Security Coordination with Israel, the Palestinian Authority Is Shooting Itself in
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suspended security coordination with Israel for a few months in 2020 when Israel was
contemplating annexation of West Bank areas.98 In February, President Abbas reportedly told
Central Intelligence Agency Director Bill Burns that Israel-PA intelligence sharing has continued,
and that he would fully resume coordination once calm is restored.99 Burns later remarked that the
ongoing tensions have an “unhappy resemblance to some of the realities” of the 2000-2005 period
of Israeli-Palestinian violence known as the second Palestinian intifada (or uprising).100 An Israeli
observer has argued that PA leadership under Abbas is unlikely to coordinate efforts against
Israelis in the way Palestinian leaders supposedly did during the intifada.101
During Secretary Blinken’s January visit to the West Bank, he said that “it’s important to take
steps to de-escalate, to stop the violence, to reduce tensions, and to try as well to create the
foundation for more positive actions going forward.”102 He also said that he discussed with
President Abbas “the importance of the Palestinian Authority itself continuing to improve its
governance and accountability, strengthening the institutions of the PA.”103 According to one
media report, Blinken encouraged Abbas privately to implement a security plan presented to
Israel and the PA weeks earlier by the U.S. Security Coordinator for Israel and the Palestinian
Authority (USSC), Lieutenant General Michael Fenzel.104 The plan supposedly lays out steps for
PA security forces to regain control in Jenin and Nablus, including the training of a special PA
force. Reportedly, PA officials expressed reservations about the plan, partly because it may not
explicitly call for Israel to reduce incursions into West Bank cities or include other provisions
calculated to attract Palestinian public support.105
In February, the Israeli government decided to advance West Bank plans to construct nearly
10,000 additional settlement units and begin a process to retroactively legalize nine outposts that
had previously been illegal under Israeli law—triggering a statement of strong opposition from
Secretary Blinken.106 Over the next week, U.S.-brokered diplomacy reportedly averted a
Palestinian-supported U.N. Security Council (UNSC) draft resolution condemning the Israeli
action.107 Instead, the UNSC issued a presidential statement that expressed deep concern and
dismay about the Israeli decision, strongly opposed “all unilateral measures that impede peace,”
and called for “upholding unchanged the historic status quo at the holy sites in Jerusalem in word
and in practice” and Jordan’s custodial role.108

the Foot,” Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs, January 30, 2023.
98 “Palestinian Authority resuming cooperation with Israel, Palestinian official says,” Reuters, November 17, 2020.
99 Jacob Magid, “CIA director: Current Israeli-Palestinian tensions resemble Second Intifada,” Times of Israel,
February 7, 2023.
100 Ibid.
101 Micah Halpern, “Terror wave in Israel not an intifada, but still very dangerous – opinion,” Jerusalem Post,
November 28, 2022.
102 State Department, “Secretary Antony J. Blinken and Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas After Their
Meeting.”
103 Ibid.
104 Barak Ravid, “Scoop: Blinken pressed Abbas to accept U.S. security plan for Jenin,” Axios, February 1, 2023. For
background on the USSC, whose office oversees a multilateral mission based in Jerusalem, see CRS Report RL34074,
The Palestinians: Background and U.S. Relations, by Jim Zanotti.
105 Ibid.
106 State Department, “Israeli Settlement and Outpost Legalization Announcement,”
107 Michelle Nichols, “No U.N. vote Monday on Israel settlements, diplomats say,” Reuters, February 19, 2023; Barak
Ravid, “Israeli-Palestinian showdown at UN averted after U.S. mediation,” Axios, February 19, 2023.
108 U.N. Security Council, Statement by the President of the Security Council (S/PRST/2023/1), February 20, 2023.
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A few days later, the United States, Israel, the PA, Jordan, and Egypt issued a communique from
Aqaba, Jordan aimed at de-escalating tensions and violence by committing Israel and the PA to
suspend unilateral measures for a few months.109 In March, with incidents of violence recurring,
the five parties reconvened as scheduled in Sharm El Sheikh, Egypt, and restated the
commitments from Aqaba. They also specified plans to work toward empowering PA security
forces, develop a mechanism to curb violence, establish a separate mechanism to improve
Palestinian economic conditions, and resume talks in April.110 Reportedly, the PA agreed in
February to start implementing the USSC security plan,111 which one source has said would
involve “the recruitment and training of thousands of Palestinian security personnel to be
deployed in the northern West Bank.”112 Later in March, the foreign ministers of all six Gulf
Cooperation Council countries (the UAE, Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Qatar, and Oman) sent
a letter to Secretary Blinken urging the Biden Administration “to play its role in reaching a just,
comprehensive and lasting solution to the conflict based on the principles of international law,”
and criticizing the statements mentioned above about Palestinians by Israeli Finance Minister
Smotrich.113
Tensions During Religious Holidays
During the March and April 2023 observances of Ramadan, Passover, and Easter, Israel-Palestinian tensions have
intensified. In early April, Israeli police entered Al Aqsa Mosque (normally the exclusive province of Muslims) on
Jerusalem’s Mount/Haram to eject Palestinians who had barricaded themselves inside overnight—some reportedly
with rocks, fireworks, and improvised explosives.114 A combination of factors—including some Jewish “fringe
groups” calling for Passover ritual animal sacrifice on the Mount/Haram (no such sacrifice has taken place),115 and
reported encouragement of overnight Muslim worship by officials with the Jordanian-control ed Islamic trust (or
waqf) that administers the Mount/Haram—may have factored into Palestinians’ decisions to stay in Al Aqsa
overnight, even though they are typically only permitted to do so during the final 10 days of Ramadan.116
The force used by the police against Palestinian worshippers and the arrests of hundreds prompted strong
negative reactions or statements of concern from several regional and international actors.117 In the aftermath,
various militant groups fired rockets toward Israel from Gaza, Lebanon, and Syria. Israel’s military made retaliatory
strikes in Gaza and against Hamas targets in Lebanon based on Israeli intelligence assessments that Hamas—not
Hezbol ah—was responsible for the rocket fire,118 though there may be some evidence of growing cooperation
between the two groups.119 No casualties have been reported from the rocket fire or retaliatory strikes.
Israeli-Palestinian contention has spiked each of the last three years amid religious holidays that either overlap or
occur close together. In 2021, major Israel-Gaza violence began at the end of Ramadan. Clashes did not escalate

109 State Department, “Aqaba Joint Communique,” February 26, 2023.
110 State Department, “Joint Communique from the March 19 meeting in Sharm El Sheikh,” March 19, 2023.
111 Barak Ravid, “Israeli-Palestinian showdown at UN averted after U.S. mediation,” Axios, February 19, 2023.
112 Yoni Ben Menachem, “American-Israeli Military Coordination and the Possibility of Regional Escalation,”
Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs, March 9, 2023.
113 “GCC foreign ministers condemn Israeli minister in letter to Blinken,” The National (UAE), March 26, 2023.
114 “Officials acknowledge ‘terrible’ impact of images of cops beating Muslims at Al-Aqsa,” Times of Israel, April 9,
2023; Barak Ravid, “Israeli police raid Jerusalem’s Al-Aqsa Mosque compound,” Axios, April 5, 2023.
115 Ash Obel, “Police minister: Jews must go to Temple Mount on Passover — but no animal sacrifice,” Times of
Israel, April 3, 2023.
116 “Israeli Police Storm Al-Aqsa Mosque Again, Sparking Fears of Continued Violence,” Associated Press, April 6,
2023; Haley Ott, “Israeli forces storm Jerusalem’s Al-Aqsa mosque, arresting hundreds of Palestinian worshipers,”
CBS News, April 5, 2023.
117 “Global condemnation after Israeli riot police attack worshippers at Al-Aqsa mosque,” Agence France Presse, April
6, 2023.
118 Barak Ravid, “Inside Israel’s decision not to target Hezbollah in striking Lebanon,” Axios, April 7, 2023.
119 Beatrice Farhat, “Lebanon’s Hezbollah hosts Hamas chief as rockets fly over Israel border,” Al-Monitor, April 6,
2023.
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to the same level in 2022 under the previous Israeli government led by then-Prime Minister Naftali Bennett, but
police did enter Al Aqsa Mosque on one occasion, removing or arresting hundreds of Palestinians.
On March 20, the Knesset passed legislation to overturn parts of a 2005 law that had made Jewish
settlements in certain areas of the northern West Bank illegal. In that year, then-Israeli Prime
Minister Ariel Sharon had affirmed in writing to then-President George W. Bush that Israel
committed to evacuate settlements and outposts in that region. A State Department spokesperson
said that the United States is extremely troubled about the legislation, and that it clearly
contradicts Israel’s longtime undertaking to the United States, as well commitments it made
earlier in March to de-escalate Israeli-Palestinian tensions.120 After Deputy Secretary of State
Wendy Sherman met with Israeli Ambassador to the United States Michael Herzog to convey
U.S. concern about the legislation,121 Netanyahu’s office issued a statement saying that Israel’s
government has “no intention of establishing new communities” in the West Bank areas in
question.122
The Abraham Accords
In late 2020 and early 2021, Israel reached agreements to normalize or improve its relations with
four members of the Arab League: the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Bahrain, Morocco, and
Sudan. The Trump Administration facilitated each of these agreements, known as the Abraham
Accords, and provided U.S. security, diplomatic, or economic incentives for most of the countries
in question.123 In 2021, Israel opened embassies in the UAE and Bahrain, and both countries
reciprocated. Israel and Morocco also reopened the liaison offices that each country had operated
in the other from the mid-1990s to 2000. While Saudi Arabia has not normalized its relations with
Israel, it reportedly supported the UAE and Bahrain in their decisions to join the Abraham
Accords.124 Additionally, Saudi Arabia and Oman have opened their airspace to Israeli civilian
airlines, significantly reducing their travel time to Asian destinations. The Sudanese military’s
seizure of power in October 2021 froze the Israel-Sudan normalization process.125 In January
2023, the Sudanese military leadership said that Sudan would sign a normalization deal with
Israel after it transitions to a civilian government, but some Sudanese civilian groups reportedly
remain unsure about this step.126
Trade, tourism, and investment ties among the other Accords countries have deepened,
particularly between Israel and the UAE. Some notable developments include an Israel-UAE free
trade agreement that went into effect in March 2023, and a major Israel-UAE-Jordan initiative

120 State Department Press Briefing, March 21, 2023.
121 State Department, “Deputy Secretary Sherman’s Meeting with Israeli Ambassador to the United States Herzog,”
March 21, 2023.
122 Israeli Prime Minister’s Office, “Prime Minister’s Office Statement on the Knesset Decision to Repeal Parts of the
Disengagement Law,” March 22, 2023.
123 See https://www.state.gov/the-abraham-accords/. These incentives included possible U.S. arms sales to the UAE and
Morocco, possible U.S. and international economic assistance or investment financing for Morocco and Sudan, and
U.S. recognition of Morocco’s claim of sovereignty over the disputed territory of Western Sahara. Some reports
suggest that the Trump Administration linked Sudan’s removal from the U.S. state sponsors of terrorism list to its
agreement to recognize Israel.
124 Barak Ravid, “Scoop: Jake Sullivan discussed Saudi-Israel normalization with MBS,” Axios, October 20, 2021.
125 Testimony of Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Molly Phee, “Sudan’s Imperiled Transition: U.S.
Policy in the Wake of the October 25th Coup,” Senate Foreign Relations Committee, hearing, February 1, 2022.
126 “Israel, Sudan announce deal to normalise relations,” Reuters, February 3, 2023.
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focused on desalinated water and solar energy. As a sign of mutual high-level commitment to the
Accords, Secretary of State Antony Blinken met the foreign ministers of Israel, the UAE,
Bahrain, Morocco, and Egypt at a March 2022 summit in Israel’s southern Negev desert to
inaugurate a regional cooperation framework. The framework features periodic Negev Forum
meetings, as well as working groups engaging regularly on clean energy, education and
coexistence, food and water security, health, regional security, and tourism.127 Participants expect
a 2023 foreign ministerial meeting to take place in Morocco.
Despite closer government-to-government ties and broader Israel-UAE economic cooperation,
public opinion polling in Arab states indicates that long-standing popular opposition to regional
governments recognizing Israel remains strong.128 According to one poll, support in the UAE and
Bahrain for the Accords dropped from 47% and 45%, respectively, in 2020 to 25% and 20% in
2022.129 However, the same poll shows incremental increases in support since 2020 within the
UAE, Bahrain, and Saudi Arabia to permit private business and sports ties with Israelis.130
In this context, developments since the new Israeli government took office have reportedly fueled
some concerns among Arab governments, including the new government’s actions against
Palestinians, Israeli domestic discord, and some apparent U.S.-Israel differences.131 According to
various media accounts, UAE officials have expressed hesitancy to Israeli counterparts about
further advancing bilateral relations without clearer signs that Netanyahu can control his
coalition.132
U.S. and Israeli officials seek to expand the Abraham Accords to include other Arab and Muslim-
majority countries. Secretary Blinken has said that “we’re committed to continue building on the
efforts of the last administration to expand the circle of countries with normalized relations with
Israel in the years ahead.”133 However, the Biden Administration’s willingness to offer major U.S.
policy inducements to countries in connection with normalization efforts remains unclear.134 The
Biden Administration also has sought to avoid portraying Israeli normalization with Arab and
Muslim-majority states as a substitute for efforts toward a negotiated two-state solution to the
Israeli-Palestinian conflict.135 Negev Forum members acknowledge that part of their mandate is to
“create momentum in Israeli-Palestinian relations.”136 However, the PA has opted not to join the

127 State Department, “The Negev Forum Working Groups and Regional Cooperation Framework,” January 10, 2023;
Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs, “Meeting of the Negev Forum steering committee and working groups opens in
Abu Dhabi,” January 9, 2023.
128 Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies, 2022 Arab Opinion Index, January 3, 2023.
129 Dion Nissenbaum, “Israeli Official Visits Bahrain to Lift Ties,” Wall Street Journal, December 5, 2022; Dylan
Kassin and David Pollock, “Arab Public Opinion on Arab-Israeli Normalization and Abraham Accords,” Washington
Institute for Near East Policy, July 15, 2022.
130 Kassin and Pollock, “Arab Public Opinion on Arab-Israeli Normalization and Abraham Accords.”
131 Dion Nissenbaum, “Israel’s Ties with Arabs Falter,” Wall Street Journal, April 10, 2023; Limor, “Exclusive:
Intelligence Directorate sounds alarm over eroding Israeli deterrence.”
132 Nissenbaum, “Israel’s Ties with Arabs Falter”; “UAE, Jordan consider reducing diplomacy with Israel – report,”
Jerusalem Post, March 22, 2023.
133 State Department, “Secretary Antony J. Blinken and Israeli Alternate Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Yair
Lapid and United Arab Emirates Foreign Minister Sheikh Abdullah Bin Zayed Al Nahyan at a Joint Press
Availability,” October 13, 2021.
134 Michael Koplow et al., “Biden has an opportunity to put his own stamp on Arab-Israeli relations,” The Hill, October
14, 2021.
135 State Department, “Secretary Antony J. Blinken and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu after Their
Meeting,” January 30, 2023.
136 The Negev Forum Regional Cooperation Framework Adopted by the Steering Committee on November 10th, 2022,
hyperlink to document available at https://www.state.gov/the-negev-forum-working-groups-and-regional-cooperation-
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forum. Palestinian leaders denounced the initial announcement of UAE normalization with Israel
as an abandonment of the Palestinian national cause, given Arab League states’ previous
insistence that Israel address Palestinian negotiating demands as a precondition for improved
ties.137 Jordan also has remained on the sidelines of the Negev Forum, conditioning its
involvement on PA participation.138
In January 2023, Saudi Arabian Foreign Minister Prince Faisal bin Farhan Al Saud expressed
general support for normalization with Israel but stated that “true normalization and true stability
will only come through giving the Palestinians hope, through giving the Palestinians dignity. That
requires giving the Palestinians a state, and that’s the priority.”139 Various factors could
complicate an Israel-Saudi normalization process, including the March 2023 Saudi-Iran
normalization deal brokered by China, Saudi desires for stronger U.S. support for Saudi security
and civilian nuclear priorities, and Arab concerns regarding increased Israeli-Palestinian tensions
and violence.140 One media report has suggested that while Arab states like Saudi Arabia “may
see Iran as a menace, they see little gain in isolating and opposing Tehran to the extent that Israel
does.”141 Another cited Israeli and Gulf officials as saying, “Saudi interest in openly embracing
Israel has cooled as violence between Palestinians and Israelis has intensified and Mr.
Netanyahu's right-wing coalition has pushed to build more Jewish homes on West Bank land.”142
Security cooperation. In January 2021, President Trump determined that U.S. Central Command
(CENTCOM), which commands U.S. military forces in most countries in the Middle East, would
add Israel to its area of responsibility (AOR), partly to encourage military interoperability as a
means of reinforcing closer ties between Israel and many Arab states.143 Israel had previously
been under the purview of U.S. European Command. CENTCOM formalized Israel’s move in
September 2021,144 and in October an Israeli Defense Forces liaison was stationed at CENTCOM
headquarters.145 Since then, Israel has joined military exercises with the United States and the
other Abraham Accords states, as well as other CENTCOM partners such as Saudi Arabia, Oman,
Jordan, Egypt, and Pakistan.146

framework/.
137 Walid Mahmoud and Muhammad Shehada, “Palestinians unanimously reject UAE-Israel deal,” Al Jazeera, August
14, 2020.
138 Jacob Magid, “US laments Jordan’s absence from Negev Forum, aims to keep Palestinians in loop,” Times of Israel,
January 8, 2023.
139 Marita Kassis, “Saudi FM says no normalizing ties with Israel before Palestinian issue resolved,” Al-Monitor,
January 20, 2023.
140 Patrick Kingsley, “For Israel, Saudi Deal with Iran Undermines Its Hopes of Isolating Tehran,” New York Times,
March 11, 2023; Dion Nissenbaum et al., “Saudis Seek Edge in Israel Talks,” Wall Street Journal, March 10, 2023;
David Makovsky, “Netanyahu’s Potential Friction Points with Biden (Part 2): Iran, Saudi Arabia, Ukraine, and
Domestic Issues,” Washington Institute for Near East Policy, January 10, 2023.
141 Kingsley, “For Israel, Saudi Deal with Iran Undermines Its Hopes of Isolating Tehran.”
142 Nissenbaum, “Israel’s Ties with Arabs Falter.”
143 Jared Szuba, “Trump orders US Central Command to include Israel amid strategic shift,” Al-Monitor, January 15,
2021.
144 U.S. Central Command, “U.S. Central Command Statement on the Realignment of the State of Israel,” September 1,
2021.
145 Judah Ari Gross, “IDF liaison sets up shop in US CENTCOM offices in Florida, solidifying move,” The Times of
Israel, October 29, 2021.
146 “UAE, Bahrain, Israel and U.S. forces in first joint naval drill,” Reuters, November 11, 2021. Participant list for
2022 International Maritime Exercise available at https://www.dvidshub.net/graphic/18822/imx-ce-22-participant-list.
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Following a string of missile and drone attacks against the UAE in early 2022, apparently by
Iran-allied forces in Yemen (known as the Houthis), the UAE government reportedly expressed
interest in closer security cooperation with Israel.147 Earlier, both Morocco (November 2021) and
Bahrain (February 2022) signed MOUs with Israel on security cooperation.148 These MOUs
appear to anticipate more intelligence sharing, joint exercises and training, and arms sales.
Reports indicate that Israel has agreed to sell air defense systems to all three countries and may be
contemplating more defense and defense technology sales.149 In late 2022, Israel’s defense
ministry estimated that its deals with the three countries were worth $3 billion.150
At the March 2022 Negev summit, Israeli leaders and their Arab counterparts reportedly
discussed a range of possible cooperative measures, such as real-time intelligence sharing on
inbound drone and missile threats and acquisition of Israeli air defense systems.151 Speculation
about specific measures has continued since then.152 In January 2023, the Department of
Homeland Security publicized its efforts to help expand U.S.-Israel-UAE cooperation on
cybersecurity to Bahrain and Morocco.153
Reports suggest that while some air defense coordination may be taking place between Israel,
certain Arab states, and the United States, “Arab participants are reluctant to confirm their
involvement, let alone advertise their participation in a fully fledged military alliance.”154 Actions
by this Israeli government may be fueling any such reluctance to some degree.155 Regional
countries might be hesitate to share the real-time intelligence data that underlies less sensitive
basic threat information.156 Unless and until a regional framework is formalized, CENTCOM
apparently plans to help coordinate air defense and response with various U.S. regional partners
using the X-band radar stationed in Israel, ship-borne Aegis combat systems, and existing air
defense systems and fighter jets.157 Additionally, U.S. Naval Forces Central Command
(NAVCENT) is reportedly working with Israel and some Arab states to develop a network of

147 Arie Egozi, “Amid attacks, UAE quietly asks Israel about defense systems: Sources,” Breaking Defense, January 25,
2022.
148 Ben Caspit, “Gantz says Israel, Morocco ‘leap together’ in historic agreement,” Al-Monitor, November 26, 2021;
Rina Bassist, “Israel signs security cooperation agreement with Bahrain,” Al-Monitor, February 3, 2022.
149 Arie Egozi, “First Israeli Barak air defense system deploys to UAE, bigger deals expected: Sources,” Breaking
Defense, October 19, 2022; Dion Nissenbaum, “Accords Benefit Israel’s Defense Industry,” Wall Street Journal,
October 10, 2022.
150 Nissenbaum, “Accords Benefit Israel’s Defense Industry.”
151 “Israel reportedly working on air defense pact with regional allies,” Times of Israel, March 29, 2022.
152 Arie Egozi, “Gulf States Willing to Host Israeli Sensors for Air-Defense Network: Sources,” Breaking Defense,
June 29, 2022; “Israel to ask Biden for okay to provide air defense laser to Saudi Arabia – report,” Times of Israel, June
28, 2022; Patrick Kingsley and Ronen Bergman, “Israel Grows Military Role with Alliance Against Iran,” New York
Times, June 21, 2022.
153 Department of Homeland Security, “DHS Expands Abraham Accords to Cybersecurity,” February 2, 2023; Tim
Starks and Ellen Nakashima, “The Abraham Accords expand with cybersecurity collaboration,” Washington Post,
January 31, 2023.
154 Ronen Bergman and Patrick Kingsley, “Israel Destroys Iranian Drones as Arabs Assist,” New York Times, July 14,
2022. See also Dion Nissenbaum and Dov Lieber, “U.S. Presses for Stronger Israeli-Arab Security Ties,” Wall Street
Journal, July 13, 2022.
155 “UAE, Jordan consider reducing diplomacy with Israel – report.”
156 Lara Seligman and Alexander Ward, “Biden wants a Middle East air defense ‘alliance.’ But it’s a long way off,”
Politico, July 12, 2022.
157 Anshel Pfeffer, “How Israel and Saudi Arabia Plan to Down Iranian Drones Together,” Haaretz, July 13, 2022.
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unmanned maritime drones to monitor Iranian naval activity and narcotics smuggling in
NAVCENT’s area of responsibility.158
Selected congressional actions. In January 2022, some Members of the Senate and House
formed bipartisan caucuses to promote the Abraham Accords.159 In March, Congress enacted the
Israel Relations Normalization Act of 2022 (IRNA, Division Z of P.L. 117-103). Among other
things, the IRNA required the Secretary of State to submit an annual strategy for strengthening
and expanding normalization agreements with Israel, and an annual report on the status of
measures within Arab League states that legally or practically restrict or discourage normalization
efforts with Israel or domestic support for such efforts.
The FY2023 National Defense Authorization Act (P.L. 117-263) enacted in December 2022
included a provision requiring the Secretary of Defense (in consultation with the Secretary of
State) to submit to foreign affairs and intelligence committees:
a strategy on cooperation with allies and partners in the area of responsibility of the United
States Central Command to implement a multinational integrated air and missile defense
architecture to protect the people, infrastructure, and territory of such countries from cruise
and ballistic missiles, manned and unmanned aerial systems, and rocket attacks from Iran
and groups linked to Iran.
In the 118th Congress, H.R. 1268 seeks to amend the State Department Basic Authorities Act of
1956 to establish the position of “Special Envoy for the Abraham Accords.”
Countering Iran
Israeli officials cite Iran as one of their primary concerns, largely because of (1) antipathy toward
Israel expressed by Iran’s revolutionary regime, (2) Iran’s broad regional influence (including in
Syria, Iraq, Lebanon, and Yemen), and (3) Iran’s nuclear and missile programs and advanced
conventional weapons capabilities. Iran-backed groups’ demonstrated abilities since 2019 to
penetrate the air defenses of countries like Saudi Arabia and the UAE through coordinated drone
and missile attacks have implications for Israeli security calculations.160 Israeli observers who
anticipate the possibility of a future war similar or greater in magnitude to Israel’s 2006 war
against Lebanese Hezbollah refer to the small-scale military skirmishes or covert actions since
then involving Israel, Iran, or their allies as “the campaign between the wars.”161
As mentioned above, the IDF’s Military Intelligence directorate reportedly warned Israeli
officials in early 2023 that the “anti-Israeli axis led by Iran”—including Hezbollah and Hamas—
appears to be emboldened by Israeli domestic discord and some purported U.S.-Israel
differences.162 According to one media report’s profile of the intelligence warning, Iran doubts
that Israel can “carry out an offensive against it or strike its nuclear program with US support.”163

158 Dion Nissenbaum, “Inside a U.S. Navy Maritime Drone Operation Aimed at Iran,” Wall Street Journal, August 31,
2022.
159 For more information, see https://www.rosen.senate.gov/sites/default/files/2022-01/
Senate%20Abraham%20Accords%20Caucus%20Mission%20Statement.pdf.
160 Farnaz Fassihi and Ronen Bergman, “Drone Strike on Iranian Military Facility Is Deemed an Attack,” New York
Times, May 28, 2022; Anna Ahronheim, “How serious is the drone threat against Israel?” Jerusalem Post, March 11,
2022.
161 See, for example, Seth J. Frantzman, “Iran and Hezbollah analyze Israel’s ‘war between the wars,’” Jerusalem Post,
November 14, 2021.
162 Limor, “Exclusive: Intelligence Directorate sounds alarm over eroding Israeli deterrence.”
163 Ibid.
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Another media report said that Iran and its allies are not “necessarily interested in a direct, all-out
clash,” but are “willing to risk more daring offensive operations,” while arguing that closer U.S.-
Israel security coordination may at least partly reflect a pragmatic U.S. desire to prevent being
dragged into a confrontation with Iran.164 This same report surmised that Iran may calculate it has
bolstered its position vis-á-vis Israel and the United States because Iran and the Syrian regime
have improved their relations with Saudi Arabia and other Sunni Arab governments, Iran is
approaching “nuclear threshold state” status, and Iran has a growing partnership with Russia.
Iranian Nuclear Issue and Regional Tensions
Israel has sought to influence U.S. decisions on the international agreement on Iran’s nuclear
program (known as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, or JCPOA). Prime Minister
Netanyahu strenuously opposed the JCPOA in 2015 when it was negotiated by the Obama
Administration, and welcomed President Trump’s May 2018 withdrawal of the United States
from the JCPOA and accompanying reimposition of U.S. sanctions on Iran’s core economic
sectors. Since this time, Iran has increased its enrichment of uranium to levels that could
significantly shorten the time it requires to produce fissile material for nuclear weapons.165
Reported low-level Israel-Iran conflict has persisted in various settings—including cyberspace,
international waters, and the territory of Syria, Lebanon, and Iraq—with implications for regional
tensions.166 In June 2022, then-Israeli Prime Minister Naftali Bennett characterized some
operations inside Iran as targeting the “head of the octopus” to counter a range of Iranian military
capabilities.167
As the Biden Administration has engaged in international diplomacy and considered the
possibility of reentering or revising the JCPOA, Israeli leaders have sought to influence
diplomatic outcomes.168 Given various developments starting in 2022, including unrest and
government crackdowns in Iran and Iranian material support for Russian military operations in
Ukraine, near-term prospects for a renewed or revised JCPOA appear to have diminished.169
During President Biden’s trip to Israel in July, he and then-Prime Minister Lapid signed the
Jerusalem U.S.-Israel Strategic Partnership Joint Declaration, which included a U.S. commitment
“never to allow Iran to acquire a nuclear weapon,” and a statement that the United States “is
prepared to use all elements of its national power to ensure that outcome.”170 Additionally, Biden
said that he would be willing to use force against Iran as a “last resort” to prevent it from
acquiring nuclear weapons.171 In February 2023, U.S. Ambassador to Israel Thomas Nides said
that the United States will not engage in negotiations on Iran’s nuclear program while Iran

164 Amos Harel, “Washington’s Mideast Pullout Sets Israel and Iran on a Collision Course,” Ha’aretz, April 11, 2023.
165 Stephanie Liechtenstein, “UN report: Uranium particles enriched to 83.7% found in Iran,” Associated Press,
February 28, 2023.
166 Ben Caspit, “IRGC colonel’s assassination highlights Israel’s shift in tactics against Iran,” Al-Monitor, May 24,
2022; Dion Nissenbaum, “Israel Steps Up Campaign Against Iran,” Wall Street Journal, April 11, 2022; Arie Egozi,
“With missile attack and alleged espionage, Israel-Iran ‘shadow war’ slips into the open,” Breaking Defense, March 16,
2022.
167 Dion Nissenbaum et al., “Israel Widens Covert Actions to Rein in Iran,” Wall Street Journal, June 21, 2022.
168 “Bennett says he won’t pick public fight with US over Iran nuclear deal,” Times of Israel, March 21, 2022; Israeli
Prime Minister’s Office, “PM Lapid’s Remarks at the Start of the Weekly Cabinet Meeting,” July 17, 2022.
169 International Institute for Strategic Studies, The dimming prospects of returning to a nuclear agreement with Iran,
November 2022.
170 White House, “The Jerusalem U.S.-Israel Strategic Partnership Joint Declaration,” July 14, 2022.
171 “Biden delivers tough talk on Iran as he opens Mideast visit,” Associated Press, July 15, 2022.
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provides drones for Russia in its war in Ukraine. He also said that U.S.-Israel cooperation vis-à-
vis Iran was “lockstep”:
As President Biden has said, we will not stand by and watch Iran get a nuclear weapon,
number one. Number two, he said, all options are on the table. Number three, Israel can
and should do whatever they need to deal with and we’ve got their back.172
In January, the United States and Israel held their largest-ever bilateral military exercise, named
Juniper Oak. According to CENTCOM, the exercise “enhanced interoperability and the ability of
CENTCOM forces to rapidly move combat power into the region,” and provides opportunities to
incorporate lessons learned with all U.S. partners in the CENTCOM AOR.173
Various sources document reported Israeli covert or military operations targeting Iran’s nuclear
program,174 and some U.S. officials have reportedly differed with Israeli counterparts on the
overall effectiveness of such operations.175 Even with reported upgrades to Israeli military
capabilities,176 questions apparently remain about military readiness for a major operation against
Iran’s nuclear program.177
In a January 2023 CNN interview, Prime Minister Netanyahu said that Israel has conducted
attacks on Iran aimed at thwarting its nuclear program and targeting “certain weapons
development.” He also said, “I think the only way that you can stop a rogue state from getting
nuclear weapons is a combination of crippling economic sanctions, but the most important thing
is a credible military threat. And I would say this, if deterrence fails, you have no choice but to
take action.”178 Amid some international concerns about advanced levels of Iranian uranium
enrichment, Defense Minister Gallant stated in February that Israel would not allow Iran to enrich
uranium to 90%.179
Hezbollah and Syria
Lebanese Hezbollah is Iran’s closest and most powerful nonstate ally in the region. Hezbollah’s
forces and Israel’s military have sporadically clashed near the Lebanese border for decades—with
the antagonism at times contained in the border area, and at times escalating into broader
conflict.180 Speculation persists about the potential for wider conflict and its implications,
including from incursions into Israeli airspace by Hezbollah drones.181

172 Carrie Keller-Lynn, “US envoy Nides: Israel ‘can do whatever they need’ on Iran, ‘and we’ve got their back,’”
Times of Israel, February 19, 2023.
173 U.S. Central Command, “Completion of Juniper Oak 23.2 Exercise,” January 26, 2023. See also Michael Eisenstadt,
“The Juniper Oak Military Exercise: Implications for Innovation, Experimentation, and U.S. Policy Toward Iran,”
Washington Institute for Near East Policy, February 1, 2023.
174 “Iran foils Israel-linked ‘sabotage’ plot at nuclear plant,” Agence France Presse, March 15, 2022.
175 David E. Sanger et al., “Israeli Attacks Spur Upgrade of Iran Sites,” New York Times, November 22, 2021.
176 Yonah Jeremy Bob, “Israel’s ‘Top Gun’: The US-Israeli aircraft that can take down Iran,” Jerusalem Post, February
25, 2023.
177 Yossi Melman, “Israel Has No Realistic Military Option on Iran,” Haaretz, September 1, 2022.
178 Transcript: One-On-One with Israel’s Netanyahu amid Surging Violence.
179 “Netanyahu said to huddle repeatedly with military brass over possible attack on Iran,” Times of Israel, February 22,
2023.
180 CRS Report R44759, Lebanon, by Carla E. Humud; CRS In Focus IF10703, Lebanese Hezbollah, by Carla E.
Humud.
181 Neville Teller, “Hezbollah is as big a threat to Israel as Iran’s nuclear program – opinion,” Jerusalem Post,
December 28, 2022; Orna Mizrahi and Yoram Schweitzer, “Hezbollah’s Efforts to Restore its Domestic Standing: The
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Israeli officials have sought to draw attention to Hezbollah’s buildup of mostly Iran-supplied
weapons—including reported upgrades to the range, precision, and power of its projectiles—and
its alleged use of Lebanese civilian areas as strongholds.182 In early 2022, Hezbollah’s leadership
and Israel’s defense ministry both publicly cited Iran-backed efforts by Hezbollah to manufacture
precision-guided missiles in Lebanon.183 In late 2022, Israeli officials reportedly warned Lebanon
that Israel could strike the Beirut airport if it serves as a destination for weapons smuggling,
based on reports that Iran has begun or planned flights that could carry equipment directly to
Hezbollah in Lebanon.184
Given Syria’s greater reliance on Iran due to its long civil war, Iran has sought to bolster
Hezbollah by sending advanced weapons to Lebanon through Syria or by establishing other
military sites on Syrian territory. In response, Israel has conducted thousands of airstrikes on Iran-
backed targets that could present threats to its security.185
Russia has reportedly shown some capacity to thwart Israeli airstrikes against Iranian or Syrian
targets,186 but has generally refrained via a deconfliction mechanism with Israel.187 This
deconfliction has apparently continued to date even with Russia’s war on Ukraine, but Russia has
criticized some Israeli strikes.188
In October 2022, Israel, Lebanon, and the United States resolved a long-standing maritime
boundary dispute, with potential implications for Israel-Hezbollah conflict (see Appendix C).
Public debate in Israel has centered on whether the economic benefits from the deal are worth the
concessions and the possible emboldening of Hezbollah.189 While Prime Minister Netanyahu
made a statement before taking office again about “neutralizing” (rather than canceling) the
maritime boundary agreement,190 his government has not taken action to date.191
Russia’s Invasion of Ukraine
Israel has publicly condemned Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine through statements and votes in
international fora. Meanwhile, it has sought to provide political support for Ukraine and

Israeli Card,” Institute for National Security Studies, March 9, 2022.
182 See, for example, “Hezbollah says it has doubled its arsenal of guided missiles,” Associated Press, December 28,
2020; Ben Hubbard and Ronen Bergman, “Who Warns Hezbollah That Israeli Strikes Are Coming? Israel,” New York
Times, April 23, 2020.
183 “Hezbollah claims it’s making drones and missiles in Lebanon; chief offers export opportunity,” Associated Press,
February 16, 2022; Israeli Government Press Office, “DM Gantz Signs Seizure Order Against Lebanese Companies
Supplying Hezbollah Project,” February 6, 2022.
184 Ben Caspit, “Israel could strike in Lebanon if Iran renews weapons smuggling,” Al-Monitor, December 16, 2022.
185 Anna Ahronheim, “Thousands of airstrikes carried out by Israel in past five years,” jpost.com, March 29, 2022.
186 Arie Egozi, “Israel Shifts to Standoff Weapons in Syria as Russian Threats Increase,” Breaking Defense, July 27,
2021.
187 Jacob Magid, “Russia says military coordination with Israel in Syria will continue as usual,” Times of Israel,
February 27, 2022.
188 Anna Ahronheim, “Israel to increase military, civilian aid to Ukraine – report,” jpost.com, May 4, 2022; Emanuel
Fabian, “Shuttering Damascus airport, Israel ramps up its efforts to foil Iran arms transfers,” Times of Israel, June 12,
2022.
189 Isabel Kershner, “Israel and Lebanon Sign Deal on Maritime Border,” New York Times, October 28, 2022.
190 Carrie Keller-Lynn, “Netanyahu says Ben Gvir could be police minister, vows to ‘neutralize’ Lebanon deal,” Times
of Israel, October 31, 2022.
191 Seth J. Frantzman, “Qatar swoops into Lebanon gas deal in wake of Jerusalem-Beirut agreement,” Jerusalem Post,
January 31, 2023.
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humanitarian relief for Ukrainians—including allowing around 46,000 Jewish and non-Jewish
refugees to enter Israel—without alienating Russia.192 As mentioned above regarding Syria, Israel
has counted on airspace deconfliction with Russia to target Iranian personnel and equipment,
especially those related to the transport of munitions or precision-weapons technology to
Hezbollah in Lebanon.193
Despite entreaties from U.S. and Ukrainian officials, Israel has shown reluctance to provide lethal
assistance to Ukraine.194 Starting in May 2022, Israel has sent some protective gear to Ukrainian
rescue forces and civilian organizations.195
Once Russia began using Iran-made drones in Ukraine, Israel offered to help Ukraine develop an
early-warning system for its civilians, and also began sharing basic intelligence with Ukraine
aimed at helping its forces counter drone attacks.196 In November 2022, one news outlet reported
that Israel had begun supplying “strategic materials” to a North Atlantic Treaty Organization
(NATO) member for use in Ukraine.197
In 2022 and 2023, the United States reportedly withdrew 300,000 155-millimeter artillery shells
from War Reserves Stock Allies stockpiles in Israel to send to Ukraine.198 According to multiple
reports, Israeli officials acceded to the Pentagon’s request in order to avoid confrontation with the
United States and because, according to one Israeli official, “it’s their ammunition and they don’t
really need our permission to take it.”199
In early 2023, Israel reportedly approved export licenses for the possible sale of anti-drone
jamming systems that could help Ukraine down drones. Israeli officials have claimed that this
step does not change Israel’s policy against providing lethal assistance because the systems are
defensive in nature and do not target Russian soldiers. While Ukrainian officials appear interested
in the systems, they view them as less critical than air defense systems that can counter ballistic
missiles.200
In July 2022, Russia’s Justice Ministry signaled to Israel that it was seeking to close the Russian
branch of the Jewish Agency for Israel, an entity that has branches around the world to facilitate
emigration to Israel and run cultural and language education program in coordination with Israel.
Russia claimed that the agency violated privacy laws by storing personal information about
emigration applicants, but many Israelis suspected that Russian concerns about Israeli policy on

192 Bret Stephens, “Naftali Bennett’s Exit Interview,” New York Times, June 21, 2022; Bar Peleg, “Israel to Bar
Ukrainians Arriving Since October From Working,” Ha’aretz, December 28, 2022. About 14,000 Ukrainians who
entered Israel after the invasion remained as of December 2022. Additionally, about 26,000 Russian Jews had entered
Israel in 2022 as of October. Bethan McKernan and Quique Kierszenbaum, “‘It’s driven by fear’: Ukrainians and
Russians with Jewish roots flee to Israel,” Guardian, October 16, 2022.
193 Transcript: One-On-One with Israel’s Netanyahu amid Surging Violence; Zev Chafets, “Why Israel Won’t Supply
the Iron Dome to Ukraine,” Bloomberg, March 11, 2022.
194 Arie Egozi, “As Iranian munitions kill in Ukraine, pressure builds for Israel to reassess its Russian balancing act,”
Breaking Defense, October 18, 2022.
195 “Zelensky ‘shocked’ by lack of Israeli defense support: ‘They gave us nothing,’ Times of Israel, September 23,
2022; “In first, Israel sends 2,000 helmets, 500 flak jackets to Ukraine,” Times of Israel, May 18, 2022.
196 “Israel offers help with air-attack alerts, but Ukraine wants interceptors,” Reuters, October 19, 2022; “Israel giving
intel on Russia’s Iranian drones to Ukraine – report,” Jerusalem Post, October 24, 2022.
197 Yossi Melman, “Under U.S. Pressure, Israel Funded ‘Strategic Materials’ for Ukraine,” Ha’aretz, November 17,
2022.
198 Eric Schmitt, Adam Entous, Ronen Bergman, John Ismay, and Thomas Gibbons-Neff, “Pentagon Sends U.S. Arms
Stored in Israel to Ukraine,” New York Times, January 17, 2023.
199 Barak Ravid, “U.S. sends weapons stored in Israel to Ukraine,” Axios, January 18, 2023.
200 Barak Ravid, “Scoop: Israel approves export licenses for anti-drone systems for Ukraine,” Axios, March 15, 2023.
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Ukraine and possibly Syria and Jerusalem may have motivated the pending legal action.201 As of
early 2023, the agency has reportedly frozen most activities related to promoting Jewish
emigration to Israel from former Soviet Union countries (except Ukraine).202

201 Anton Troianovski and Isabel Kershner, “Russia Moves to Shut Down Agency Handling Emigration to Israel,” New
York Times, July 22, 2022.
202 Zvika Klein, “Jewish Agency lowers profile in Russia, less activity in FSU countries – exclusive,” Jerusalem Post,
February 21, 2023.
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Appendix A. Israel: Map and Basic Facts

Sources: Graphic created by CRS. Map boundaries and information generated using Department of State
Boundaries (2017); Esri (2013); the National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency GeoNames Database (2015);
DeLorme (2014). Fact information from International Monetary Fund, World Economic Outlook Database; CIA,
The World Factbook; and Economist Intelligence Unit. All numbers are projections for 2023 unless otherwise
specified.
Notes: According to the U.S. executive branch: (1) The West Bank is Israeli occupied with current status
subject to the 1995 Israeli-Palestinian Interim Agreement; permanent status to be determined through further
negotiation. (2) The status of the Gaza Strip is a final status issue to be resolved through negotiations. (3) The
United States recognized Jerusalem as Israel’s capital in 2017 without taking a position on the specific boundaries
of Israeli sovereignty. (4) Boundary representation is not necessarily authoritative. Additionally, the United States
recognized the Golan Heights as part of Israel in 2019; however, U.N. Security Council Resolution 497, adopted
on December 17, 1981, held that the area of the Golan Heights control ed by Israel’s military is occupied
territory belonging to Syria. The current U.S. executive branch map of Israel is available at https://www.cia.gov/
the-world-factbook/countries/israel/map.
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Appendix B. Main Israeli Parties and Their Leaders
RIGHT
Likud (Consolidation) – Coalition (32 Knesset seats)
Israel’s historical repository of right-of-center nationalist ideology; skeptical of
territorial compromise; has also championed free-market policies.
Leader: Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu
Born in 1949, Netanyahu returned as Israel’s prime minister in December 2022.
Previously, he served as prime minister from 2009 to 2021, and also from 1996 to
1999. Netanyahu served in an elite special forces unit (Sayeret Matkal), and received
his higher education at MIT. Throughout a career in politics and diplomacy, he has
been renowned both for his skepticism regarding the exchange of land for peace with
the Palestinians and his desire to counter Iran’s nuclear program and regional
influence. He is generally regarded as both a consummate political dealmaker and a
security-minded nationalist.
National Unity (HaMachane HaMamlachti) – Opposition (12 seats)
Merger of centrist Blue and White (led by Benny Gantz) and right-of-center New
Hope (led by Gideon Sa’ar) parties. Seeks to draw contrasts with Netanyahu-led
Likud by claiming support for long-standing Israeli institutions such as the judiciary
and for an inclusive vision of Israeli nationalism for Jewish and non-Jewish citizens.
Varying views on Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

Leader: Benny Gantz
Born in 1959, Gantz served as chief of general staff of the Israel Defense Forces from
2011 to 2015. He then served as defense minister from 2020 to 2022.
Religious Zionism (HaTzionut HaDatit) – Coalition (7 seats)
Ultra-nationalist party with focus on expanding settlements, supporting annexation of
West Bank areas, and aligning Israeli societal practices with traditional Jewish religious
law. Elected on a common slate with Jewish Power and Noam.
Leader: Bezalel Smotrich
Born in 1980, Smotrich is Israel’s finance minister, as well as a minister within the
defense ministry with some nominal responsibilities over West Bank administration.
He has headed the underlying party that leads Religious Zionism since 2019. A
trained lawyer, he has engaged in regular activism to promote Jewish nationalist and
religiously conservative causes.
Jewish Power (Otzma Yehudit) – Coalition (6 seats)
Ultra-nationalist party with similar positions to Religious Zionism. Elected on a
common slate with Religious Zionism and Noam.
Leader: Itamar Ben Gvir
Born in 1976, Ben Gvir is Israel’s national security minister. He once belonged to
Kach, a movement based on the racist ideology of former Knesset member Meir
Kahane (1932-1990) that was final y banned from elections in the 1990s. Ben Gvir
was convicted in 2007 for incitement to racism and supporting terrorism but says
that he has moderated his positions and does not generalize about Arabs. He is a
lawyer and has regularly represented Jewish nationalist activists. Ben Gvir has been a
regular fixture at contentious gatherings of Jews and Arabs in Jerusalem.
Yisrael Beitenu (Israel Our Home) – Opposition (6 seats)
Pro-secular, right-of-center nationalist party with base of support among Russian
speakers from the former Soviet Union.
Leader: Avigdor Lieberman
Born in 1958, Lieberman has previously served as Israel’s defense minister, foreign
minister, and finance minister. He is generally viewed as an ardent nationalist and
canny political actor with prime ministerial aspirations. Lieberman was born in the
Soviet Union (in what is now Moldova) and immigrated to Israel in 1978. He worked
under Netanyahu from 1988 to 1997. Disil usioned by Netanyahu’s wil ingness to
consider concessions to the Palestinians, Lieberman founded Yisrael Beitenu as a
platform for former Soviet immigrants. He was acquitted of corruption allegations in
a 2013 case.
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Noam (Pleasantness) – Coalition (1 seat)
Ultra-nationalist party with focus on traditional Jewish religious values on family issues
(including opposition to LGBTQ rights), Sabbath day observance, and the conversion
process. Elected on a common slate with Religious Zionism and Jewish Power.
Leader: Avi Maoz
Born in 1956, Maoz is a former civil servant who later turned to politics. He has
headed Noam since its establishment in 2019. In the current government, he
nominally headed an office in the prime minister’s office devoted to Jewish identity,
but resigned from that post in February 2023 based on concerns that he was not
given the authority to change policy as he desired.
LEFT
Labor (Avoda) – Opposition (4 seats)
Labor is Israel’s historical repository of social democratic, left-of-center, pro-secular
Zionist ideology; associated with efforts to end Israel’s responsibility for Palestinians
in the West Bank and Gaza.
Leader: Merav Michaeli
Born in 1966, Michaeli became Labor’s leader in 2020 and was first elected to the
Knesset in 2013. She served as transportation minister in the 2021-2022 coalition.
Before entering national politics, she founded and headed an organization that
supports victims of sexual assault and was a regular national media presence and
university lecturer.
CENTER
Yesh Atid (There Is a Future) – Opposition (24 seats)
Yesh Atid is a centrist party in existence since 2012 that has championed
socioeconomic issues such as cost of living and has taken a pro-secular stance.
Leader: Yair Lapid
Born in 1963, Lapid transitioned from a successful media career to politics in 2013,
when he founded Yesh Atid. In the 2013 election, Yesh Atid had a surprising second-
place finish and Lapid served as finance minister in the Netanyahu-led government
from 2013 to 2015. Subsequently, Lapid has avoided allying with Netanyahu, and Yesh
Atid appears to have displaced the Labor party as the leading political option for
Israelis who do not support right-of-center parties. Lapid has stated support for a
two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. He served as foreign minister and
then prime minister in the 2021-2022 coalition.
ULTRA-ORTHODOX
Shas (Sephardic Torah Guardians) – Coalition (11 seats)
Mizrahi Haredi (“ultra-Orthodox”) party; favors welfare and education funds in
support of Haredi lifestyle; opposes compromise with Palestinians on control over
Jerusalem.
Leader: Aryeh Deri
Born in 1959, Deri led Shas from 1983 to 1999 before being convicted for bribery,
fraud, and breach of trust in 1999 for actions taken while serving as interior minister.
He returned as the party’s leader in 2013. As part of a plea deal for tax fraud in
January 2022, Deri agreed to resign from the Knesset, but returned in the November
2022 election. In January 2023, Israel’s High Court of Justice ruled that he could not
serve as interior and health minister in the current government because he had
indicated in the 2022 plea deal that he would permanently leave politics.
United Torah Judaism – Coalition (7 seats)
Ashkenazi Haredi coalition (Agudat Yisrael and Degel HaTorah); favors welfare and
education funds in support of Haredi lifestyle; opposes territorial compromise with
Palestinians and conscription of Haredim; generally seeks greater application of its
interpretation of traditional Jewish law.
Leader: Yitzhak Goldknopf
Born in 1951, Goldknopf is Israel’s construction and housing minister. He has been
prominent in the ultra-Orthodox community as an operator of kindergartens and day
care centers, and as an advocate for legal measures to enforce Sabbath observance.
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ARAB
Hadash-Ta’al – Opposition (5 seats)
Electoral slate featuring two Arab parties that combine socialist and Arab nationalist
political strains: Hadash (Democratic Front for Peace and Equality) and Ta’al (Arab
Movement for Renewal).
Leader: Ayman Odeh
Born in 1975, Odeh is the leader of Hadash, an Arab Israeli socialist party, along with
the overall Hadash-Ta’al slate. An attorney, he served on the Haifa city council before
becoming Hadash’s national leader in 2006.

United Arab List (UAL or Ra’am) – Opposition (5 seats)
Islamist Arab party that embodies conservative social values while seeking state
support to improve Arabs’ socioeconomic position within Israel.
Leader: Mansour Abbas
Born in 1974, Abbas has led the UAL since 2007 and is a qualified dentist. He led the
UAL into the previous 2021-2022 coalition after receiving promises that the
government would focus more resources and attention on socioeconomic help for
Arab Israelis.

Sources: Various open sources.
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link to page 33 Israel: Major Issues and U.S. Relations

Appendix C. Israel-Lebanon Maritime Agreement
Despite the lack of formal Israel-Lebanon relations, on October 11, 2022, Israel, Lebanon and the
United States announced that they had reached an agreement to settle a long-standing Israel-
Lebanon maritime boundary dispute. The agreement paves the way for both countries to
eventually increase offshore gas production. The deal also recognizes an existing 5 km buoy line
extending into the Mediterranean as the status quo pending a formal future Israel-Lebanon
agreement (see Figure C-1). According to a senior Biden Administration official
This is not a direct bilateral agreement. It is through the United States. But it is marking a
boundary that will allow both countries to pursue their economic interests without
conflict.203
On October 27, the parties signed documents to begin implementation of the deal.204 Reportedly,
President Biden drafted a letter to Israel guaranteeing Israel’s security and economic rights in the
agreement and pledging to prevent Hezbollah from receiving any income from Lebanese natural
gas drilling.205

203 White House, “Background Press Call by Senior Administration Officials on the Israel-Lebanon Maritime
Agreement,” October 11, 2022.
204 Lazar Berman, “Biden drafts letter guaranteeing Israel’s rights in Lebanon maritime deal,” Times of Israel, October
29, 2022.
205 Jonathan Lis, “Lebanon Maritime Deal: U.S. Offers Guarantees if Hezbollah ‘Challenges the Agreement,’” Haaretz,
October 11, 2022; Lahav Harkov, “What is in the Israel-Lebanon maritime border agreement?” Jerusalem Post,
October 11, 2022.
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Figure C-1. Map: Israel-Lebanon Maritime Boundary Agreement

Source: Haaretz.
Note: All boundaries are approximate.
Under the agreement, Lebanon has full rights to the Qana gas field—with the caveat that a future
side agreement between Israel and Lebanon’s Block 9 operator (the French company Total) will
settle any revenues granted to Israel in the case of gas production in the section of the Qana field
that falls into Israel’s Block 72. It is only after this side agreement that initial exploration can
begin at Qana, with regular extraction likely beginning several years after that.206
The terms of the deal leave the Karish gas field—from which Israel started extracting gas shortly
before the deal’s signing—completely within Israel’s exclusive economic zone. Hezbollah had
threatened attacks against Israel if extraction at Karish began before resolving the dispute.

206 Lazar Berman, “Israeli official: Development of disputed Qana gas field will take four stages,” Times of Israel,
October 12, 2022.
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Author Information

Jim Zanotti

Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs

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Congressional Research Service
R44245 · VERSION 123 · UPDATED
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