Emerging Military Technologies: Background
October 21, 2021
and Issues for Congress
Kelley M. Sayler
Members of Congress and Pentagon officials are increasingly focused on developing
Analyst in Advanced
emerging military technologies to enhance U.S. national security and keep pace with
Technology and Global
U.S. competitors. The U.S. military has long relied upon technological superiority to
Security
ensure its dominance in conflict and to underwrite U.S. national security. In recent years,
however, technology has both rapidly evolved and rapidly proliferated—largely as a

result of advances in the commercial sector. As former Secretary of Defense Chuck
Hagel observed, this development has threatened to erode the United States’ traditional sources of military
advantage. The Department of Defense (DOD) has undertaken a number of initiatives to arrest this trend. For
example, in 2014, DOD announced the Third Offset Strategy, an effort to exploit emerging technologies for
military and security purposes as wel as associated strategies, tactics, and concepts of operation. In support of
this strategy, DOD established a number of organizations focused on defense innovation, including the Defense
Innovation Unit and the Defense Wargaming Alignment Group.
More recently, the 2018 National Defense Strategy echoed the underpinnings of the Third Offset Strategy, noting
that U.S. national security wil likely be
affected by rapid technological advancements and the changing character of war…. New technologies
include advanced computing, “big data” analytics, artificial intelligence, autonomy, robotics, directed energy,
hypersonics, and biotechnology—the very technologies that ensure we will be able to fight and win the wars
of the future.
The United States is the leader in developing many of these technologies. However, China and Russia—key
strategic competitors—are making steady progress in developing advanced military technologies. As these
technologies are integrated into foreign and domestic military forces and deployed, they could hold significant
implications for the future of international security writ large, and wil have to be a significant focus for Congress,
both in terms of funding and program oversight.
This report provides an overview of selected emerging military technologies in the United States, China, and
Russia:
 artificial intel igence,
 lethal autonomous weapons,
 hypersonic weapons,
 directed energy weapons,
 biotechnology, and
 quantum technology.
It also discusses relevant initiatives within international institutions to monitor or regulate these technologies,
considers the potential implications of emerging military technologies for warfighting, and outlines associated
issues for Congress. These issues include the level and stability of funding for emerging technologies, the
management structure for emerging technologies, the chal enges associated with recruiting and retaining
technology workers, the acquisitions process for rapidly evolving and dual-use technologies, the protection of
emerging technologies from theft and expropriation, and the governance and regulation of emerging technologies.
Such issues could hold implications for congressional authorization, appropriation, oversight, and treaty-making.

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Emerging Military Technologies: Background and Issues for Congress

Introduction
Members of Congress and Pentagon officials are increasingly focused on developing emerging
military technologies to enhance U.S. national security and keep pace with U.S. competitors. The
U.S. military has long relied upon technological superiority to ensure its dominance in conflict
and to underwrite U.S. national security. In recent years, however, technology has both rapidly
evolved and rapidly proliferated—largely as a result of advances in the commercial sector. As
former Secretary of Defense Chuck Hagel has observed, this development has threatened to erode
the United States’ traditional sources of military advantage.1 The Department of Defense (DOD)
has undertaken a number of initiatives in recent years in an effort to arrest this trend. For
example, in 2014, DOD announced the Third Offset Strategy, an effort to exploit emerging
technologies for military and security purposes as wel as associated strategies, tactics, and
concepts of operation.2 In support of this strategy, DOD established a number of organizations
focused on defense innovation, including the Defense Innovation Unit and the Defense
Wargaming Alignment Group.
More recently, the 2018 National Defense Strategy has echoed the underpinnings of the Third
Offset Strategy, noting that U.S. national security wil likely be
affected by rapid technological advancements and the changing character of war…. New
technologies include advanced computing, “big data” analytics, artificial intelligence,
autonomy, robotics, directed energy, hypersonics, and biotechnology—the very
technologies that ensure we will be able to fight and win the wars of the future.3
Although the United States is the leader in developing many of these technologies, China and
Russia—key strategic competitors—are making steady progress in developing advanced military
technologies. As they are integrated into foreign and domestic military forces and deployed, these
technologies could hold significant implications for congressional considerations and the future
of international security writ large.
This report provides an overview of selected emerging military technologies in the United States,
China, and Russia:
 artificial intel igence,
 lethal autonomous weapons,
 hypersonic weapons,
 directed energy weapons,
 biotechnology,
 and quantum technology.
It also discusses relevant initiatives within international institutions to monitor or regulate these
technologies, considers the potential implications of emerging military technologies, and outlines

1 Remarks as delivered by Secretary of Defense Secretary of Defense Chuck Hagel, “Defense Innovation Days
Opening Keynote,” September 3, 2014, at https://www.defense.gov/Newsroom/Speeches/Speech/Article/605602/.
2 T he T hird Offset Strategy is a strategy for maintaining U.S. military superiority. It succeeds the First and Second
Offsets—nuclear weapons and the precision-guided munitions regime, respectively. Remarks as prepared for delivery
by Deputy Secretary of Defense Bob Work, “National Defense University Convocation,” August 5, 2014, at
https://www.defense.gov/Newsroom/Speeches/Speech/Article/605598/.
3 Department of Defense, “Summary of the 2018 National Defense Strategy of T he United States of America,” 2018, p.
3, at https://dod.defense.gov/Portals/1/Documents/pubs/2018-National-Defense-Strategy-Summary.pdf.
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associated issues for Congress. Such issues could hold implications for congressional
authorization, appropriation, oversight, and treaty-making.
Artificial Intelligence (AI)4
Although the U.S. government has no official definition of artificial intel igence, policymakers
general y use the term AI to refer to a computer system capable of human-level cognition. AI is
further divided into two categories: narrow AI and general AI. Narrow AI systems can perform
only the specific task that they were trained to perform, while general AI systems would be
capable of performing a broad range of tasks, including those for which they were not specifical y
trained. General AI systems do not yet—and may never—exist.5
Narrow AI is currently being incorporated into a number of military applications by both the
United States and its competitors. Such applications include but are not limited to intel igence,
surveil ance, and reconnaissance;6 logistics; cyber operations; command and control; and semi-
autonomous and autonomous vehicles. These technologies are intended in part to augment or
replace human operators, freeing them to perform more complex and cognitively demanding
work. In addition, AI-enabled systems could (1) react significantly faster than systems that rely on
operator input; (2) cope with an exponential increase in the amount of data available for analysis;
and (3) enable new concepts of operations, such as swarming (i.e., cooperative behavior in which
unmanned vehicles autonomously coordinate to achieve a task) that could confer a warfighting
advantage by overwhelming adversary defensive systems.
Narrow AI, however, could introduce a number of chal enges. For example, such systems may be
subject to algorithmic bias as a result of their training data or models. Researchers have
repeatedly discovered instances of racial bias in AI facial recognition programs due to the lack of
diversity in the images on which the systems were trained, while some natural language
processing programs have developed gender bias.7 Such biases could hold significant
implications for AI applications in a military context. For example, incorporating undetected
biases into systems with lethal effects could lead to cases of mistaken identity and the unintended
kil ing of civilians or noncombatants.
Similarly, narrow AI algorithms can produce unpredictable and unconventional results that could
lead to unexpected failures if incorporated into military systems. In a commonly cited
demonstration of this phenomenon (il ustrated in Figure 1), researchers combined a picture that
an AI system correctly identified as a panda with random distortion that the computer labeled
“nematode.” The difference in the combined image is imperceptible to the human eye, but it
resulted in the AI system labeling the image as a gibbon with 99.3% confidence. Such
vulnerabilities could be exploited intentional y by adversaries to disrupt AI-reliant or -assisted
target identification, selection, and engagement. This could, in turn, raise ethical concerns—or,

4 For more information about artificial intelligence, see CRS Report R45178, Artificial Intelligence and National
Security, by Kelley M. Sayler.
5 For a discussion of narrow versus general artificial intelligence, as well as a range of expert opinions about the future
of general artificial intelligence, see Nick Bostrom, Superintelligence: Paths, Dangers, Strategies (Oxford, United
Kingdom: Oxford University Press, 2014).
6 For a discussion of intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance, see CRS Report R46389, Intelligence, Surveillance,
and Reconnaissance Design for Great Power Com petition , by Nishawn S. Smagh.
7 Brian Barrett, “Lawmakers Can’t Ignore Facial Recognition’s Bias Anymore,” Wired, July 26, 2018, at
https://www.wired.com/story/amazon-facial-recognition-congress-bias-law-enforcement/; and Will Knight, “ How to
Fix Silicon Valley’s Sexist Algorithms,” MIT T echnology Review, November 23, 2016, at
https://www.technologyreview.com/s/602950/how-to-fix-silicon-valleys-sexist-algorithms/.
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potential y, lead to violations of the law of armed conflict—if it results in the system selecting
and engaging a target or class of targets that was not approved by a human operator.
Figure 1. AI Failure in Image Recognition

Source: Andrew Ilachinski, AI, Robots, and Swarms, Issues Questions, and Recommended Studies, Center for Naval
Analyses, January 2017, p. 61.
Final y, recent news reports and analyses have highlighted the role of AI in enabling increasingly
realistic photo, audio, and video digital forgeries, popularly known as “deep fakes.” Adversaries
could deploy this AI capability as part of their information operations in a “gray zone” conflict.8
Deep fake technology could be used against the United States and its al ies to generate false news
reports, influence public discourse, erode public trust, and attempt blackmail of government
officials. For this reason, some analysts argue that social media platforms—in addition to
deploying deep fake detection tools—may need to expand the means of labeling and
authenticating content.9 Doing so might require that users identify the time and location at which
the content originated or properly label content that has been edited. Other analysts have
expressed concern that regulating deep fake technology could impose an undue burden on social
media platforms or lead to unconstitutional restrictions on free speech and artistic expression.10
These analysts have suggested that existing law is sufficient for managing the malicious use of
deep fakes and that the focus should be instead on the need to educate the public about deep fakes
and minimize incentives for creators of malicious deep fakes.
United States
DOD’s unclassified investments in AI have grown from just over $600 mil ion in FY2016 to
approximately $874 mil ion in FY2022, with the department maintaining over 600 active AI
projects.11 Pursuant to the FY2019 National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA; P.L. 115-232),
DOD established the Joint Artificial Intel igence Center (JAIC, pronounced “jake”) to coordinate
DOD projects of over $15 mil ion; the JAIC was granted acquisition authority by Section 808 of

8 “Gray zone” conflicts are those that occur below the threshold of formally declared war. For more information about
information operations, see CRS In Focus IF10771, Defense Prim er: Inform ation Operations, by Catherine A.
T heohary.
9 Some social media platforms such as T witter have established rules for labeling and removing certain types of
synthetic or manipulated media. See Yoel Roth and Ashita Achuthan, “ Building rules in public: Our approach to
synthetic & manipulated media,” Twitter, February 4, 2020, at https://blog.twitter.com/en_us/topics/company/2020/
new-approach-to-synthetic-and-manipulated-media.html.
10 Jessica Ice, “Defamatory Political Deepfakes and the First Amendment,” Case Western Reserve Law Review, 2019,
at https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/caselrev/vol70/iss2/12.
11 Office of the Under Secretary of Defense (Comptroller)/Chief Financial Officer, Defense Budget Overview: United
States Departm ent of Defense Fiscal Year 2022 Budget Request, May 2021, p. 3-2, at https://comptroller.defense.gov/
Portals/45/Documents/defbudget/FY2022/FY2022_Budget_Request_Overview_Book.pdf.
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the FY2021 NDAA (P.L. 116-283).12 The JAIC has undertaken a number of National Mission
Initiatives for AI, including predictive maintenance,13 humanitarian aid and disaster relief,
warfighter health, and business process transformation. In addition, the JAIC maintains the Joint
Common Foundation, a “secure cloud-based AI development and experimentation environment”
intended to support the testing and fielding of department-wide AI capabilities.14
The FY2019 NDAA also directed DOD to publish a strategic roadmap for AI development and
fielding, as wel as to develop guidance on “appropriate ethical, legal, and other policies for the
Department governing the development and use of artificial intel igence enabled systems and
technologies in operational situations.”15 In support of this mandate, the Defense Innovation
Board (DIB), an independent federal advisory committee to the Secretary of Defense, drafted
recommendations for the ethical use of artificial intel igence.16 Based on these recommendations,
DOD then adopted five ethical principles for AI based on the DIB’s recommendations:
responsibility, equitability, traceability, reliability, and governability.17 On May 26, 2021, Deputy
Secretary of Defense Kathleen Hicks issued a memorandum providing guidance on the
implementation of Responsible Artificial Intel igence (RAI), in keeping with the ethical
principles.18 The JAIC has been charged with developing and implementing RAI strategy,
guidance, and policy.19
Final y, Section 1051 of the FY2019 NDAA established a National Security Commission on
Artificial Intel igence to conduct a comprehensive assessment of militarily relevant AI
technologies and to provide recommendations for strengthening U.S. competitiveness. The
commission’s final report to Congress was delivered in March 2021 and general y offers
recommendations along five key lines of effort: (1) investing in research and development, (2)
applying AI to national security missions, (3) training and recruiting AI talent, (4) protecting and
building upon U.S. technology advantages, and (5) marshal ing global AI cooperation.20

12 P.L. 115-232, Section 2, Division A, T itle II, §1051; and P.L. 116-283, Section 2, Division A, T itle VIII, §808.
13 Predictive maintenance uses AI “to predict the failure of critical parts, automate diagnostics, and plan maintenance
based on data and equipment condition.” Department of Defense, “Summary of the 2018 Department of Defense
Artificial Intelligence Strategy,” February 12, 2019, p. 11, at https://media.defense.gov/2019/Feb/12/2002088963/-1/-1/
1/SUMMARY-OF-DOD-AI-ST RAT EGY.PDF.
14 Joint Artificial Intelligence Center, “Joint Common Foundation,” at https://www.ai.mil/jcf.html.
15 P.L. 115-232, Section 2, Division A, T itle II, §238.
16 For a discussion of DOD’s rationale for developing principles for ethical AI, as well as DOD’s existing ethical
commitments related to AI, see Defense Innovation Board, “AI Principles: Recommendations on the Ethical Use of
Artificial Intelligence by the Department of Defense,” October 31, 2019, at https://media.defense.gov/2019/Oct/31/
2002204458/-1/-1/0/DIB_AI_PRINCIPLES_PRIMARY_DOCUMENT .PDF.
17 For definitions of these principles, see Department of Defense, “ DOD Adopts Ethical Principles for Artificial
Intelligence,” February 24, 2020, at https://www.defense.gov/Newsroom/Releases/Release/Article/2091996/dod-
adopts-ethical-principles-for-artificial-intelligence/.
18 RAI is to focus on RAI governance, warfighter trust, AI pro duct and acquisition lifecycle, requirements validation,
responsible AI ecosystem, and AI workforce. For additional information about RAI, see Kathleen H. Hicks,
“Implementing Responsible Artificial Intelligence in the Department of Defense,” May 26, 2021, at
https://media.defense.gov/2021/May/27/2002730593/-1/-1/0/IMPLEMENTING-RESPONSIBLE-ART IFICIAL-
INT ELLIGENCE-IN-T HE-DEPARTMENT-OF-DEFENSE.PDF.
19 Kathleen H. Hicks, “Implementing Responsible Artificial Intelligence in the Department of Defense,” May 26, 2021,
at https://media.defense.gov/2021/May/27/2002730593/-1/-1/0/IMPLEMENTING-RESPONSIBLE-ART IFICIAL-
INT ELLIGENCE-IN-T HE-DEPARTMENT-OF-DEFENSE.PDF.
20 National Security Commission on Artificial Intelligence, Final Report, March 2021, at https://www.nscai.gov/wp-
content/uploads/2021/03/Full-Report -Digital-1.pdf. Pursuant to Section 238 of the FY2019 NDAA, RAND
Corporation, a federally funded research and development center, additionally conducted a review of DOD’s posture
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China
China is widely viewed as the United States’ closest competitor in the international AI market.21
China’s 2017 “Next Generation AI Development Plan” describes AI as a “strategic technology”
that has become a “focus of international competition.”22 Recent Chinese achievements in the
field demonstrate China’s potential to realize its goals for AI development. In particular, China
has pursued language and facial recognition technologies, many of which it plans to integrate into
the country’s domestic surveil ance network. Such technologies could be used to counter
espionage and aid military targeting. In addition to developing various types of air, land, sea, and
undersea autonomous military vehicles, China is actively pursuing swarm technologies, which
could be used to overwhelm adversary missile defense interceptors. Moreover, open-source
publications indicate that China is developing a suite of AI tools for cyber operations.23
China’s management of its AI ecosystem stands in stark contrast to that of the United States.24 In
general, few boundaries exist between Chinese commercial companies, university research
laboratories, the military, and the central government. China’s National Intel igence Law, for
example, requires companies and individuals to “support, assist, and cooperate with national
intel igence work.”25 As a result, the Chinese government has a direct means of guiding military
AI development priorities and accessing technology developed for civilian purposes.
Russia
Russian president Vladimir Putin has stated that “whoever becomes the leader in [AI] wil
become the ruler of the world.”26 At present, however, Russian AI development lags significantly
behind that of the United States and China. As part of Russia’s effort to close this gap, Russia has
released a national strategy that outlines 5- and 10-year benchmarks for improving the country’s
AI expertise, educational programs, datasets, infrastructure, and legal regulatory system.27 Russia
has indicated it wil continue to pursue its 2008 defense modernization agenda, which cal ed for
robotizing 30% of the country’s military equipment by 2025.28
The Russian military has been researching a number of AI applications, with a heavy emphasis on
semiautonomous and autonomous military vehicles. Russia has also reportedly built a combat
module for unmanned ground vehicles that may be capable of autonomous target identification—

for AI. See Danielle C. T arraf et al., The Departm ent of Defense Posture for Artificial Intelligence: Assessm ent and
Recom m endations, RAND Corporation, 2019, https://www.rand.org/pubs/research_reports/RR4229.html.
21 See, for example, Kai-Fu Lee, AI Superpowers: China, Silicon Valley, and the New World Order (Boston, MA:
Houghton Mifflin Co., 2018).
22 China State Council, “A Next Generation Artificial Intelligence Development Plan,” p. 2.
23 Elsa Kania, Battlefield Singularity: Artificial Intelligence, Military Revolution, and China’s Future Military Power,
Center for a New American Security, November 28, 2017, p. 27.
24 Ibid., p. 6.
25 Arjun Kharpal, “ Huawei says it would never hand data to China’s government. Experts say it wouldn’t have a
choice,” CNBC, March 5, 2019.
26 “‘Whoever leads in AI will rule the world’: Putin to Russian children on Knowledge Day ,” RT.com, September 1,
2017, at https://www.rt.com/news/401731-ai-rule-world-putin/.
27 Office of the President of the Russian Federation, “Decree of the President of the Russian Federation on the
Development of Artificial Intelligence in the Russian Federation” (Center for Security and Emerging T echnology,
T rans.), October 10, 2019, at https://cset.georgetown.edu/research/decree-of-the-president -of-the-russian-federation-on-
the-development -of-artificial-intelligence-in-the-russian-federation/.
28 T om Simonite, “For Superpowers, Artificial Intelligence Fuels New Global Arms Race,” Wired, August 8, 2017.
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and, potential y, target engagement—and it plans to develop a suite of AI-enabled autonomous
systems.29 In addition, the Russian military plans to incorporate AI into unmanned aerial, naval,
and undersea vehicles and is reportedly developing swarming capabilities.30 These technologies
could reduce both cost and manpower requirements, potential y enabling Russia to field more
systems with fewer personnel. Russia is also exploring innovative uses of AI for remote sensing
and electronic warfare, which could in turn reduce an adversary’s ability to effectively
communicate and navigate on the battlefield.31 Final y, Russia has made extensive use of AI
technologies for domestic propaganda and surveil ance, as wel as for information operations
directed against the United States and U.S. al ies.32
Despite Russia’s aspirations, analysts argue that it may be difficult for Russia to make significant
progress in AI development. For example, some analysts note that Russian academics have
produced few research papers on AI—ranking 22nd in AI-related publications global y33—and that
the Russian technology industry has yet to produce AI applications on par with those produced by
the United States and China.34 Other analysts counter that such factors may be irrelevant, arguing
that while Russia has never been a leader in internet technology, it has managed to become a
notably disruptive force in cyberspace.35 Russia may also be able to draw upon its growing
technological cooperation with China.36
International Institutions
A number of international institutions have examined issues surrounding AI, including the Group
of Seven (G7), the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), and the Organisation for
Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), which developed the first intergovernmental

29 T ristan Greene, “Russia is Developing AI Missiles to Dominate th e New Arms Race,” The Next Web, July 27, 2017,
at https://thenextweb.com/artificial-intelligence/2017/07/27/russia-is-developing-ai-missiles-to-dominate-the-new-
arms-race/; and Kyle Mizokami, “ Kalashnikov Will Make an A.I.-Powered Killer Robot ,” Popular Mechanics, July 19,
2017, at https://www.popularmechanics.com/military/weapons/news/a27393/kalashnikov-to-make-ai-directed-
machine-guns/.
30 Samuel Bendett, “Red Robots Rising: Behind the Rapid Development of Russian Unmanned Milit ary Systems,” The
Strategy Bridge, December 12, 2017.
31 Jill Dougherty and Molly Jay, “Russia T ries to Get Smart about Artificial Intelligence”; The Wilson Quarterly,
Spring 2018; and Margarita Konaev and Samuel Bendett, “Russian AI-Enabled Combat: Coming to a City Near You?,”
War on the Rocks, July 31, 2019, at https://warontherocks.com/2019/07/russian-ai-enabled-combat -coming-to-a-city-
near-you/.
32 Alina Polyakova, “Weapons of the Weak: Russia and AI-driven Asymmetric Warfare,” Brookings Institution,
November 15, 2018, at https://www.brookings.edu/research/weapons-of-the-weak-russia-and-ai-driven-asymmetric-
warfare/; and Chris Meserole and Alina Polyakova, “ Disinformation Wars,” Foreign Policy, May 25, 2018, at
https://foreignpolicy.com/2018/05/25/disinformation-wars/.
33 Margarita Konaev et al., Headline or Trend Line? Evaluating Chinese-Russian Collaboration in AI, Center for
Security and Emerging T echnology, August 2021, p. 9.
34 Leon Bershidsky, “T ake Elon Musk Seriously on the Russian AI T hreat,” Bloomberg, September 5, 2017, at
https://www.bloomberg.com/view/articles/2017-09-05/take-elon-musk-seriously-on-the-russian-ai-threat; and Alina
Polyakova, “Weapons of the Weak: Russia and AI-driven Asymmetric Warfare,” Brookings Institution, November 15,
2018, at https://www.brookings.edu/research/weapons-of-the-weak-russia-and-ai-driven-asymmetric-warfare/.
35 Gregory C. Allen, “Putin and Musk Are Right: Whoever Masters AI Will Run the World,” CNN, September 5, 2017.
36 Samuel Bendett and Elsa Kania, A New Sino-Russian High-tech Partnership, Australian Strategic Policy Institute,
October 29, 2019, at https://www.aspi.org.au/report/new-sino-russian-high-tech-partnership. Some analysts have
cautioned, however, that “the extent and scope of Chinese-Russian collaboration in AI may be overstated by both
Chinese and Russian sources as well as U.S. observers.” Margarita Konaev et al., Headline or Trend Line? Evaluating
Chinese-Russian Collaboration in AI, Center for Security and Emerging T echnology, August 2021, p. 9.
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set of principles for AI.37 These principles are intended to “promote AI that is innovative and
trustworthy and that respects human rights and democratic values.”38 The United States is one of
42 countries—including the OECD’s 36 member countries, Argentina, Brazil, Colombia, Costa
Rica, Peru, and Romania—to have adopted the OECD AI Principles. These principles serve as the
foundation for the Group of Twenty’s (G20’s) June 2019 Ministerial Statement on human-
centered AI.39 In addition, the OECD established the AI Policy Observatory in 2019 to develop
policy options that wil “help countries encourage, nurture, and monitor the responsible
development of trustworthy AI systems for the benefit of society.”
Potential Questions for Congress
 What measures is DOD taking to implement its ethical principles for artificial
intel igence? Are such measures sufficient to ensure DOD’s adherence to the
principles?
 Do DOD and the intel igence community have adequate information about the
state of foreign military AI applications and the ways in which such applications
may be used to harm U.S. national security?
 How should national security considerations with regard to deep fakes be
balanced with free speech protections, artistic expression, and beneficial uses of
the underlying technologies? What efforts, if any, should the U.S. government
undertake to ensure that the public is educated about deep fakes?
Lethal Autonomous Weapon Systems (LAWS)40
Although there is no international y agreed definition of lethal autonomous weapon systems,
Department of Defense Directive (DODD) 3000.09 defines LAWS as a class of weapon systems
capable of both independently identifying a target and employing an onboard weapon to engage
and destroy the target without manual human control. This concept of autonomy is also known as
“human out of the loop” or “full autonomy.” The directive contrasts LAWS with human-
supervised, or “human on the loop,” autonomous weapon systems, in which operators have the
ability to monitor and halt a weapon’s target engagement. Another category is semi-autonomous,
or “human in the loop,” weapon systems that “only engage individual targets or specific target
groups that have been selected by a human operator.”41
LAWS would require computer algorithms and sensor suites to classify an object as hostile, make
an engagement decision, and guide a weapon to the target. Although these systems are not yet in
widespread development,42 it is believed they would enable military operations in

37 In May 2020, the United States joined the G7’s Global Partnership on AI, which is “ to guide the responsible adoption
of AI based on shared principles of ‘human rights, inclusion, diversity, innovation and economic growth. ’” Matt
O’Brien, “ US joins G7 artificial intelligence group to counter China,” Associated Press, May 28, 2020.
38 Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, “OECD Principles on AI,” June 2019, at
https://www.oecd.org/going-digital/ai/principles/.
39 “G20 Ministerial Statement on T rade and Digital Economy,” June 9, 2019, at https://www.mofa.go.jp/files/
000486596.pdf.
40 For additional information about LAWS, see CRS Report R44466, Lethal Autonomous Weapon Systems: Issues for
Congress, by Nathan J. Lucas.
41 Department of Defense Directive 3000.09, “Autonomy in Weapon Systems,” Updated May 8, 2017, at
https://www.esd.whs.
42 Some analysts have argued that certain loitering munitions such as the Israeli Harpy meet the United States’
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communications-degraded or -denied environments where traditional systems may not be able to
operate. Some analysts have noted that LAWS could additional y “al ow weapons to strike
military objectives more accurately and with less risk of collateral damage” or civilian
casualties.43
Others, including approximately 30 countries and 165 nongovernmental organizations, have
cal ed for a preemptive ban on LAWS due to ethical concerns such as a perceived lack of
accountability for use and a perceived inability to comply with the proportionality and distinction
requirements of the law of armed conflict. Some analysts have also raised concerns about the
potential operational risks posed by lethal autonomous weapons.44 These risks could arise from
“hacking, enemy behavioral manipulation, unexpected interactions with the environment, or
simple malfunctions or software errors.”45 Although such risks could be present in automated
systems, they could be heightened in autonomous systems, in which the human operator would be
unable to physical y intervene to terminate engagements—potential y resulting in wider-scale or
more numerous instances of fratricide, civilian casualties, or other unintended consequences.46
United States
The United States is not known to be developing LAWS, nor does it currently have LAWS in its
inventory; however, there is no prohibition on the development, fielding, or employment of
LAWS. DODD 3000.09 establishes DOD guidelines for the future development and fielding of
LAWS to ensure that they comply with “the law of war, applicable treaties, weapon system safety
rules, and applicable rules of engagement.”47 This directive includes a requirement that LAWS be
designed to “al ow commanders and operators to exercise appropriate levels of human judgment
over the use of force.”48 “Human judgment over the use of force” does not require manual human
“control” of the weapon system, as is often reported, but instead requires broader human
involvement in decisions about how, when, where, and why the weapon wil be employed.

definition of LAWS. See, for example, Defense Innovation Board, AI Principles: Recom m endations on the Ethical Use
of Artificial Intelligence by the Departm ent of Defense - Supporting Docum ent, October 2019, p. 12, at
https://media.defense.gov/2019/Oct/31/2002204459/-1/-1/0/
DIB_AI_PRINCIPLES_SUPPORT ING_DOCUMENT .PDF. In addition, while a United Nations report concluded that
T urkey’s deployment of the ST M Kargu-2 constitutes the first use of a lethal autonomous weapon system in combat,
the UN described the Kargu-2 as being “ program m ed to attack targets” [emphasis added]. For this reason, it is unlikely
that the Kargu-2 meets the U.S. definition of LAWS. United Nations Security Council, “ Letter dated 8 March 2021
from the Panel of Experts on Libya established pursuant to resolution 1973 (2011) addressed to the President of the
Security Council,” March 8, 2021, p. 17, at https://undocs.org/S/2021/229.
43 U.S. Government, “Humanitarian Benefits of Emerging T echnologies in the Area of Lethal Autonomous Weapons,”
March 28, 2018, at https://www.unog.ch/80256EDD006B8954/
(httpAssets)/7C177AE5BC10B588C125825F004B06BE/$file/CCW_GGE.1_2018_WP.4.pdf .
44 See, for example, Paul Scharre, “Autonomous Weapons and Operational Risk,” Center for a New American Security,
February 2016, at https://s3.amazonaws.com/files.cnas.org/documents/CNAS_Autonomous-weapons-operational-
risk.pdf.
45 Ibid.
46 Ibid.
47 Department of Defense Directive 3000.09, “Autonomy in Weapon Systems,” Updated May 8, 2017, at
https://www.esd.whs. For an explanation of this directive, see CRS In Focus IF11150, Defense Prim er: U.S. Policy on
Lethal Autonom ous Weapon System s, by Kelley M. Sayler.
48 Department of Defense Directive 3000.09, “Autonomy in Weapon Systems,” Updated May 8, 2017, at
https://www.esd.whs.
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In addition, DODD 3000.09 requires that the software and hardware of al systems, including
lethal autonomous weapons, be tested and evaluated to ensure they
[f]unction as anticipated in realistic operational environments against adaptive adversaries;
complete engagements in a timeframe consistent with commander and operator intentions
and, if unable to do so, terminate engagements or seek additional human operator input
before continuing the engagement; and are sufficiently robust to minimize failures that
could lead to unintended engagements or to loss of control of the system to unauthorized
parties.
Any changes to a system’s operating state—for example, due to machine learning—would
require the system to be retested and reevaluated to ensure that it has retained its safety features
and ability to operate as intended. In addition to the standard weapons review process, LAWS
must undergo a secondary senior-level review by the Under Secretary of Defense for Policy, the
Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and either the Under Secretary of Defense for Acquisition
and Sustainment or the Under Secretary of Defense for Research and Engineering prior to both
development and fielding. DOD is reportedly in the process of developing a handbook to guide
senior leaders through this review.
China
According to former U.S. Secretary of Defense Mark Esper, some Chinese weapons
manufacturers, such as Ziyan, have advertised their weapons as having the ability to select and
engage targets autonomously.49 It is unclear whether these claims are accurate; however, China
has no prohibition on the development of LAWS, which it has characterized as weapons that
exhibit—at a minimum—five attributes:
The first is lethality, which means sufficient pay load (charge) and for means [sic] to be
lethal. The second is autonomy, which means absence of human intervention and control
during the entire process of executing a task. Thirdly, impossibility for termination,
meaning that once started there is no way to terminate the device. Fourthly, indiscriminate
effect, meaning that the device will execute the task of killing and maiming regardless of
conditions, scenarios and targets. Fifthly evolution, meaning that through interaction with
the environment the device can learn autonomously, expand its functions and capabilities
in a way exceeding human expectations.50
Russia
Russia has proposed the following definition of LAWS: “unmanned technical means other than
ordnance that are intended for carrying out combat and support missions without any involvement
of the operator” beyond the decision of whether and how to deploy the system.51 Russia has noted
that LAWS could “ensure the increased accuracy of weapon guidance on military targets, while
contributing to lower rate of unintentional strikes against civilians and civilian targets.”52
Although Russia has not publicly stated that it is developing LAWS, Russian weapons

49 Patrick T ucker, “SecDef: China is Exporting Killer Robots to the Mideast,” Defense One, November 5, 2019.
50 UN CCW, “China: Position Paper,” April 11, 2018, p. 1, at https://unog.ch/80256EDD006B8954/
(httpAssets)/E42AE83BDB3525D0C125826C0040B262/$file/CCW_GGE.1_2018_WP.7.pdf .
51 UN CCW, “Russian Federation: Potential opportunities and limitations of military uses of lethal autonomous
weapons systems,” 2019, at https://unog.ch/80256EDD006B8954/
(httpAssets)/B7C992A51A9FC8BFC12583 BB00637BB9/$file/CCW.GGE.1.2019.WP.1_R+E.pdf .
52 Ibid.
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manufacturer Kalashnikov has reportedly built a combat module for unmanned ground vehicles
capable of autonomous target identification and, potential y, target engagement.53
International Institutions
Since 2014, the United States has participated in international discussions of LAWS under the
auspices of the United Nations Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons (UN CCW). The
UN CCW has considered proposals by states parties to issue political declarations about LAWS,
as wel as proposals to regulate or ban them. At the UN CCW, the United States and Russia have
opposed a preemptive ban on LAWS, while China has supported a ban on the use—but not
development—of LAWS, which it defines as weapon systems that are inherently indiscriminate
and thus in violation of the law of war.54
Potential Questions for Congress
 To what extent are potential U.S. adversaries developing LAWS? How, if at al ,
should this affect U.S. LAWS research and development?
 What role should the United States play in UN CCW discussions of LAWS?
Should the United States support the status quo, propose a political declaration,
or advocate regulation of or a ban on LAWS?
 If the United States chooses to develop LAWS, are current weapons review
processes and legal standards for their employment in conflict sufficient?
Hypersonic Weapons55
A number of countries, including the United States, Russia, and China, are developing hypersonic
weapons—those that fly at speeds of at least Mach 5, or five times the speed of sound. There are
two categories of hypersonic weapons:
 Hypersonic glide vehicles are launched from a rocket before gliding to a
target.56
 Hypersonic cruise missiles are powered by high-speed engines throughout the
duration of their flight.
In contrast to bal istic missiles, which also travel at hypersonic speeds, hypersonic weapons do
not follow a parabolic bal istic trajectory and can maneuver en route to their destination, making
defense against them difficult.
Analysts disagree about the strategic implications of hypersonic weapons. Some have identified
two factors that could hold significant implications for strategic stability: (1) the weapon’s short
time-of-flight, which, in turn, compresses the timeline for response, and (2) its unpredictable

53 Kyle Mizokami, “ Kalashnikov Will Make an A.I.-Powered Killer Robot,” Popular Mechanics, July 19, 2017.
54 For additional information about UN CCW discussions on LAWS, see CRS In Focus IF11294, International
Discussions Concerning Lethal Autonom ous Weapon System s, by Kelley M. Sayler.
55 For additional information about hypersonic weapons, see CRS Report R45811, Hypersonic Weapons: Background
and Issues for Congress, by Kelley M. Sayler; and CRS In Focus IF11459, Defense Prim er: Hypersonic Boost-Glide
Weapons, by Kelley M. Sayler and Amy F. Woolf.
56 When hypersonic glide vehicles are mated with their rocket booster, the resulting weapon system is often referred to
as a hypersonic boost -glide weapon.
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flight path, which could generate uncertainty about the weapon’s intended target and therefore
heighten the risk of miscalculation or unintended escalation in the event of a conflict.57
Other analysts have argued that the strategic implications of hypersonic weapons are minimal
because U.S. competitors such as China and Russia already possess the ability to strike the United
States with intercontinental bal istic missiles, which, when launched in salvos, could overwhelm
U.S. missile defenses.58 Furthermore, these analysts argue that in the case of hypersonic weapons,
traditional principles of deterrence hold: “it is real y a stretch to try to imagine any regime in the
world that would be so suicidal that it would even think threating to use—not to mention to
actual y use—hypersonic weapons against the United States ... would end wel .”59
United States
The Pentagon has requested $3.8 bil ion in FY2022 for hypersonic weapons and $248 mil ion for
hypersonic defense programs.60 DOD is currently developing hypersonic weapons under the
Navy’s Conventional Prompt Strike program, which is intended to provide the U.S. military with
the ability to strike hardened or time-sensitive targets with conventional warheads, as wel as
through several Air Force, Army, and DARPA programs.61 Analysts who support these
development efforts argue that hypersonic weapons could enhance deterrence, as wel as provide
the U.S. military with an ability to defeat capabilities such as mobile missile launchers and
advanced air and missile defense systems that form the foundation of U.S. competitors’ anti-
access/area denial strategies.62 Others have argued that hypersonic weapons confer little to no
additional warfighting advantage and note that the U.S military has yet to identify any mission
requirements or concepts of operation for hypersonic weapons.63
The United States is unlikely to field an operational hypersonic weapon before 2023; however, in
contrast to Russia and China, the United States is not developing hypersonic weapons for
potential use with a nuclear warhead. As a result, the United States is seeking to develop

57 See, for example, Richard H. Speier et al., Hypersonic Missile Proliferation: Hindering the Spread of a New Class of
Weapons, RAND Corporation, 2017, at https://www.rand.org/pubs/research_reports/RR2137.html.
58 David Axe, “How the U.S. Is Quietly Winning the Hypersonic Arms Race,” T he Daily Beast, January 16, 2019,
at https://www.thedailybeast.com/how-the-us-is-quietly-winning-the-hypersonic-arms-race. See also Mark B.
Schneider, “Moscow’s Development of Hypersonic Missiles,” p. 14.
59 Jyri Raitasalo, “Hypersonic Weapons are No Game-Changer,” T he National Interest, January 5, 2019, at
https://nationalinterest.org/blog/buzz/hypersonic-weapons-are-no-game-changer-40632.
60 Office of the Under Secretary of Defense (Comptroller)/Chief Financial Officer, Defense Budget Overview: United
States Departm ent of Defense Fiscal Year 2022 Budget Request, May 2021, p. 3-2, at https://comptroller.defense.gov/
Portals/45/Documents/defbudget/FY2022/FY2022_Budget_Request_Overview_Book.pdf. For additional information
about hypersonic missile defense, see CRS In Focus IF11623, Hypersonic Missile Defense: Issues for Congress, by
Kelley M. Sayler and Stephen M. McCall.
61 In a June 2018 memorandum, DOD announced that the Navy would lead the development of a common glide vehicle
for use across the services. T he services coordinate efforts on a Common Hyperson ic Glide Body Board of Directors
with rotating chairmanship. Sydney J. Freedberg, Jr., “Army Ramps Up Funding for Laser Shield, Hypersonic Sword,”
Breaking Defense, February 28, 2020, at https://breakingdefense.com/2020/02/army-ramps-up-funding-for-laser-
shield-hypersonic-sword/. For a full history of U.S. hypersonic weapons programs, see CRS Report R41464,
Conventional Prom pt Global Strike and Long -Range Ballistic Missiles: Background and Issues, by Amy F. Woolf.
62 Roger Zakheim and T om Karako, “China’s Hypersonic Missile Advances and U.S. Defense Responses,” remarks at
the Hudson Institute, March 19, 2019. See also Department of Defense Fiscal Year (FY) 2020 Budget Estimates, Army
Justification Book of Research, Development, T est and Evaluation, Volume II, Budget Activity 4, p. 580.
63 See, for example, Valerie Insinna, “ Air Force’s top civilian hints at changes to hypersonic weapons programs,”
Defense News, September 22, 2021, at https://www.defensenews.com/air/2021/09/22/air-forces-top-civilian-hints-at-
changes-to-hypersonic-weapons-programs/.
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hypersonic weapons that can attack targets with greater accuracy, which could be more
technical y chal enging to develop than nuclear-armed—and less accurate—Russian and Chinese
systems.
China
According to Tong Zhao, a fel ow at the Carnegie-Tsinghua Center for Global Policy, “most
experts argue that the most important reason to prioritize hypersonic technology development [in
China] is the necessity to counter specific security threats from increasingly sophisticated U.S.
military technology” such as U.S. regional missile defenses.64 China’s pursuit of hypersonic
weapons, like Russia’s, reflects a concern that U.S. hypersonic weapons could enable the United
States to conduct a preemptive, decapitating strike on China’s nuclear arsenal and supporting
infrastructure. U.S. missile defense deployments could then limit China’s ability to conduct a
retaliatory strike against the United States.65
China has developed the DF-41 intercontinental bal istic missile (ICBM), which, according to a
2014 report by the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission, could carry a nuclear
hypersonic glide vehicle.66 General Terrence O’Shaughnessy, then-commander of U.S. Northern
Command, seemed to confirm this assessment in February 2020, when he testified that “China is
testing a [nuclear-capable] intercontinental-range hypersonic glide vehicle … which is designed
to fly at high speeds and low altitudes, complicating our ability to provide precise warning.”67
Reports indicate that China may have tested a nuclear-capable HGV68—launched by a Long
March rocket—in August 2021.69 In contrast to the bal istic missiles that China has previously
used to launch HGVs, the Long March, a fractional orbital bombardment system (FOBS),
launches the HGV into orbit before the HGV de-orbits to its target. This could provide China with
a space-based global strike capability and further reduce the amount of target warning time prior
to a strike.70
China has additional y tested the DF-ZF hypersonic glide vehicle at least nine times since 2014.
U.S. defense officials have reportedly identified the range of the DF-ZF as approximately 1,200
miles and have stated that the missile may be capable of performing evasive maneuvers during

64 T ong Zhao, “ Conventional Challenges to Strategic Stability: Chinese Perceptions of Hypersonic T echnology and the
Security Dilemma,” Carnegie-T singhua Center for Global Policy, July 23, 2018, at https://carnegietsinghua.org/2018/
07/23/conventional-challenges-to-strategic-stability-chinese-perceptions-of-hypersonic-technology-and-security-
dilemma-pub-76894.
65 Ibid.; and Lora Saalman, “China’s Calculus on Hypersonic Glide,” August 15, 2017, Stockholm International Peace
Research Institute, at https://www.sipri.org/commentary/topical-backgrounder/2017/chinas-calculus-hypersonic-glide.
66 U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission 2014 Annual Report, p. 292, at https://www.uscc.gov/sites/
default/files/annual_reports/Complete%20Report.PDF.
67 General T errence J. O’Shaughnessy, “Statement before the Senate Armed Services Committee,” February, 13, 2020,
at https://www.armed-services.senate.gov/imo/media/doc/OShaughnessy_02-13-20.pdf.
68 It is not clear if this nuclear-capable HGV is the same model as that referenced by General O’Shaughnessy.
69 Demetri Sevastopulo and Kathrin Hille, “China tests new space capability with hypersonic missile,” October 16,
2021, at https://www.ft.com/content/ba0a3cde-719b-4040-93cb-a486e1f843fb. China’s Foreign Ministry Spokesperson
Zhao Lijian has stated that “ this was a routine test of [a] space vehicle,” rather than a test of a nuclear-capable HGV.
Zhao Lijian, “ Remarks at Regular Press Conference,” Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China,
October 18, 2021, at https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng/xwfw_665399/s2510_665401/t1915130.shtml.
70 Greg Hadley, “ Kendall: China Has Potential to Strike Earth From Space,” Air Force Magazine, September 20, 2021,
at https://www.airforcemag.com/global-strikes-space-china-frank-kendall/.
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flight.71 Although unconfirmed by intel igence agencies, some analysts believe the DF-ZF could
have become operational as early as 2020.72 In addition, in August 2018 China successfully tested
Starry Sky-2, a nuclear-capable hypersonic vehicle prototype.73 Some reports indicate that the
Starry Sky-2 could be operational by 2025.74 U.S. officials have declined to comment on the
program.75
Russia
Although Russia has conducted research on hypersonic weapons technology since the 1980s, it
accelerated its efforts in response to U.S. missile defense deployments in both the United States
and Europe, and in response to the U.S. withdrawal from the Anti-Bal istic Missile Treaty in
2002.76 Detailing Russia’s concerns, President Putin stated in 2018 that “the US is permitting
constant, uncontrolled growth of the number of anti-bal istic missiles, improving their quality,
and creating new missile launching areas. If we do not do something, eventual y this wil result in
the complete devaluation of Russia’s nuclear potential. Meaning that al of our missiles could
simply be intercepted.”77 Russia thus seeks hypersonic weapons, which can maneuver as they
approach their targets, as an assured means of penetrating U.S. missile defenses and restoring its
sense of strategic stability.78
Russia is pursuing two nuclear-capable hypersonic weapons: the Avangard and the 3M22 Tsirkon
(or Zircon). Avangard is a hypersonic glide vehicle launched from an ICBM, giving it “effectively
‘unlimited’ range.”79 Russian news sources claim that Avangard entered into service in December

71 “Gliding missiles that fly faster than Mach 5 are coming,” The Economist, April 6, 2019, at
https://www.economist.com/science-and-technology/2019/04/06/gliding-missiles-that -fly-faster-than-mach-5-are-
coming; and Franz-Stefan Gady, “ China T ests New Weapon Capable of Breaching US Missile Defense Systems,” The
Diplom at, April 28, 2016, at https://thediplomat.com/2016/04/china-tests-new-weapon-capable-of-breaching-u-s-
missile-defense-systems/.
72 U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission 2015 Annual Report, p. 20, at https://www.uscc.gov/sites/
default/files/annual_reports/2015%20Annual%20Report%20to%20Congress.PDF.
73 Jessie Yeung, “ China claims to have successfully tested its first hypersonic aircraft ,” CNN, August 7, 2018, at
https://www.cnn.com/2018/08/07/china/china-hypersonic-aircraft -intl/index.html. See also U.S.-China Econom ic and
Security Review Com m ission 2018 Annual Report, p. 220, at https://www.uscc.gov/sites/default/files/annual_reports/
2018%20Annual%20Report%20to%20Congress.pdf .
74 U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission Report 2015, p. 20.
75 Bill Gertz, “ China Reveals T est of New Hypersonic Missile,” The Washington Free Beacon, August 10, 2018, at
https://freebeacon.com/national-security/chinas-reveals-test-new-hypersonic-missile/.
76 United Nations Office of Disarmament Affairs, Hypersonic Weapons: A Challenge and Opportunity for Strategic
Arm s Control, February 2019, at https://www.un.org/disarmament/publications/more/hypersonic-weapons-a-challenge-
and-opportunity-for-strategic-arms-control/.
77 Vladimir Putin, “Presidential Address to the Federal Assembly,” March 1, 2018, at http://en.kremlin.ru/events/
president/news/56957.
78 In this instance, “strategic stability” refers to a “bilateral nuclear relationship of mutual vulnerability.” See T ong
Zhao, “Conventional Challenges to Strategic Stability: Chinese Perceptions of Hypersonic T echnology and the Security
Dilemma,” Carnegie-T singhua Center for Global Policy, July 23, 2018, at https://carnegietsinghua.org/2018/07/23/
conventional-challenges-to-strategic-stability-chinese-perceptions-of-hypersonic-technology-and-security-dilemma-
pub-76894.
79 Steve T rimble, “A Hypersonic Sputnik?,” Aviation Week, January 14-27, 2019, p. 20.
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2019.80 Tsirkon, a ship- and submarine-launched hypersonic cruise missile, wil reportedly
“[complete] trials in 2021 and begin serial deliveries in 2022.”81
International Institutions
No international treaty or agreement is dedicated to overseeing the development of hypersonic
weapons. Although the New START Treaty—a strategic offensive arms treaty between the United
States and Russia—does not specifical y limit hypersonic weapons, it does limit ICBMs, which
could be used to launch hypersonic glide vehicles.82 Because Russia has deployed its Avangard
hypersonic glide vehicle on an SS-19 ICBM, it has agreed that missiles equipped with Avangard
count under New START. Furthermore, Article V of the treaty states that “when a Party believes
that a new kind of strategic offensive arm is emerging, that Party shal have the right to raise the
question of such a strategic offensive arm for consideration in the Bilateral Consultative
Commission (BCC).” Accordingly, some legal experts hold that it would be possible to negotiate
provisions that would count additional types of hypersonic weapons under the New START
limits.83 However, because New START is due to expire in 2026, this may be a short-term
solution.84 In addition, the treaty would not cover hypersonic weapons developed in countries
other than the United States and Russia.
Final y, some analysts have noted that, if any parties to the Outer Space Treaty were to launch a
nuclear-armed HGV on a fractional orbital bombardment system, they would likely be in
violation of Article IV of the treaty, which prohibits the placement of “any objects carrying
nuclear weapons or any other kinds of weapons of mass destruction” into orbit.85
Potential Questions for Congress
 What mission(s) wil hypersonic weapons be used for? Are hypersonic weapons
the most cost-effective means of executing these potential missions?
 Given the lack of defined mission requirements for hypersonic weapons, how
should Congress evaluate funding requests for hypersonic weapons programs or
the balance of funding requests for hypersonic weapons programs, enabling
technologies, and supporting test infrastructure?
 How, if at al , wil the fielding of hypersonic weapons affect strategic stability? Is
there a need for risk-mitigation measures, such as expanding New START,

80 “First regiment of Avangard hypersonic missile systems goes on combat duty in Russia,” TASS, December 27, 2019,
at https://tass.com/defense/1104297.
81 Dmitry Fediushko and Nikolai Novichkov, “ T sirkon hypersonic missile state trials to be completed in 2021,” Jane’s
Defense Weekly (subscription required), February 3, 2021, at https://customer.janes.com/Janes/Display/FG_3887346-
JDW.
82 For example, Russia’s Avangard hypersonic glide vehicle is reportedly launched by an intercontinental ballistic
missile. See Rachel S. Cohen, “Hypersonic Weapons: Strategic Asset or T actical T ool?,” Air Force Magazine, May 7,
2019, at https://www.airforcemag.com/hypersonic-weapons-strategic-asset-or-tactical-tool/.
83 James Acton notes: “during [New ST ART ] negotiations, Russia argued that boost-glide weapons might constitute ‘a
new kind of strategic offensive arm,’ in which case they would trigger bilateral discussions about whether and how
they would be regulated by the treaty—a position [then] rejected by the United States.” James M. Acton, Silver Bullet?:
Asking the Right Questions about Conventional Prom pt Global Strike, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace,
2013, p. 139, at https://carnegieendowment.org/files/cpgs.pdf.
84 CRS Report R41219, The New START Treaty: Central Limits and Key Provisions, by Amy F. Woolf.
85 Jeffrey Lewis, “ China’s Orbital Bombardment System Is Big, Bad News—but Not a Breakthrough,” Foreign Policy,
October 18, 2021, at https://foreignpolicy.com/2021/10/18/hypersonic-china-missile-nuclear-fobs/.
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negotiating new multilateral arms control agreements, or undertaking
transparency and confidence-building activities?
Directed Energy (DE) Weapons86
DOD defines directed energy (DE) weapons as those using concentrated electromagnetic energy,
rather than kinetic energy, to “incapacitate, damage, disable, or destroy enemy equipment,
facilities, and/or personnel.”87 DE weapons could be used by ground forces in short-range air
defense (SHORAD), counter-unmanned aircraft systems (C-UAS), or counter-rocket, artil ery,
and mortar (C-RAM) missions.88 DE weapons could offer low costs per shot and—assuming
access to a sufficient power supply89—nearly limitless magazines that, in contrast to existing
conventional systems, could enable an efficient and effective means of defending against missile
salvos or swarms of unmanned systems. Theoretical y, DE weapons could also provide options
for boost-phase missile intercept, given their speed-of-light travel time; however, as in the case of
hypersonic missile defense, experts disagree on the affordability, technological feasibility, and
utility of this application.90
High-powered microwave weapons, a subset of DE weapons, could be used as a nonkinetic
means of disabling electronics, communications systems, and improvised explosive devices, or as
a nonlethal “heat ray” system for crowd control.
United States
Although the United States has been researching directed energy since the 1960s, some experts
have observed that “actual directed energy programs … have frequently fal en short of
expectations,” with DOD investing bil ions of dollars in programs that were ultimately
cancel ed.91 Others contend that developments in commercial lasers could be leveraged for
military applications.92 Directed energy weapons programs continue, however, to face questions
about their technological maturity, including questions about the ability to improve beam quality

86 For additional information about directed energy weapons, see CRS Report R46925, Department of Defense
Directed Energy Weapons: Background and Issues for Congress, coordinated by Kelley M. Sayler.
87 Joint Chiefs of Staff, Joint Electromagnetic Spectrum Operations, Joint Publication 3 -85, May 22, 2020, GL-6.
88 For more information about the role of DE weapons in C-UAS missions, see CRS In Focus IF11426, Department of
Defense Counter-Unm anned Aircraft System s, by John R. Hoehn and Kelley M. Sayler.
89 Although research has been conducted on chemically fueled lasers, most countries are now pursuing solid state
lasers, which are fueled by electrical power. As a result, the cost per shot is equivalent to the cost of the electrical
power required to fire the shot. See Ariel Robinson, “ Directed Energy Weapons: Will T hey Ever Be Ready?,” National
Defense, July 1, 2015, at https://www.nationaldefensemagazine.org/articles/2015/7/1/2015july-directed-energy-
weapons-will-they-ever-be-ready.
90 See, for example, James N. Miller and Frank A. Rose, “ Bad Idea: Space-Based Interceptors and Space-Based
Directed Energy Systems,” Center for Strategic and International Studies, December 13, 2018, at
https://defense360.csis.org/bad-idea-space-based-interceptors-and-space-based-directed-energy-systems/; and Justin
Doubleday, “ Pentagon punts MDA‘s laser ambitions, shifts funding toward OSD-led ‘laser scaling,’” Inside Defense,
February 19, 2020, at https://insidedefense.com/daily-news/pentagon-punts-mdas-laser-ambitions-shifts-funding-
toward-osd-led-laser-scaling.
91 Paul Scharre, Preface to “Directed-Energy Weapons: Promise and Prospects,” Center for a New American Security,
April 2015, p. 4.
92 See Ariel Robinson, “ Directed Energy Weapons: Will T hey Ever Be Ready?,” National Defense, July 1, 2015, at
https://www.nationaldefensemagazine.org/articles/2015/7/1/2015july-directed-energy-weapons-will-they-ever-be-
ready.
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and control to militarily useful levels and the ability to meet power, cooling, and size
requirements for integration into current platforms.93
The U.S. Navy fielded the first operational U.S. DE weapon, the Laser Weapon System (LaWS),
in 2014 aboard the USS Ponce. LaWS was a 30-kilowatt (-kW) laser prototype that “was capable
of blinding enemy forces as a warning, shooting down drones, disabling boats, or damaging
helicopters.”94 The Navy is testing and plans to instal its 60-kW laser, HELIOS, on the USS
Preble “in line with its deployment schedule,” while the Army plans to field its first “combat
relevant” laser—the 50-kW Directed Energy Mobile Short-Range Air Defense System—on
Stryker fighting vehicles in FY2022.95 Similarly, the Air Force is currently conducting field
assessments of several counter-UAS DE systems, including both laser and high-powered
microwave systems.96
Overal , DOD requested at least $578 mil ion in FY2022 for unclassified DE research,
development, test, and evaluation (RDT&E), and at least $331 mil ion for unclassified DE
weapons procurement.97 Many of these programs are intended to support DOD’s Directed Energy
Roadmap, which seeks to scale up DE weapon power levels from around 150 kW, as is currently
feasible, to around 300 kW in FY2022 and to around 500 kW by FY2024.98
China
According to the US-China Economic and Security Review Commission, China has been
developing DE weapons since at least the 1980s and has made steady progress in developing
HPM and increasingly powerful HELs.99 China has reportedly developed a 30-kilowatt road-
mobile DE system, LW-30, designed to engage unmanned aerial vehicles and precision-guided
weapons.100 Reports indicate that China is also developing an airborne DE weapon pod and has

93 Ibid.
94 Kyle Mizokami, “ T he U.S. Army Plans T o Field the Most Powerful Laser Weapon Yet ,” Popular Mechanics,
August 7, 2019.
95 “Lockheed Martin’s HELIOS Shipboard Laser Being T ested at Wallops Island,” Seapower Magazine, August 1,
2021, at https://seapowermagazine.org/lockheed-martins-helios-shipboard-laser-being-tested-at-wallops-island/; and
Office of the Under Secretary of Defense (Comptroller)/Chief Financial Officer, Defense Budget Overview: United
States Departm ent of Defense Fiscal Year 2022 Budget Request, May 2021, p. 10-8, at https://comptroller.defense.gov/
Portals/45/Documents/defbudget/FY2022/FY2022_Budget_Request_Overview_Book.pdf.
96 Kyle Mizokami, “ T he Air Force Mobilizes Its Laser and Microwave Weapons Abroad,” Popular Mechanics, April 9,
2020, at https://www.popularmechanics.com/military/weapons/a32083799/laser-microwave-weapons/.
97 T hese figures include funding for DOD-wide programs as well as programs managed by the Air Force, Army, and
Navy. CRS analysis of FY2022 budget documents; for additional information, see Appendix B in CRS Report R46925,
Departm ent of Defense Directed Energy Weapons: Background and Issues for Congress, coordinated by Kelley M.
Sayler.
98 Although there is no consensus regarding the precise power level that would be needed to neutralize different target
sets, it is generally believed that a laser of around 100 kW could engage UAVs, small boats, rockets, artillery, and
mortar, whereas a laser of around 300 kW could additionally engage cruise missiles flying in certain profiles (i.e.,
flying across—rather than at —the laser). Dr. Jim T rebes, “ Advancing High Energy Laser Weapon Capabilities: What is
OUSD (R&E) Doing?,” Presentation at IDGA, October 21, 2020; and CRS conversation with Principal Director for
Directed Energy Modernization Dr. Jim T rebes, November 17, 2020. Required power levels could be affected by
additional factors such as adversary countermeasures and atmospheric conditions and effects.
99 US-China Economic and Security Review Commission (USCC), USCC 2017 Annual Report, November 2017, p.
563, at https://www.uscc.gov/sites/default/files/2019-09/2017_Annual_Report_to_Congress.pdf.
100 Nikolai Novichkov, “Airshow China 2018: CASIC’s LW-30 laser weapon system breaks cover,” Jane’s Defence
Weekly, November 9, 2018.
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used or proposed using DE weapons to interfere with U.S. and al ied military aircraft and to
disrupt U.S. freedom of navigation operations in the Indo-Pacific.101
According to the Defense Intel igence Agency, China is additional y pursuing DE weapons
to disrupt, degrade, or damage satellites and their sensors and possibly already has a limited
capability to employ laser systems against satellite sensors. China likely will field a
ground-based laser weapon that can counter low-orbit space-based sensors by 2020, and
by the mid-to-late 2020s, it may field higher power systems that extend the threat to the
structures of non-optical satellites.102
Russia
Russia has been conducting DE weapons research since the 1960s, with a particular emphasis on
HELs. Russia has reportedly deployed the Peresvet, a mobile, ground-based HEL, with several
mobile intercontinental bal istic missile units. Although little is publicly known about Peresvet,
including its power level, some analysts assert it is to dazzle satel ites and provide point defense
against unmanned aircraft systems.103 Russia’s deputy defense minister Alexei Krivoruchko has
stated that efforts are underway to increase Peresvet’s power level and to deploy it on military
aircraft.104 Reports suggest that Russia may also be developing HPMs as wel as additional HELs
capable of performing antisatel ite missions.
International Institutions
DE weapons “are not authoritatively defined under international law, nor are they currently on the
agenda of any existing multilateral mechanism.”105 However, certain applications of DE weapons
are prohibited. For example, Protocol I of the CCW “Protocol on Blinding Lasers” prohibits the
employment of “laser weapons specifical y designed, as their sole combat function or as one of
their combat functions, to cause permanent blindness to unenhanced vision.”106 Some analysts
have suggested that multilateral agreements should be considered. For example, Congress may
consider prohibitions on nonlethal anti-personnel uses of DE weapons—such as “heat rays” or
lasers intended to cause temporary visual impairment—or on certain military applications of DE

101 Andrew T ate, “ China aiming to procure airborne laser-based weapon pod,” Jane’s Defence Weekly, January 8, 2020;
and Patrick M. Cronin and Ryan D. Neuhard, “ Countering China’s Laser Offensive ,” T he Diplomat, April 2, 2020, at
https://thediplomat.com/2020/04/countering-chinas-laser-offensive/.
102 Defense Intelligence Agency, Challenges to Security in Space, February 2019, p. 20, at https://www.dia.mil/Portals/
27/Documents/News/Military%20Power%20Publications/Space_T hreat_V14_020119_sm.pdf.
103 Defense Intelligence Agency, Challenges to Security in Space, February 2019, p. 23, at https://www.dia.mil/Portals/
27/Documents/News/Military%20Power%20Publications/Space_T hreat_V14_020119_sm.pdf; and “ Putin hails new
Russian laser weapons,” Associated Press, May 17, 2019, at https://apnews.com/ff03960c48a6440bacc1c2512a7c197a.
104 Bart Hendrickx, “ Peresvet: a Russian mobile laser system to dazzle enemy satellites,” The Space Review, June 5,
2020, at https://www.thespacereview.com/article/3967/1.
105 “Directed Energy Weapons: Discussion paper for the Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons (CCW),”
Article 36, November 2017.
106 T he protocol does not cover the development, procurement, or possession of such weapons, nor does it prohibit the
employment of laser weapons that may cause blindness “as an incidental or collateral effect.” Additional Protocol to
the Convention on Prohibitions or Restrictions o n the Use of Certain Conventional Weapons Which May Be Deem ed to
Be Excessively Injurious or to Have Indiscrim inate Effects, Vienna, October 13, 1995, United Nations, T reaty Series,
vol. 1380, p. 370, at https://treaties.un.org/doc/T reaties/1995/10/19951013%2001-30%20AM/Ch_XXVI_02_ap.pdf.
For additional information about the protocol and its relationship to DE weapons programs, see Appendix I of CRS
Report R41526, Navy Shipboard Lasers for Surface, Air, and Missile Defense: Background and Issues for Congress, by
Ronald O'Rourke.
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weapons—such as aircraft interference—in peacetime.107 Other analysts have argued that DE
weapons could be considered more humane than conventional weapons because their accuracy
could potential y reduce collateral damage and because they could provide a nonlethal anti-
personnel capability in circumstances in which lethal force might otherwise be used.108
Potential Questions for Congress
 Does the technological maturity of DE weapons warrant current funding levels?
To what extent, if at al , can advances in commercial lasers be leveraged for
military applications?
 How successful have U.S. field tests of DE weapons been? Are any changes to
operational concepts, rules of engagement, or tactics required to optimize the use
of DE weapons or deconflict the use of DE weapons with other U.S. military
operations?
 In what circumstances and for what purposes should the U.S. military’s use of
DE weapons be permissible? What, if any, regulations, treaties, or other measures
should the United States consider with regard to the use of DE weapons in both
war and peacetime?
Biotechnology
Biotechnology leverages life sciences for technological applications. A number of developments
in biotechnology hold potential implications for the U.S. military and for international security
writ large. As a 2018 Government Accountability Office report notes, the Departments of
Defense, State, and Homeland Security, and the Office of the Director of National Intel igence
assess that biotechnologies, such as the low-cost gene-editing tool CRISPR,109 have the potential
to
alter genes or create DNA to modify plants, animals, and humans. Such biotechnologies
could be used to enhance [or degrade] the performance of military personnel. The
proliferation of synthetic biology—used to create genetic code that does not exist in
nature—may increase the number of actors that can create chemical and biological
weapons.110
Similarly, the U.S. intel igence community’s 2016 Worldwide Threat Assessment cited genome
editing as a potential weapon of mass destruction.111

107 Patrick M. Cronin and Ryan D. Neuhard, “Countering China’s Laser Offensive,” T he Diplomat, April 2, 2020, at
https://thediplomat.com/2020/04/countering-chinas-laser-offensive/.
108 See, for example, Mark Gunzinger and Chris Dougherty, Changing the Game: The Promise of Directed-Energy
Weapons, Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments, April 19, 2021, at https://csbaonline.org/uploads/
documents/CSBA_ChangingT heGame_ereader.pdf.
109 For a general overview of CRISPR, see CRS Report R44824, Advanced Gene Editing: CRISPR-Cas9, by Marcy E.
Gallo et al.
110 Government Accountability Office, National Security: Long-Range Emerging Threats Facing the United States as
Identified by Federal Agencies, December 2018, at https://www.gao.gov/assets/700/695981.pdf.
111 James R. Clapper, “Statement for the Record: Worldwide T hreat Assessment of the US Intelligence Community,”
delivered before the U.S. Senate Committee on Armed Services, February 9, 2016.
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In addition, biotechnology could be used to create adaptive camouflage, cloaking devices, or
lighter, stronger, and—potential y—self-healing body and vehicle armor.112 Concerns have been
raised that U.S. competitors may not hold the same ethical standards in the research and
application of biotechnologies, particularly regarding biological weapons, genome editing, or
more invasive forms of human performance modification.113
United States
Pursuant to Section 1086 of the FY2017 NDAA (P.L. 114-328),114 the Trump Administration
released the National Biodefense Strategy, which outlines “how the United States Government
wil manage its activities more effectively to assess, prevent, detect, prepare for, respond to, and
recover from biological threats, coordinating its biodefense efforts with those of international
partners, industry, academia, non-governmental entities, and the private sector.”115 As some
analysts have noted, however, this strategy was not accompanied by a resourced action plan and,
thus, was “largely unimplemented.”116 Furthermore, there is no DOD-specific biotechnology
research strategy.117
Unclassified U.S. biotechnology programs with military applications center primarily on
improving “readiness, resilience, and recovery.” DARPA, for example, has a number of
biotechnology programs devoted to battlefield medicine, diagnostics, and prognostics. It is also
exploring options for mitigating the effects of traumatic brain injury, treating neuropsychiatric
il nesses such as depression and post-traumatic stress, and protecting against infectious diseases
and bio-engineered threats to the U.S. food supply. In addition, DARPA’s Safe Genes program
seeks “to [protect] service members from accidental or intentional misuse of genome editing
technologies.”118 Biotechnology research is also being conducted at the service laboratories,
which completed a $45 mil ion, three-year joint research initiative in synthetic biology “intended
to develop new bio-based materials and sensors.”119

112 Patrick T ucker, “ The US Army Is Making Synthetic Biology a P riority,” Defense One, July 1, 2019; and “ Army
scientists explore synthetic biology potential,” U.S. Army, June 24, 2019, at https://www.army.mil/article/223495/
army_scientists_explore_synthetic_biology_potential.
113 James R. Clapper, “Statement for the Record: Worldwide T hreat Assessment of the US Intelligence Community,”
delivered before the U.S. Senate Committee on Armed Services, February 9, 2016; and Daniel R. Coats, “ Statement for
the Record: Worldwide T hreat Assessment of the US Intelligence Community,” delivered before the U.S. Senate
Committee on Armed Services, March 6, 2018. Although the U.S. military has long used certain drugs such as caffeine,
modafinil, dextroamphetamine, and various sleep aids to enhance soldier performance, it bans other performance -
enhancing drugs and techniques such as anabolic steroids and blood doping. See Paul Scharre and Lauren Fish, Hum an
Perform ance Enhancem ent, Center for a New American Security, November 7, 2018, at https://www.cnas.org/
publications/reports/human-performance-enhancement-1.
114 P.L. 114-328, Section 2, Division A, T itle X, §1086.
115 T he White House, National Biodefense Strategy, 2018, at https://www.whitehouse.gov/wp-content/uploads/2018/09/
National-Biodefense-Strategy.pdf.
116 See, for example, T ara O’T oole, “Remarks at ‘Synthetic Biology and National Security: Risks and Opportunities,’”
Center for Strategic and International Studies, April 14, 2020.
117 Diane Dieuliis, “Biotechnology for the Battlefield: In Need of a Strategy,” War on the Rocks, November 27, 2018.
T here is, however, a coordinated framework for biotechnology regulation. See “Mo dernizing the Regulatory System
for Biotechnology Products: Final Version of the 2017 Update to the Coordinated Framework for the Regulation of
Biotechnology,” January 2017, at https://www.epa.gov/sites/production/files/2017-01/documents/
2017_coordinated_framework_update.pdf.
118 See Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency, “Our Research: Biological T echnologies Office,” at
https://www.darpa.mil/our-research?tFilter=&oFilter=1.
119 Marisa Alia-Novobilski, “ T ri-Service effort leverages synthetic biology expertise to address future warfighter
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In addition, some reports suggest that the United States is researching or has previously
researched biotechnology and neuroscience applications to increase soldier lethality, including
applications to make soldiers “stronger, smarter, [and] more capable, and … give them more
endurance than other humans.”120 Some groups have expressed ethical concerns about this
research; although the United States had a series of presidential bioethics commissions between
1974 and 2017, there is no current national framework for examining ethical concerns.121
Final y, per Section 263 of the FY2020 NDAA (P.L. 116-92), DOD is to conduct “a review of the
military understanding and relevancy of applications of emerging biotechnologies to national
security requirements of the Department of Defense” and provide recommendations for future
legislative and administrative activities.”122 Section 278 of the FY2021 NDAA (P.L. 116-283)
additional y directs DOD to “conduct an assessment and direct comparison of capabilities in
emerging biotechnologies for national security purposes .. between the capabilities of the United
States and the capabilities of adversaries of the United States.”123
China
Motivated by an aging population and growing health care needs, China has been particularly
interested in conducting biotechnology research. Biotechnology is cited as a key strategic priority
within China’s Made in China 2025 initiative and is additional y highlighted within China’s
current five-year development plan.124 In particular, China is aggressively pursuing
biotechnologies for genetic testing and precision medicine. In 2016, Chinese scientists became
the first to use the CRISPR gene-editing tool on humans, and in 2018, a Chinese scientist
produced—perhaps with the approval of the Chinese government—the first “gene-edited
babies.”125 In addition, China maintains one of the world’s largest repositories of genetic
information, the National Genebank, which includes U.S. genetic data. Such information could be
used to develop personalized disease treatment plans or, potential y, precision bioweapons.126
Open-source information about China’s research into specific military applications of
biotechnology is limited; however, China’s policy of military-civil fusion would enable the

needs,” Wright -Patterson AFB, September 27, 2017.
120 Annie Jacobsen, The Pentagon’s Brain: An Uncensored History of DARPA, America ’s Top-Secret Military
Research Agency (New York: Litt le, Brown and Company, 2015). See also Michael Joseph Gross, “ T he Pentagon’s
Push to Program Soldiers’ Brains,” The Atlantic, November 2018, at https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/
2018/11/the-pentagon-wants-to-weaponize-the-brain-what -could-go-wrong/570841/.
121 For a history of these commissions, see Presidential Commission for the Study of Bioethical Issues, “ History of
Bioethics Commissions,” archived January 15, 2017, at https://bioethicsarchive.georgetown.edu/pcsbi/history.html.
122 P.L. 116-92, Section 2, Division A, T itle II, §263.
123 P.L. 116-283, Section 2, Division A, T itle II, §278.
124 “Outline of the People’s Republic of China 14th Five-Year Plan for National Economic and Social Development and
Long-Range Objectives for 2035,” Xinhua News Agency, March 12, 2021, T ranslated by Etcetera Language Group,
Inc., at https://cset.georgetown.edu/wp-content/uploads/t0284_14th_Five_Year_Plan_EN.pdf.
125 Amidst international outcry, China later sentenced the scientist to three years in jail and termed his work “extremely
abominable in nature.” Michael Standaert, “'Extremely abominable’: Chinese gene-editing scientist faces law,” Al
Jazeera, November 26, 2018. See also, Elsa Kania, “ Weaponizing Biotech: How China’s Military Is Preparing for a
‘New Domain of Warfare,’” Defense One, August 14, 2019.
126 David J. Lynch, “ Biotechnology: the US-China dispute over genetic data,” Financial Times, July 31, 2017. See also
Elsa Kania and Wilson VornDick, “ China’s Military Biotech Frontier: CRISPR, Military-Civil Fusion, and the New
Revolution in Military Affairs,” The Jam estown Foundation, October 8, 2019, at https://jamestown.org/program/
chinas-military-biotech-frontier-crispr-military-civil-fusion-and-the-new-revolution-in-military-affairs/.
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Chinese military to readily leverage developments in civilian biotechnology.127 Furthermore,
reports indicate that China’s Central Military Commission “has funded projects on military brain
science, advanced biomimetic systems, biological and biomimetic materials, human performance
enhancement, and ‘new concept’ biotechnology,” while the Chinese military’s medical
institutions have conducted extensive research on CRISPR gene editing.128
Russia
Although Russia released BIO2020—a whole-of-government strategy for improving the standing
of Russia’s biotechnology sector—in 2012, biotechnology research in Russia continues to lag
behind that of the United States and China.129 BIO2020 identifies Russia’s priority areas for
biotechnology research as biopharmaceutics and biomedicine, industrial biotechnology and
bioenergetics, agricultural and food biotechnology, forest biotechnology, environmental
protection biotechnology, and marine biotechnology.130
Little information is publicly available on how Russia might employ such dual-use technologies
within a military or national security context. However, the accusation that the country attempted
to assassinate a former double agent for the United Kingdom using a Novichok nerve agent—in
violation of the 1992 Chemical Weapons Convention—suggests that it may be similarly
unrestrained in weaponizing biological agents, including those derived from synthetic biology.131
Indeed, the Soviet Union is known to have maintained an extensive, long-standing biological
weapons program, Biopreparat, in violation of the 1972 Biological Weapons Convention.132
Furthermore, in August 2020, the End-User Review Committee (ERC)—composed of
representatives of the U.S. Departments of Commerce, State, Defense, Energy, and, where
appropriate, Treasury—stated that it has “reasonable cause” to believe that three Russian research
institutes are associated with the Russian biological weapons program.133
International Institutions
Only the weaponization of biotechnology is prohibited under international law.134 Some
international institutions have demonstrated interest in considering broader implications of

127 Elsa Kania and Wilson VornDick, “ Weaponizing Biotech: How China’s Military Is Preparing for a ‘New Domain of
Warfare,’” Defense One, August 14, 2019, at https://www.defenseone.com/ideas/2019/08/chinas-military-pursuing-
biotech/159167/.
128 Ibid.
129 Russian Federation, “BIO2020: Summary of the State Coordination Program for the Development of Biotechnology
in the Russian Federation,” 2012.
130 Ibid.
131 Mark Urban, “ Salisbury attack ‘evidence’ of Russian weapon stockpile,” BBC, March 4, 2019. For a full assessment
of the potential national security threats posed by synthetic biology, see the Committee on Strategies for Identifying
and Addressing Potential Biodefense Vulnerabilities Posed by Synthetic Biology Consensus Report: Biodefense in the
Age of Synthetic Biology, National Academy of Sciences, 2018, at http://nap.edu/24890.
132 Lukas T rakimavičius “Is Russia Violating the Biological Weapons Convention?,” Atlantic Council, May 23, 2018,
at https://www.atlanticcouncil.org/blogs/new-atlanticist/is-russia-violating-the-biological-weapons-convention/.
133 T he ERC added these research institutes to the Entity List, which identifies entities acting “contrary to the national
security or foreign policy interests of the United States.” Department of Commerce, “ Addition of Entities to the Entity
List, and Revision of Entries on the Entity List,” August 27, 2020, https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2020/08/
27/2020-18909/addition-of-entities-to-the-entity-list-and-revision-of-entries-on-the-entity-list.
134 T he United States, China, and Russia have ratified the 1972 Biological Weapons Convention, which is a legally
binding treaty that bans the development and production of biological weapons.
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biotechnologies. For example, since 1983, ASEAN has maintained a subcommittee on
biotechnology that facilitates coordination of regional biotechnology projects. Similarly, since
1993, the OECD has maintained an Internal Co-ordination Group for Biotechnology that
monitors developments in biotechnology and facilitates coordination among various sectors
involved in biotechnology research (e.g., agriculture, science and technology, environment,
industry). In addition, the United Nations Convention on Biological Diversity is charged with
governing the development and use of genetical y modified organisms.135 These entities are not,
however, focused specifical y on military applications of biotechnology.
In terms of potential militarization, the 1972 Biological Weapons Convention requires review
conferences, which every five years assess both the implementation of the treaty and ongoing
developments in biotechnology. Annual meetings are held between review conferences to
informal y consider relevant topics, as wel as to address national bilateral and multilateral efforts
to enhance biosecurity. Some analysts have argued that an international framework should be
established to consider the militarization of biotechnologies and discuss potential regulation of or
limits on certain applications.136
Potential Questions for Congress
 Is a DOD biotechnology strategy or organization needed to identify research
priorities and coordinate department-wide research? What, if any, resources or
organizational changes would be required to ful y implement a national
biodefense strategy?
 What military applications of biotechnologies are U.S. competitors developing?
Is the U.S. military appropriately balancing the potential warfighting utility of
biotechnologies with ethical considerations?
 What, if any, national and international frameworks are needed to consider the
ethical, moral, and legal implications of military applications of biotechnologies
such as synthetic biology, genome editing, and human performance
modification?
Quantum Technology137
Quantum technology translates the principles of quantum physics into technological
applications.138 In general, quantum technology has not yet reached maturity; however, it could
hold significant implications for the future of military sensing, encryption, and communications.
GAO reports that DOD, State, DHS, and ODNI have assessed that “quantum communications
could enable adversaries to develop secure communications that U.S. personnel would not be able

135 T he United States is not a party to this convention or its associated protocols.
136 See, for example, Brett Edwards, “ We’ve got to talk: T he militarization of biotechnology,” Bulletin of the Atomic
Scientists, August 4, 2017, at https://thebulletin.org/2017/08/weve-got -to-talk-the-militarization-of-biotechnology/.
137 See also CRS In Focus IF11836, Defense Primer: Quantum Technology, by Kelley M. Sayler.
138 T hese principles include superposition—in which “a quantum system can exist in two or more states at once”—and
entanglement —in which “ two or more quantum objects in a system can be intrinsically linked such that measurement
of one dictates the possible measurement outcomes for another, regardless of how far apart the two objects are.” Emily
Grumbling and Mark Horowitz, eds., Quantum Com puting: Progress and Prospects, National Academy of Sciences,
2019, at https://www.nap.edu/read/25196/chapter/1. For additional information about quantum technology, see CRS
Report R45409, Quantum Inform ation Science: Applications, Global Research and Developm ent, an d Policy
Considerations, by Patricia Moloney Figliola.
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to intercept or decrypt. Quantum computing may al ow adversaries to decrypt [unclassified,
classified, or sensitive] information, which could enable them to target U.S. personnel and
military operations.”139
Quantum technology could have other military applications, such as quantum sensing, which
could theoretical y enable significant improvements in submarine detection, rendering the oceans
“transparent.”140 This could, in turn, compromise the survivability of the U.S. sea-based nuclear
deterrent. Quantum sensing could also provide alternative positioning, navigation, and timing
options that could in theory al ow militaries to continue to operate at full performance in GPS-
degraded or GPS-denied environments.
Military application of such technologies could be constrained, however, by the fragility of
quantum states, which can be disrupted by minute movements, changes in temperature, or other
environmental factors. As physicist Mikkel Hueck has explained, “if future devices that use
quantum technologies [continue to] require cooling to very cold temperatures, then this wil make
them expensive, bulky, and power hungry.” As a result, widespread adoption wil likely require
significant advances in materials science and fabrication techniques.
United States
According to a Defense Science Board Task Force on Applications of Quantum Technologies
assessment, three applications of quantum technologies demonstrate the most promise for the
U.S. military: quantum sensing, quantum computing, and quantum communications.141 The task
force notes that quantum sensing could “dramatical y improve” DOD’s ability to conduct certain
missions, providing precision navigation and timing options in environments in which GPS is
degraded or denied; that quantum computers could “potential y give DOD substantial
computation power” for decryption, signals processing, and AI; and that quantum
communications could improve networking technologies.142 The task force concludes that
“quantum sensing applications are currently poised for mission use whereas quantum computing
and communications are in earlier stages of development…. Quantum radar wil not provide
upgraded capability to DOD.”143 Both DARPA and the services fund an array of quantum
technology programs across these and other research areas.
Per Section 234 of the FY2019 NDAA, the Secretary of Defense—acting through the Under
Secretary of Defense for Research and Engineering—is tasked with coordinating these programs
and providing “for interagency cooperation and collaboration on quantum information science

139 Government Accountability Office, National Security: Long-Range Emerging Threats Facing the United States as
Identified by Federal Agencies, December 2018, at https://www.gao.gov/assets/700/695981.pdf. Significant advances
in quantum computing will likely be required to break current encryption methods. Indeed, some analysts believe that a
quantum computer with around 20 million qubits—shorthand for “ quantum bits,” or computing units that leverage the
principle of superposition—would be required to break these methods; the most advanced quantum computers today
have around 53 qubits. See “ How a quantum computer could break 2048 -bit RSA encryption in 8 hours,” MIT
Technology Review, May 30, 2019, at https://www.technologyreview.com/2019/05/30/65724/how-a-quantum-
computer-could-break-2048-bit-rsa-encryption-in-8-hours/.
140 Michael J. Biercuk and Richard Fontaine, “T he Leap into Quantum T echnology: A Primer for National Security
Professionals,” War on the Rocks, November 17, 2017, at https://warontherocks.com/2017/11/leap-quantum-
technology-primer-national-security-professionals/.
141 Defense Science Board, Applications of Quantum Technologies: Executive Summary, October 2019, at
https://dsb.cto.mil/reports.htm.
142 Ibid.
143 Ibid.
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and technology research and development between the Department of Defense and other
departments and agencies of the United States and appropriate private sector entities.”144 In
addition, Section 220 of the FY2020 NDAA (P.L. 116-92) authorizes the Secretary of each
military department to establish Quantum Information Science (QIS) Research Centers that may
“engage with appropriate public and private sector organizations” to advance quantum
research.145 To date, the Navy has designated the Naval Research Laboratory as its QIS Research
Center, while the Air Force has designated the Air Force Research Laboratory as a QIS Research
Center for both the Air Force and Space Force. The Army says it does not plan to establish a QIS
Research Center at this time.
Final y, Section 214 of the FY2021 NDAA (P.L. 116-283) directs the services to compile and
annual y update a list of technical chal enges that quantum computers could potential y address
within the next one to three years. It also directs the services to establish programs with smal and
medium businesses to provide quantum computing capabilities to government, industry, and
academic researchers working on these chal enges. Section 1722 directs DOD to conduct an
assessment of the risks posed by quantum computers, as wel as current standards for post-
quantum cryptography.
China
China has increasingly prioritized quantum technology research within its development plans.146
Indeed, President Xi has cited quantum communications and quantum computing as key research
initiatives “prioritized for major breakthroughs by 2030,” an objective that is also cited in the
country’s National Science and Technology Innovation Program.147 China is already a world
leader in quantum technology. In 2016, China launched the world’s first quantum satel ite to
provide a “global quantum encrypted communications capability.” In 2017, China hosted the first
quantum-secured intercontinental videoconference.148 Furthermore, China is investing heavily in
terrestrial quantum communications networks. It completed construction of a 2,000 kilometer
(approximately 1250 miles) Beijing-Shanghai quantum network in 2016 and plans to expand that
network nationwide in the years to come.149 While such advances in quantum technology have
been driven primarily by academia, China has expressed its intent to leverage them for military
applications in the country’s Thirteenth Five-Year S&T Military-Civil Fusion Special Projects
Plan.

144 P.L. 115-232, Section 2, Division A, Title II, §234.
145 P.L. 116-92, Section 2, Division A, T itle II, §220.
146 For a history of China’s quantum technology research and development initiatives, see Elsa B. Kania and John
Costello, Quantum Hegem ony?: China’s Am bitions and the Challenge to U.S. Innovation Leadership , Center for a New
American Security, September 2018, p. 8, at https://s3.amazonaws.com/files.cnas.org/documents/CNASReport -
Quantum-T ech_FINAL.pdf?mtime=20180912133406.
147 Ibid., p. 6.
148 Office of the Secretary of Defense, Annual Report to Congress: Military and Security Developments Involving the
People’s Republic of China 2019, May 2, 2019, p. 101, at https://media.defense.gov/2019/May/02/2002127082/-1/-1/1/
2019_CHINA_MILIT ARY_POWER_REPORT.pdf .
149 Elsa B. Kania and John Costello, Quantum Hegemony?: China’s Ambitions and the Challenge to U.S. Innovation
Leadership, p. 14.
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Russia
Russian development of quantum technology, as with artificial intel igence, lags significantly
behind that of the United States and China, with some analysts noting that Russia is likely “5 to
10 years behind” in quantum computing.150 In an effort to spur development, Russia announced
plans in December 2019 to invest $790 mil ion in quantum research over the next five years and
adopted a five-year Russian Quantum Technologies Roadmap.151 These initiatives are not
military-specific, however, and limited information is available in open sources about how Russia
might apply them to its military.
International Institutions
No major international institutions have formal initiatives devoted to monitoring or regulating
military or other applications of quantum technology.
Potential Questions for Congress
 Does the maturity of military applications of quantum technology warrant current
funding levels? To what extent, if at al , can advances in commercial quantum
technology be leveraged for military applications?
 Are adequate measures being taken to develop quantum-resistant encryption and
to protect data that has been encrypted using current methods?
 How mature are U.S. competitor efforts to develop military applications of
quantum technologies? To what extent, if at al , could such efforts threaten
advanced U.S. military capabilities such as submarines and fifth-generation
stealth aircraft?
Potential Implications of Emerging Technologies
for Warfighting
The implications of emerging technologies for warfighting and strategic stability are difficult—if
not impossible—to predict, as they wil be a function of many factors, including the rate of
technological advancement in both the United States and competitor nations, the manner in which
emerging technologies are integrated into existing military forces and concepts of operation, the
interactions between emerging technologies, and the extent to which national policies and
international law enable or inhibit their development, integration, and use.
Nonetheless, many emerging technologies exhibit characteristics that could potential y affect the
future character of war. For example, developments in technologies such as AI, big data analytics,
and lethal autonomous weapons could diminish or remove the need for a human operator. This
could, in turn, increase combat efficiency and accelerate the pace of combat—potential y with
destabilizing consequences.
Emerging technologies such as low-cost drones could shift the balance between quality—upon
which U.S. military forces have traditional y relied—and quantity, as wel as between offense and

150 Quirin Schiermeier, “Russia joins race to make quantum dreams a reality,” Nature, December 17, 2019, at
https://www.nature.com/articles/d41586-019-03855-z.
151 For comparison, the U.S. National Quantum Initiative Act (P.L. 115-368), signed into law in December 2018,
commits the United States to investing $1.25 billion in quantum research over five years.
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defense. For example, swarms of coordinated, unmanned vehicles could overwhelm defensive
systems, providing a greater advantage to the attacker, while directed energy weapons that
provide a low-cost means of neutralizing such attacks, could favor the defender. Thus, emerging
technologies could shift the offense-defense balance multiple times over the coming decades.
Interactions among emerging technologies could also improve existing military capabilities or
enable new capabilities—with unforeseen consequences for warfighting and strategic stability.
For example, an enabling technology like AI could be paired with quantum computing to produce
more powerful methods of machine learning, potential y leading to improvements in image
recognition and target identification and enabling more sophisticated autonomous weapons.
Similarly, AI could be paired with 5G communications technologies to enable virtual training
environments or with biotechnology in a “brain-computer interface” to enhance human cognition
or control prosthetics or robotic systems.152 Such developments could, in turn, require new
strategies, tactics, and concepts of operation.153
Emerging military technologies—particularly complex systems such as AI and LAWS—could
additional y produce unintended consequences if they fail to perform as anticipated. These
consequences could range from system failure to violations of the law of armed conflict. As
analyst Paul Scharre has noted, “in the most extreme case, an autonomous weapon could continue
engaging inappropriate targets until it exhausts its magazine, potential y over a wide area.”154 This
could, in turn, result in mass fratricide or civilian casualties—a possibility that has led some
analysts to cal for a pre-emptive ban on LAWS.
Final y, emerging military technologies could raise an array of ethical considerations. For
example, some analysts have argued that the use of LAWS would be inherently immoral—
regardless of whether the weapon could be used legal y—because a human operator would not
make specific target selection and engagement decisions.155 Others have countered that human
operators would continue to exercise “appropriate levels of human judgement over the use of
force” and would remain accountable for ensuring that the deployment of LAWS conforms to the
requirements of the laws of armed conflict.156 Those supporting a pre-emptive ban on LAWS have
additional y appealed to the Martens Clause, which appears in the1899 Hague Convention
preamble and states that weapons usage should conform to the “principles of humanity and the
dictates of the public conscience.”157 These analysts believe that LAWS contravene that
requirement; however, others have noted that the Martens Clause has not been used previously to
ban a weapons system and, furthermore, that the legal status of the Martens Clause is

152 For additional information about military applications of 5G, see CRS In Focus IF11251, National Security
Im plications of Fifth Generation (5G) Mobile Technologies, by John R. Hoehn and Kelley M. Sayler.
153 For a discussion of these and other military and security implications—including implications for deterrence, crisis
stability, force posture, and military roles and missions—see Robert O. Work and Shawn Brimley, 20YY: Preparing for
War in the Robotic Age, Center for a New American Century, January 22, 2014, pp. 31 -35, at https://www.cnas.org/
publications/reports/20yy-preparing-for-war-in-the-robotic-age.
154 Paul Scharre, “Autonomous Weapons and Operational Risk,” Center for a New American Security, February 2016,
at https://s3.amazonaws.com/files.cnas.org/documents/CNAS_Autonomous-weapons-operational-risk.pdf.
155 See, for example, Bonnie Docherty, Heed the Call: A Moral and Legal Imperative to Ban Killer Robots, Human
Rights Watch, August 21, 2018, at https://www.hrw.org/report/2018/08/21/heed-call/moral-and-legal-imperative-ban-
killer-robots.
156 Department of Defense Directive 3000.09, “Autonomy in Weapon Systems,” Updated May 8, 2017, at
https://www.esd.whs.
157 See, for example, Bonnie Docherty, Heed the Call: A Moral and Legal Imperative to Ban Killer Robots, Human
Rights Watch, August 21, 2018, at https://www.hrw.org/report/2018/08/21/heed-call/moral-and-legal-imperative-ban-
killer-robots.
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questionable and instead constitutes “merely a recognition of ‘customary international law’.”158
Similarly, some analysts have raised ethical concerns about applications of biotechnology that
involve human testing or modification as wel as the weaponization of biotechnology, which
could potential y be used for targeted genetic attacks.159
Issues for Congress
Congress has previously demonstrated interest in conducting oversight of emerging military
technologies beyond technology-specific activities. In Section 247 of the FY2019 NDAA (P.L.
115-232), Congress specified “a set of classified reports that set forth a direct comparison
between the capabilities of the United States in emerging technology areas and the capabilities of
adversaries of the United States.”160 These areas include hypersonic weapons, AI, quantum
technology, directed energy weapons, and other relevant technologies as determined by the
Secretary of Defense. Section 225 of the FY2019 NDAA additional y tasked the Under Secretary
of Defense for Research and Engineering with generating procedures for developing
“technologies that are urgently needed to react to a technological development of an adversary of
the United States or to respond to a significant and urgent emerging technology [that are] not
receiving appropriate research funding or attention from the Department of Defense.”
Furthermore, Section 232 of the FY2020 NDAA (P.L. 116-92) tasked the Secretary of Defense
with developing “a process to ensure that the policies of the Department of Defense relating to
emerging technology are formulated and updated continuously as such technology is developed
by the Department,”161 while Section 236 of the FY2021 NDAA (P.L. 116-283) granted the
Secretary the authority to establish a Steering Committee tasked with developing assessments of
and a strategy for emerging technology and national security threats.
As Congress continues to review the Pentagon’s plans for emerging military technologies during
the annual authorization and appropriations process, it might consider issues surrounding funding
considerations, management, personnel, acquisition, technology protection, governance and
regulation, and oversight.
Funding Considerations
A number of emerging military technologies, including hypersonic weapons and directed energy
weapons, have experienced fluctuations in funding over the years. According to a U.S.

158 Paul Scharre, Army of None: Autonomous Weapons and the Future o f War (New York: W.W. Norton & Company,
2018), pp. 263-266.
159 For a more in-depth discussion of ethical considerations related to biotechnology, see CRS Report R44824,
Advanced Gene Editing: CRISPR-Cas9, by Marcy E. Gallo et al. See also Elsa Kania and Wilson VornDick, “ China’s
Military Biotech Frontier: CRISPR, Military-Civil Fusion, and the New Revolution in Military Affairs,” The
Jam estown Foundation, October 8, 2019, at https://jamestown.org/program/chinas-military-biotech-frontier-crispr-
military-civil-fusion-and-the-new-revolution-in-military-affairs/.
160 Each report is to include the following elements: “(1) an evaluation of spending by the United States and adversaries
on such technology, (2) an evaluation of the quantity and quality of research on such technology, ( 3) an evaluation of
the test infrastructure and workforce supporting such technology, (4) an assessment of the technological progress of the
United States and adversaries on such technology, (5) descriptions of timelines for operational deployment of such
technology, [and] (6) an assessment of the intent or willingness of adversaries to use such technology.”
161 Section 232 defines emerging technology as “technology determined to be in an emerging phase of development by
the Secretary of Defense, including quantum computing, technology for the analysis of large and diverse sets of data
(commonly known as ‘big data analytics’), artificial intelligence, autonomous technology, robotics, directed energy,
hypersonics, biotechnology, and such other technology as may be identified by the Secretary.”
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government interagency task force on the defense industrial base, such “fluctuations chal enge the
viability of suppliers within the industrial base by diminishing their ability to hire and retain a
skil ed workforce, [achieve] production efficiencies, and in some cases, [stay] in business.”162
Other analysts have noted that such fluctuations are often due to unavoidable tradeoffs between
technology investment priorities or to questions about a given technology’s feasibility or
maturity.163
Some analysts have suggested that, given the potential for technological surprise, funding for
overal research and development is inadequate. Summarizing such views, technology expert
Martijn Rasser notes that reducing overal research and development in order to enable “big bets”
or heavy investments in a particular technology or technologies, can be a risky approach because
“we just don’t know where the next breakthroughs wil come from.”164
Management
In general, DOD manages each of the aforementioned emerging military technologies separately
due to the distinct expertise required. For example, within the Office of the Under Secretary of
Defense for Research and Engineering (USD[R&E]), there are separate technical directors or
assistant directors for artificial intel igence, autonomy, hypersonic weapons, directed energy,
biotechnology, and quantum science—among other technology areas—which report through the
Director for Modernization to USD(R&E).165 Development of each of these technologies is
guided by a standalone technology roadmap and, in the case of AI, a classified strategy. Although
the Director for Modernization has oversight over emerging military technologies, some analysts
have suggested that there is a need for a more holistic approach to portfolio management that
better considers how such technologies might be combined and integrated.166
Furthermore, senior leaders do not always agree on the priorities among emerging military
technologies—both in terms of effort and funding—and such priorities can shift frequently. This
fluctuation has led some analysts to suggest that DOD should adopt a technology strategy “to set
spending priorities that can be sustained over time, outlasting individual leaders.”167

162 Interagency T ask Force in Fulfillment of Executive Order 13806, Assessing and Strengthening the Manufacturing
and Defense Industrial Base and Supply Chain Resiliency of the United States, September 2018, p. 21, at
https://media.defense.gov/2018/Oct/05/2002048904/-1/-1/1/ASSESSING-AND-ST RENGT HENING-T HE-
MANUFACT URING-AND%20DEFENSE-INDUST RIAL-BASE-AND- SUPPLY-CHAIN-RESILIENCY.PDF.
163 See, for example, Ariel Robinson, “ Directed Energy Weapons: Will T hey Ever Be Ready?,” National Defense, July
1, 2015, at https://www.nationaldefensemagazine.org/articles/2015/7/1/2015july-directed-energy-weapons-will-they-
ever-be-ready.
164 See, for example, Will Knight, “ T rump Proposes a Cut in Research Spending, but a Boost for AI,” Wired, February
11, 2020, at https://www.wired.com/story/trump-proposes-cut-research-spending-boost -ai/. For more information about
federal R&D funding, including a discussion of DOD R&D funding, see CRS Report R46341, Federal Research and
Developm ent (R&D) Funding: FY2021 , coordinated by John F. Sargent Jr.
165 CRS In Focus IF10834, Defense Primer: Under Secretary of Defense for Research and Engineering , by Marcy E.
Gallo.
166 See, for example, Government Accountability Office, Weapon System Acquisitions: Opportunities Exist to Improve
the Department of Defense’s Portfolio Management, August 2015, at https://www.gao.gov/assets/680/672205.pdf; and
Pete Modigliani, After the divorce: How the Pentagon can position itself for speed, agility, and innovation in the new
era of acquisitions, MIT RE, March 2019, at https://www.mitre.org/sites/default/files/publications/pr-18-03404-3-after-
the-divorce-white-paper.pdf.
167 Paul Scharre and Ainikki Riikonen, “ T he Defense Department Needs a Real T echnology Strategy ,” Defense One,
April 21, 2020, at https://www.defenseone.com/ideas/2020/04/pentagon-needs-technology-strategy/164764/.
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Personnel
Some reports indicate that DOD and the defense industry have difficulty recruiting and retaining
personnel with expertise in emerging technologies because research funding and salaries
significantly lag behind those of commercial companies.168 Other reports suggest that such
chal enges stem from quality-of-life factors, as wel as from a belief among many technology
workers that “they can achieve large-scale change faster and better outside the government than
within it.”169 DOD faces additional chal enges in training and educating its standing workforce.
Examples of recommendations for addressing this set of chal enges include increasing technology
education opportunities at military academies, enhancing partnerships between DOD and research
universities, creating government fel owships and accelerated promotion tracks for technology
workers, and improving the technology literacy of human resource teams.170
Acquisition
DOD may need to continue adjusting its acquisition process to account for rapidly evolving dual-
use technologies such as AI.171 For example, a 2017 internal study of the process found that it
takes an average of 81 months for information technology programs to move from the initial
Analysis of Alternatives, defining the requirements for a system, to an Initial Operational
Capability.172 In contrast, commercial companies typical y execute an iterative development
process for software systems (such as those involved in AI capabilities), delivering an initial
product in six to nine months.173 These findings prompted DOD to issue an interim software
acquisition policy intended to “[simplify] the acquisition model to enable continuous integration
and delivery of software capability on timelines relevant to the Warfighter/end user.”174 Similar
efforts may be needed for other emerging military technologies.

168 M.L. Cummings, “Artificial Intelligence and the Future of Warfare,” Chatham House, January 2017, p. 11, at
https://www.chathamhouse.org/sites/default/files/publications/research/2017-01-26-artificial-intelligence-future-
warfare-cummings-final.pdf.
169 Amy Zegart and Kevin Childs, “T he Divide between Silicon Valley and Washington Is a National-Security T hreat,”
The Atlantic, December 13, 2018, at https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2018/12/growing-gulf-between-silicon-
valley-and-washington/577963/.
170 See Defense Science Board, Applications of Quantum Technologies: Executive Summary; National Security
Commission on Artificial Intelligence, First Quarter Recom m endations, March 2020, pp. 21-43, at
https://drive.google.com/file/d/1wkPh8Gb5drBrKBg6OhGu5oNaT EERbKss/view; and Amy Zegart and Kevin Childs,
“T he Divide between Silicon Valley and Washington.” For example, DOD is establishing a university consortium for
hypersonic research and workforce development , while the Defense Digital Service now offers one- to two-year
assignments for commercial technology workers. Similarly, the National Security Innovation Network seeks to create
models and pathways for recruiting technologists to the U.S. government.
171 Andrew Ilachinski, AI, Robots, and Swarms: Issues, Questions, and Recommended Studies, Center for Naval
Analysis, January 2017, pp. 190-191. For an overview of recent acquisition reform efforts, see CRS Report R45068,
Acquisition Reform in the FY2016-FY2018 National Defense Authorization Acts (NDAAs) , by Heidi M. Peters.
172 Andrew Ilachinski, AI, Robots, and Swarms: Issues, Questions, and Recommended Studies, p. 189.
173 Defense Science Board, “Design and Acquisition of Software for Defense Systems,” February 2018, at
https://apps.dtic.mil/dtic/tr/fulltext/u2/1048883.pdf. See also Defense Innovation Board, Software is Never Done:
Refactoring the Acquisition Code for Com petitive Advantage, May 3, 2019, at https://media.defense.gov/2019/Apr/30/
2002124828/-1/-1/0/
SOFT WAREISNEVERDONE_REFACT ORINGT HEACQUI SIT IONCODEFORCOMPET IT IVEADVANT AGE_FIN
AL.SWAP.REPORT .PDF.
174 Office of the Under Secretary of Defense for Acquisition and Sustainment , “Software Acquisition Pathway Interim
Policy and Procedures,” January 3, 2020, at https://www.acq.osd.mil/ae/assets/docs/USA002825-
19%20Signed%20Memo%20(Software).pdf.
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Furthermore, the commercial companies that are often at the forefront of innovation in emerging
technologies may be reluctant to partner with DOD due to the complexity of the defense
acquisition process. A Government Accountability Office (GAO) study of this issue found that, of
12 U.S. commercial companies who choose not to do business with DOD, al 12 cited the
complexity of the defense acquisition process as a rationale for their decision.175 DOD has created
a number of avenues for rapid acquisitions—including the Strategic Capabilities Office, the
Defense Innovation Unit, and Project Maven—that are intended to streamline cumbersome
processes and accelerate the acquisitions timeline.176 Project Maven, for example, was established
in April 2017; by December, the team was fielding a commercial y acquired prototype AI system
in combat.177 Although some analysts argue that these are promising developments, critics point
out that the department must replicate such results at scale and implement more comprehensive
acquisitions reform.178
Intellectual Property
Commercial technology companies are often reluctant to partner with DOD due to concerns about
intel ectual property and data rights.179 As an official interviewed for a 2017 GAO report on
broader chal enges in military acquisitions noted, intel ectual property is the “life blood” of
commercial technology companies, yet “DOD is putting increased pressure on companies to grant
unlimited technical data and software rights or government purpose rights rather than limited or
restricted rights.”180 In an effort to manage these concerns, DOD released an instruction that
“establishes policy, assigns responsibilities, and prescribes procedures for the acquisition,
licensing, and management of IP.”181 The instruction additional y establishes a DOD IP Cadre to
advise and assist the acquisition workforce on matters related to IP and cal s for the development
of an IP strategy to “identify and manage the full spectrum of IP and related matters” for each
acquisition program.182
Supply Chain Security
A number of recent reports have raised concerns about the security of the U.S. supply chain for
emerging military technologies. For example, one assessment found that China “may have

175 U.S. Government Accountability Office, Military Acquisitions, DOD is Taking Step to Address Challenges Faced
by Certain Com panies, GAO-17-644, July 20, 2017, p. 9. Other rationales cited include unstable budget environment,
lengthy contracting timeline, government-specific contract terms and conditions, and inexperienced DOD contracting
workforce.
176 In certain circumstances, DOD may also use other transaction authorities (OT As) to accelerate research,
prototyping, and production. For additional info rmation about OT As, see CRS Report R45521, Departm ent of Defense
Use of Other Transaction Authority: Background, Analysis, and Issues for Congress, by Heidi M. Peters.
177 Marcus Weisgerber, “T he Pentagon’s New Artificial Intelligence is Already Hunting T errorists,” Defense One,
December 21, 2017, at http://www.defenseone.com/technology/2017/12/pentagons-new-artificial-intelligence-already-
hunting-terrorists/144742/.
178 Andrew Ilachinski, AI, Robots, and Swarms: Issues, Questions, and Recommended Studies, Center for Naval
Analysis, January 2017, p. 190.
179 U.S. Government Accountability Office, Military Acquisitions, DOD is Taking Steps to Address Challenges Faced
by Certain Com panies.
180 Ibid., p. 20.
181 Office of the Under Secretary of Defense for Acquisition and Sustainment , “DOD Instruction 5010.44 Intellectual
Property (IP) Acquisition and Licensing,” October 16, 2019, at https://www.esd.whs.mil/Portals/54/Documents/DD/
issuances/dodi/501044p.PDF?ver=2019-10-16-144448-070.
182 Ibid., pp. 8-11.
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opportunities to jeopardize the development of hypersonics through industrial espionage,
transfers of technology, or providing unreliable components” due to its potential exposure to low-
level U.S. suppliers.183 Similarly the National Security Commission on Artificial Intel igence
found that “the United States lacks domestic facilities capable of producing, integrating,
assembling, and testing” the microelectronics needed to enable AI, forcing the U.S. “to rely on
foreign fabrication and complex global supply chains for production.”184
Technology Protection
Estimates indicate “that American industry loses more than $600 bil ion dollars [each year] to
theft and expropriation,” including the theft and expropriation of emerging military technologies
and related intel ectual property.185 The United States has a number of programs devoted to
addressing this issue. For example, pursuant to the Foreign Investment Risk Review
Modernization Act of 2018 (FIRRMA), the Committee on Foreign Investment in the United
States (CFIUS) now reviews certain foreign investments, including those involving “emerging
and foundational technologies.” In addition, FIRRMA authorized CFIUS to consider “whether a
covered transaction involves a country of special concern that has a demonstrated or declared
strategic goal of acquiring a type of critical technology or critical infrastructure that would affect
United States leadership in areas related to national security.”186 Similarly, DOD’s Protecting
Critical Technology Task Force helps protect universities, labs, and the U.S. defense industrial
base against the theft of “classified information, controlled unclassified information, and key
data.”187 As part of this effort, the task force intends to institute cybersecurity training programs
for smal businesses, enhance DOD’s understanding of supply chain vulnerabilities, and develop
a prioritized list of technologies that are critical to national security—as mandated by Section
1049 of the FY2019 NDAA—among other activities.188 Some analysts have recommended
expanding technology protection efforts to include U.S. al ies and partners.189

183 Govini, The 2020 Federal Scorecard: High-Intensity Warfare Edition, p. 67, at https://www.govini.com/wp-content/
uploads/2020/06/Govini-2020-Federal-Scorecard.pdf.
184 National Security Commission on Artificial Intelligence, First Quarter Recommendations, p. 46.
185 Office of the Secretary of Defense, “Memorandum on the Establishment of the Protecting Critical T echnology T ask
Force,” October 24, 2018, at https://insidecybersecurity.com/sites/insidecybersecurity.com/files/documents/2018/nov/
cs2018_0459.pdf.
186 T he specific technologies that qualify as “emerging and foundational technologies” are to be iden tified by an
interagency process led by the Department of Commerce. See P.L. 115-232, T itle XVII, §1702(c). For more
information on FIRRMA, see CRS In Focus IF10952, CFIUS Reform Under FIRRMA, by James K. Jackson and
Cathleen D. Cimino-Isaacs. Some entities, including the National Security Commission on Artificial Intelligence, have
argued that the U.S. government should consider additional measures of technology protection, such as “ heavier
scrutiny of the potential end use and end user of specific items.” See National Security Commission on Artificial
Intelligence, Interim Report, November 2019, p. 42, at https://drive.google.com/file/d/
153OrxnuGEjsUvlxWsFYauslwNeCEkvUb/view.
187 Office of the Secretary of Defense, “Memorandum on the Establishment of the Protecting Critical T echnology T ask
Force.”
188 C. T odd Lopez, “ T ask Force Curbs T echnology T heft to Keep Joint Force Strong,” DOD News, November 26,
2019, at https://www.defense.gov/Explore/News/Article/Article/2027555/task-force-curbs-technology-theft-to-keep-
joint -force-strong/.
189 See, for example, Daniel Kliman, Ben FitzGerald, Kristine Lee, and Joshua Fitt , Forging an Alliance Innovation
Base, Center for a New American Security, March 2020, at https://s3.amazonaws.com/files.cnas.org/document s/
CNAS-Report -Alliance-Innovation-Base-Final.pdf?mtime=20200329174909.
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Governance and Regulation
According to then-Director of National Intel igence Daniel Coats, “technology developments …
are likely to outpace regulation, which could create international norms that are contrary to US
interests and increase the likelihood of technology surprise.”190 To address this concern, some
analysts have argued that “the United States should undertake broad, sustained diplomatic
engagement to advance collaboration on emerging technologies, norms, and standards setting.”191
Similarly, Section 9414 of the FY2021 NDAA directs the Director of the National Institute of
Standards and Technology to oversee a study that assesses China’s role in international standards
setting organizations and provides recommendations for mitigating China’s influence and
strengthening U.S. participation in these organizations.
Oversight192
As Congress conducts oversight of emerging military technologies, it may be chal enged in its
ability to independently evaluate and assess complex, disparate technical disciplines. In 1972,
Congress established the Office of Technology Assessment (OTA) to provide expert
“assessments, background papers, technical memoranda, case studies, and workshop
proceedings” that were to inform congressional decisionmaking and legislative activities.193
Congress eliminated funding for OTA in 1995 “amid broader efforts to reduce the size of
government.194 Since then, Congress has continued to debate the need for OTA or a similar
technology assessment organization.195

Author Information

Kelley M. Sayler

Analyst in Advanced Technology and Global
Security

190 Daniel R. Coats, “Statement for the Record: Worldwide T hreat Assessment of the US Intelligence Community,”
delivered before the U.S. Senate Committee on Armed Services, March 6, 20 18.
191 Samuel J. Brannen, Christian S. Haig, Katherine Schmidt, and Kathleen H. Hicks, Twin Pillars: Upholding National
Security and National Innovation in Em erging Technologies Governance , Center for Strategic and International
Studies, January 2020, at https://csis-prod.s3.amazonaws.com/s3fs-public/publication/
200123_Brannen_TwinPillars_WEB_FINAL.pdf?eljUpAKOjVauOujYfnvuSGDK0xvsQGZF.
192 For a full discussion of issues surrounding congressional oversight of technology, see CRS Report R46327, The
Office of Technology Assessm ent: History, Authorities, Issues, and Options, by John F. Sargent Jr..
193 Ibid.
194 Ibid.
195 For an overview of OT A/technology assessment -related legislation in the 107th-116th Congresses, see Appendix C in
CRS Report R46327, The Office of Technology Assessm ent: History, Authorities, Issues, and Options, by John F.
Sargent Jr..
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