The Big Tech Antitrust Bills
June 23, 2021
Over the past decade, Facebook, Google, Amazon, and Apple have revolutionized the digital
economy. Many people now use the products and services of these “Big Tech” firms on a daily
Jay B. Sykes
basis. Facebook boasts more than two billion monthly active users. Google licenses the world’s
Legislative Attorney
most popular mobile operating system and runs a search engine that processes three-and-a-half

billion searches a day. Amazon operates the largest online marketplace, a massive logistics
network, and a leading cloud-computing company. Apple has popularized the smart phone to
For a copy of the full report,
such a degree that consumers have grown accustomed to carrying supercomputers in their
please call 7-5700 or visit
pockets.
www.crs.gov.
While the Big Tech firms have plainly made important technological breakthroughs, their business practices have attracted
scrutiny from antitrust regulators and some Members of Congress. In October 2020, the House Committee on the Judiciary’s
Subcommittee on Antitrust, Commercial and Administrative Law concluded a 16-month investigation of these practices,
which culminated in a 450-page report recommending a range of measures to address the firms’ allegedly anticompetitive
conduct.
Many of those measures have now taken legislative form. In June 2021, the House Committee on the Judiciary ordered to be
reported a series of antitrust bills directed at Big Tech. The legislative package represents the most comprehensive effort to
date to tackle competition issues in the digital economy. This report reviews the bills by outlining the issues they are meant to
address, discussing their approaches to those issues, situating the bills within current antitrust law, and describing the
principal policy arguments made by their supporters and opponents.
H.R. 3816, the American Innovation and Choice Online Act, responds to a variety of allegations leveled against the Big Tech
firms over the past decade. The bill’s core concern is that Facebook, Google, Amazon, and Apple have leveraged dominance
of their core markets to disadvantage competitors in related markets. “Self-preferencing”—whereby a dominant platform like
Google Search boosts Google’s own products (e.g., Google Shopping, Google Travel, Google Maps)—is a paradigmatic
example. H.R. 3816 would address concerns regarding this type of behavior by prohibiting the Big Tech firms from engaging
in specified forms of “discriminatory conduct.” Supporters of such measures seek to cabin the Big Tech firms’ market power
to their principal lines of business. Opponents contend that many of the prohibited practices are competitively benign, and
that the flexible standards employed by existing antitrust doctrine are preferable to rigid ex ante regulation.
H.R. 3825, the Ending Platform Monopolies Act, responds to the same set of concerns as H.R. 3816. However, instead of
imposing non-discrimination rules, the bill would require structural separation: Big Tech firms could not operate in multiple
lines of business when doing so would create various conflicts of interest. For example, Amazon could not both operate a
marketplace and sell its own private-label products on that marketplace. Likewise, Google could not offer both Google
Search and various vertical search engines. The bill’s proponents argue that structural separation responds to the same
general problem as non-discrimination rules, but is easier to administer. Opponents contend that prohibiting the Big Tech
firms from entering adjacent markets would harm innovation and—counterintuitively—entrench their power.
H.R. 3826, the Platform Competition and Opportunity Act, is directed at mergers and acquisitions. The legislation would
prohibit the Big Tech firms from acquiring competitors or potential competitors. The bill also would shift the burden of proof
to the Big Tech firms to show by clear and convincing evidence that their proposed acquisitions would not enhance their
power in their core markets. Supporters of the bill claim that Facebook, Google, Amazon, and Apple have solidified their
dominance by acquiring rivals and potential rivals rather than competing with them. Opponents argue that the legislation
would dampen startup investment by eliminating the prospect of being acquired by a Big Tech firm.
H.R. 3849, the Augmenting Compatibility and Competition by Enabling Service Switching (ACCESS) Act, tackles the
“network effects” and “switching costs” that give Big Tech firms powerful incumbency advantages. Markets exhibit network
effects when the utility of a product increases as it gains more users. For example, many people prefer Facebook to smaller
social networks because their family members and friends are more likely to use Facebook. Switching costs insulate the Big
Tech firms when a dominant platform’s users face strong disincentives to abandon the platform for its competitors. H.R.
3849 would address these entry barriers with interoperability and data-portability mandates. The bill’s proponents contend
that these measures are necessary to mitigate the structural characteristics that cause tech markets to “tip” in favor of a single
firm. Opponents have raised concerns about security, privacy, and the technical challenges of implementing such
requirements.
Congressional Research Service

The Big Tech Antitrust Bills

n the 1970s and 1980s, antitrust law experienced a revolution. The insurgents shared certain
general commitments: that antitrust had become overly interventionist; that economic
reasoning should play a more central role in antitrust decision-making; and that the
I maximization of consumer welfare—not the protection of small businesses or the
elimination of concentrated economic power—was the only legitimate goal of competition
policy. This collection of ideas came to be called the “Chicago School” of antitrust analysis,
owing to many of its proponents’ affiliation with the University of Chicago.1 While the
movement’s prescriptions were not imported wholesale into the case law, its core tenets proved
enormously influential in shaping the direction of antitrust doctrine in the courts.2
Now, an antitrust counter-revolution may be brewing in Congress, where a growing chorus of
lawmakers has argued that America has a monopoly problem.3 Much of this concern has focused
on a handful of massive technology companies. In October 2020, the House Committee on the
Judiciary’s Subcommittee on Antitrust, Commercial and Administrative Law (House Antitrust
Subcommittee) concluded a 16-month investigation into the market power of four of the largest
tech platforms: Facebook, Google, Amazon, and Apple. The inquiry culminated in a 450-page
report recommending a slew of measures to rein in the alleged abuses of these “Big Tech” firms.4
In June 2021, many of those measures took legislative form, as Members of the Judiciary
Committee released four bills directed at Big Tech.5 The legislative package—which the
Committee later approved and ordered to be reported with amendments to the full House—
represents the most comprehensive effort to date to tackle competition issues in the digital
economy. This report reviews the four bills by outlining the issues they are meant to address,
discussing their approaches to those issues, situating the bills within current antitrust law, and
describing the principal arguments made by their supporters and opponents.

1 Richard A. Posner, The Chicago School of Antitrust Analysis, 127 U. PA. L. REV. 925 (1979).
2 For a critical assessment, see HOW THE CHICAGO SCHOOL OVERSHOT THE MARK: THE EFFECT OF CONSERVATIVE
ECONOMIC ANALYSIS ON U.S. ANTITRUST (Robert Pitofsky ed., 2008). For a largely sympathetic account, see Joshua D.
Wright, Overshot the Mark? A Simple Explanation of the Chicago School’s Influence on Antitrust, Geo. Mason L. &
Econ. Research Paper No. 09-23 (Mar. 31, 2009).
3 See, e.g., JOSH HAWLEY, THE TYRANNY OF BIG TECH (2021); AMY KLOBUCHAR, ANTITRUST: TAKING ON MONOPOLY
POWER FROM THE GILDED AGE TO THE DIGITAL AGE (2021).
4 INVESTIGATION OF COMPETITION IN DIGITAL MARKETS, MAJORITY STAFF REPORT AND RECOMMENDATIONS, SUBCOMM.
ON ANTITRUST, COM. AND ADMIN. L. OF THE H. COMM. ON THE JUDICIARY, 116TH CONG. (2020) [hereinafter “HOUSE
ANTITRUST SUBCOMM. REPORT”]. This report lists the Big Tech firms in the same order as the Subcommittee’s report
and will retain that order throughout.
5 Congressman David Cicilline, House Lawmakers Release Anti-Monopoly Agenda for “A Stronger Online Economy:
Opportunity, Innovation, Choice,” (June 11, 2021), https://cicilline.house.gov/press-release/house-lawmakers-release-
anti-monopoly-agenda-stronger-online-economy-opportunity. The Committee’s legislative package also included two
bills that are not specifically directed at the Big Tech firms. H.R. 3460, the State Antitrust Enforcement Venue Act of
2021, would exempt antitrust actions filed by state attorneys general from consolidation before the Judicial Panel on
Multidistrict Litigation. H.R. 3460, 117th Cong. (2021). H.R. 3843, the Merger Filing Fee Modernization Act, would
raise filing fees for large mergers, cut them for small mergers, and increase funding for the Department of Justice’s
Antitrust Division and the Federal Trade Commission. H.R. 3843, 117th Cong. (2021). This report omits further
discussion of these bills to focus on the legislation that specifically targets Big Tech firms.
Congressional Research Service
1

The Big Tech Antitrust Bills

Non-Discrimination Requirements: H.R. 3816,
American Innovation and Choice Online Act
The Issue
H.R. 3816, the American Innovation and Choice Online Act, responds to a range of allegations
leveled against the Big Tech firms over the past decade, some of which are the subject of pending
antitrust litigation.6 An exhaustive review of these claims is beyond the scope of this report; a
sampling offers a general sense of the terrain.
 Facebook has been accused of imposing anticompetitive limitations on access to
“Facebook Platform”—a set of tools that enable app developers to access
Facebook data and create apps that interoperate with Facebook.7 In a recently
dismissed lawsuit, the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) argued that Facebook
Platform has become key infrastructure for app developers, giving Facebook
significant power over the trajectories of promising new apps. The Commission
alleged that Facebook abused that power by denying access to Facebook
Platform to developers whose apps competed with Facebook products.8
 Google has been accused of conditioning mobile-device manufacturers’ access to
its Google Play app store on manufacturers’ pre-installation of Google Search,
thereby leveraging Google’s power in the app-store market to disadvantage
competitors in the search market.9 The tech giant has also allegedly given
preferential placement to its own vertical search engines (e.g., Google Travel,
Google Maps) in general search results, using its power in general search to
disadvantage vertical rivals (e.g., Expedia, MapQuest).10

6 During the House Judiciary Committee’s markup process, an amendment changed H.R. 3816’s short title from the
“American Choice and Innovation Online Act” to the “American Innovation and Choice Online Act.” See Amendment
in the Nature of a Substitute to H.R. 3816 Offered by Mr. Nadler of New York, Markups, H.R. 3843, the Merger Filing
Fee Modernization Act of 2021, et al., H. COMM. ON THE JUDICIARY, 117TH CONG. (June 21, 2021),
https://docs.house.gov/meetings/JU/JU00/20210623/112818/BILLS-117-HR3816-N000002-Amdt-5.pdf.
This report analyzes and cites the Big Tech antitrust bills that the House Judiciary Committee approved and ordered to
be reported to the full House of Representatives, including amendments made during the Committee’s markup. For a
compilation of those amendments, see Markups, H.R. 3843, the Merger Filing Fee Modernization Act of 2021, et al.,
H. COMM. ON THE JUDICIARY, 117TH CONG. (June 23, 2021),
https://judiciary.house.gov/calendar/eventsingle.aspx?EventID=4601. As of the publication of this report, the bills have
not been reported to the House floor. Therefore, the committee amendments to the bills have not been published as new
bill versions by the Government Publishing Office or made available on congress.gov.
7 “Apps” are software programs that enable users of mobile devices to engage in specific tasks, like sending messages,
taking photos, ordering food, or arranging transportation. See Apple Inc. v. Pepper, 139 S. Ct. 1514, 1518 (2019).
8 Complaint for Injunctive and Other Equitable Relief, FTC v. Facebook, No. 1:20-cv-03590 ¶¶ 22-26 (D.D.C. Jan. 13,
2021); see also HOUSE ANTITRUST SUBCOMM. REPORT, supra note 4, at 166-70.
9 Complaint, United States v. Google LLC, No. 1:20-cv-03010 ¶¶ 72-77 (D.D.C. Oct. 20, 2020); HOUSE ANTITRUST
SUBCOMM. REPORT, supra note 4, at 213.
10 HOUSE ANTITRUST SUBCOMM. REPORT, supra note 4, at 187-92; Brody Mullins, Rolfe Winkler & Brent Kendall,
Inside the U.S. Antitrust Probe of Google, WALL ST. J. (Mar. 19, 2015), https://www.wsj.com/articles/inside-the-u-s-
antitrust-probe-of-google-1426793274. “Vertical” search engines like Expedia and MapQuest are search engines
dedicated to specific types of online content (e.g., travel, maps). More generally, the Big Tech firms’ “vertical” rivals
are companies that compete with Facebook, Google, Amazon, or Apple in markets that are related to or depend upon
those firms’ main platform businesses.
Congressional Research Service
2

The Big Tech Antitrust Bills

 Amazon has allegedly:
 ranked its own private-label products higher than more popular
competitors in product search results;11
 used merchant data to identify profitable new lines of business for its
private-label products;12
 required merchants to purchase ads and use Amazon fulfillment services
to receive prominent placement in search results;13 and
 prohibited merchants from offering products on its marketplace that they
sell elsewhere at lower prices.14
 Apple is embroiled in litigation targeting its requirement that purchases within
iPhone apps use Apple’s payment system—a practice that allegedly allows Apple
to extract monopolistic rents from app developers.15 The iPhone maker has also
faced charges that it preferentially ranks its own apps over more popular and
highly rated competitors in its app store.16
The Legislation
H.R. 3816 aims to prohibit Big Tech firms from engaging in much—if not all—of this behavior.17
The legislation would prohibit operators of “covered platforms” from engaging in various forms
of “discriminatory conduct.”18 “Covered platforms” are defined to include platforms that:
 have at least 50 million U.S.-based monthly active users or 100,000 U.S.-based
monthly active business users;
 are owned or controlled by firms with net annual sales or market capitalizations
greater than $600 billion; and
 are “critical trading partner[s]” for the sale or provision of any product or service
offered on or directly related to the platforms.19
The bill’s drafters reportedly maintain that only Facebook, Google, Amazon, and Apple meet all
three criteria.20

11 Dana Mattioli, Amazon Changed Search Algorithms in Ways That Boost Its Own Products, WALL ST. J. (Sept. 16,
2019), https://www.wsj.com/articles/amazon-changed-search-algorithm-in-ways-that-boost-its-own-products-
11568645345.
12 HOUSE ANTITRUST SUBCOMM. REPORT, supra note 4, at 274-82.
13 Id. at 287-92.
14 Id. at 295-97.
15 See Motion for Temporary Restraining Order, Epic Games, Inc. v. Apple Inc., No. 3:20-cv-05640 (N.D. Cal. Aug.
17, 2020).
16 Jack Nicas & Keith Collins, How Apple’s Apps Topped Rivals in the App Store It Controls, N.Y. TIMES (Sept. 9,
2019), https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2019/09/09/technology/apple-app-store-competition.html.
17 H.R. 3816, 117th Cong. (2021).
18 Id. § 2.
19 Id. § 2(g)(4).
20 Dana Mattioli & Ryan Tracy, House Bills Seek to Break Up Amazon and Other Big Tech Companies, WALL ST. J.
(June 11, 2021), https://www.wsj.com/articles/amazon-other-tech-giants-could-be-forced-to-shed-assets-under-house-
bill-11623423248.
Congressional Research Service
3

The Big Tech Antitrust Bills

The legislation lists 13 forms of prohibited discriminatory conduct. Among other things, the bill
would prohibit operators of covered platforms from:
 advantaging their own products or services over those of other business users
(commonly called “self-preferencing”);21
 restricting business users from accessing a covered platform or its software on
the same terms as the platform operator’s own businesses;22
 conditioning access to or preferred placement within a covered platform on the
use of other products or services offered by the platform operator;23
 using data obtained from business users or their customers to support the
platform operator’s own products or services;24
 restricting or impeding business users from providing links to facilitate off-
platform business;25 and
 interfering with or restricting business users’ pricing of their goods or services.26
After amendments from the markup process, the bill offers the Big Tech platforms three
affirmative defenses. First, the bill offers an affirmative defense to covered platform operators
that establish by clear and convincing evidence that their conduct would not harm the competitive
process.27 Second, an affirmative defense is available to defendants that prove by clear and
convincing evidence that their conduct was necessary to prevent a violation of law or protect user
privacy, provided that certain other requirements are met.28 Third, the bill allows the Big Tech
firms to avoid liability if they show by clear and convincing evidence that their conduct increases
consumer welfare.29
Effect on Current Law
H.R. 3816 would move significantly beyond existing monopolization doctrine. Under current law,
monopolization is a two-element offense: plaintiffs must establish that a defendant (1) has
monopoly power, and (2) engaged in exclusionary conduct.30 The first element—monopoly
power—typically turns on factors like a defendant’s market share and entry barriers shielding the
defendant from would-be competitors.31 The second element—exclusionary conduct—involves a
burden-shifting framework. Under that framework, monopolization plaintiffs must first make a
prima facie case that the defendant’s conduct had anticompetitive effects. If a plaintiff makes this

21 H.R. 3816, 117th Cong. § 2(a)(1).
22 Id. § 2(b)(1).
23 Id. § 2(b)(2).
24 Id. § 2(b)(3).
25 Id. § 2(b)(6).
26 Id. § 2(b)(8).
27 Id. § 2(c)(1).
28 Id. § 2(c)(2).
29 Id. § 2(c)(3); see also Amendment to the Amendment in the Nature of a Substitute to H.R. 3816, Offered by Mr.
Bentz of Oregon, Markups, H.R. 3843, the Merger Filing Fee Modernization Act of 2021, et al., H. COMM. ON THE
JUDICIARY, 117TH CONG. (June 24, 2021), https://docs.house.gov/meetings/JU/JU00/20210623/112818/BILLS-117-
HR3816-B000668-Amdt-5.pdf.
30 United States v. Grinnell Corp., 384 U.S. 563, 570-71 (1966).
31 See, e.g., Broadcom Corp. v. Qualcomm Inc., 501 F.3d 297, 307 (3d Cir. 2007).
Congressional Research Service
4

The Big Tech Antitrust Bills

showing, the burden shifts to the defendant to rebut the plaintiff’s evidence or proffer a
procompetitive justification for its conduct. If the defendant fails at this stage, the plaintiff
prevails. However, if the defendant succeeds, the burden shifts back to the plaintiff to show that
the anticompetitive harms of the challenged conduct outweigh the procompetitive benefits.32
H.R. 3816 would adopt a separate, ostensibly more plaintiff-friendly regulatory regime for the
Big Tech firms. Under that regime, plaintiffs challenging discriminatory conduct would not need
to show that the Big Tech firms possess monopoly power—a task that can require extensive
discovery and expert testimony. In place of that requirement, plaintiffs would face the far more
straightforward task of demonstrating that a defendant satisfies the three criteria necessary to
qualify as a “covered platform.”33
The changes to the exclusionary-conduct burden-shifting framework are also considerable. Here,
the bill’s new regulatory regime would dispense with the fact-intensive weighing of competitive
effects embodied in current monopolization law. In place of that analysis, the bill prohibits the
specified categories of discriminatory conduct.
H.R. 3816 offers the Big Tech firms various affirmative defenses (e.g., for conduct that increases
consumer welfare).34 However, these defenses set a high evidentiary bar—clear and convincing
evidence—that would likely be difficult to meet.35 In all but the rarest of cases, judicial analysis
of the bill’s defenses would probably be significantly truncated relative to current law, which
does not impose heightened evidentiary burdens on defendants seeking to rebut a prima facie case
of competitive harm.
While these changes to the doctrine appear straightforward, H.R. 3816 has already generated
interpretive controversies. Commentators have debated whether Section 2(a)(1) of the bill—
which prohibits platform operators from advantaging their own products—would prevent Google
and Apple from pre-installing their own apps on devices that use their operating systems (Android
and iOS).36 University of Chicago Law Professor Randy Picker has argued that Section 2(a)(1)
seems to prohibit such pre-installation.37 In contrast, the economist Hal Singer has disputed that
reading of the legislation. Singer contends that Section 2(b)(5) of the bill—which bars the Big
Tech firms from restricting or impeding the uninstallation of pre-installed apps—suggests that the
legislation both contemplates and tolerates pre-installation.38 Picker and Singer have also
expressed different views on whether Section 2(a)(3) of the bill—which prohibits the Big Tech
platforms from discriminating among similarly situated business users—would require Google

32 United States v. Microsoft Corp., 253 F.3d 34, 58-59 (D.C. Cir. 2001).
33 H.R. 3816, 117th Cong. § 2(g)(4) (2021).
34 Id. § 2(c)(1)(A).
35 The “clear and convincing evidence” standard is an intermediate evidentiary burden that lies between
“preponderance of the evidence” (the typical burden in civil litigation) and “beyond a reasonable doubt” (the
paradigmatic criminal standard). The Supreme Court has explained that the burden is met when the evidence
supporting a contention makes the contention “highly probable.” Colorado v. New Mexico, 467 U.S. 310, 316 (1984).
While courts ordinarily resist efforts at quantification, one large survey of judges found that 75-percent probability was
the mean, median, and mode figure capturing the “clear and convincing evidence” standard. C.M.A. McCauliff,
Burdens of Proof: Degrees of Belief, Quanta of Evidence, or Constitutional Guarantees?, 35 VAND. L. REV. 1293,
1328-29 (1982).
36 H.R. 3816, 117th Cong. § 2(a)(1) (2021).
37 Randy Picker, The House’s Recent Spate of Antitrust Bills Would Change Big Tech as We Know It, PROMARKET
(June 29, 2021), https://promarket.org/2021/06/29/house-antitrust-bills-big-tech-apple-preinstallation/.
38 Hal Singer, Rep. Cicilline’s Bill Would Offer a Lifeline to Independent App Developers, PROMARKET (July 2, 2021),
https://promarket.org/2021/07/02/antitrust-self-preferencing-preinstallation-app-developers-apple/.
Congressional Research Service
5

The Big Tech Antitrust Bills

and Apple to pre-install every app in a given category if they pre-install any apps within that
category.39

Comparing Legislation: S. 225, the Competition and Antitrust Law Enforcement
Reform Act of 2021 (CALERA)
The House Antitrust Subcommittee’s legislative package is not the only significant antitrust legislation in the 117th
Congress. In February 2021, Senator Amy Klobuchar introduced a bil that would make notable changes to
monopolization doctrine and several other elements of antitrust law. As relevant here, S. 225, the Competition
and Antitrust Law Enforcement Reform Act of 2021 (CALERA), would:

Amend the Clayton Antitrust Act to prohibit “exclusionary conduct that presents an appreciable risk of
harming competition.” S. 225, 117th Cong. § 9 (2021);

Define “exclusionary conduct” to include behavior that “materially disadvantages” actual or potential
competitors or “tends to foreclose or limit the ability or incentive” of actual or potential competitors to
compete. Id.;

Adopt a presumption that exclusionary conduct “presents an appreciable risk of harming competition” if it is
undertaken by a firm with a market share greater than 50% or a firm that otherwise possesses “significant
market power.” Id.;

Provide that defendants can rebut this presumption by establishing by a preponderance of the evidence that
their exclusionary conduct does not present an appreciable risk of harming competition. Id.; and

Eliminate several defendant-friendly requirements in the monopolization case law, including limitations on
plaintiffs’ ability to prevail in refusal-to-deal litigation, predatory-pricing claims, and cases involving two-sided
markets. Id.
These changes to monopolization law would be both broader and narrower than H.R. 3816’s prohibitions.
CALERA is broader than H.R. 3816 insofar as it would subject a larger number of firms and a wider range of
behavior to heightened antitrust scrutiny. While H.R. 3816 is limited to “covered platforms” (the Big Tech firms),
S. 225’s conduct-related presumption would extend to all firms that possess “significant market power.” Likewise,
while H.R. 3816 would prohibit only specified forms of discriminatory behavior, S. 225 would extend to any
“exclusionary conduct.”
However, CALERA’s substantive changes to monopolization law would be more modest than H.R. 3816’s non-
discrimination requirements for the Big Tech firms. While CALERA would allow defendants to rebut the relevant
presumption of competitive harm by a preponderance of the evidence, H.R. 3816’s affirmative defenses employ
the more demanding clear-and-convincing-evidence standard.
The Arguments For
H.R. 3816 targets a diverse range of conduct raising a variety of competition issues. There is
nevertheless a clear unifying theme. The bill’s drafters appear to be principally concerned with
the Big Tech firms’ use of market power in their core business lines to disadvantage competitors
in related markets. When dominant platforms preference their own offerings in search rankings,
for example, they make it more difficult for their vertical competitors to compete with those
offerings. Likewise, when a platform uses data derived from business users to compete with those
users, the platform operates with a significant competitive advantage. Similarly, when a powerful
incumbent conditions the availability of its core services on a customer’s use of its related
services, competition in the market for those related services suffers.40

39 See notes 37-38 supra.
40 For a leading academic discussion of these types of competitive harm, see Lina M. Khan, The Separation of
Platforms and Commerce, 119 COLUM. L. REV. 973 (2019). The article’s author, Lina Kahn, took office as Chair of the
FTC on June 15, 2021. Lina Khan Sworn in as Chair of the FTC, FED. TRADE COMM’N (June 15, 2021),
https://www.ftc.gov/news-events/press-releases/2021/06/lina-khan-sworn-chair-ftc.
Congressional Research Service
6

The Big Tech Antitrust Bills

The Arguments Against
Opponents of non-discrimination requirements have offered two general types of objections to
measures like H.R. 3816. First, some commentators have challenged the claim that the conduct
the bill prohibits is anticompetitive. For example, some commentators have argued that platform
self-preferencing is generally a procompetitive effort to enhance users’ experience.41 Similarly,
Amazon’s use of merchant data to identify profitable new lines of business may very well
increase output in certain product markets.42 Apple has also defended the rules governing
participation in its app store as necessary to preserve the technical integrity of the iPhone
ecosystem.43
Beyond arguments about specific practices, the bill’s opponents have contended that the flexible,
fact-intensive framework employed by current antitrust law is preferable to ex ante regulation.44
Many of these arguments appeal to the “error costs” of categorical prohibitions. The Chicago
School placed error costs at the center of antitrust scholarship, maintaining that the harms of
“false positives” condemning procompetitive conduct usually outweigh those of “false negatives”
allowing anticompetitive behavior to proceed.45 This theoretical framework led to a general
preference for flexible standards over bright-line rules in monopolization cases.46 The debate over
H.R. 3816 is in part a dispute over whether this evolution has rendered antitrust law ill-equipped
to grapple with the Big Tech firms’ dominance.
The participants in this debate are not writing on a blank slate. There is a massive literature on the
choice between rules and standards that this report cannot comprehensively catalogue.47
Nevertheless, some of the key themes are worth noting. General standards afford decision-makers
greater ability to discriminate between harmful and benign conduct than bright-line rules.
However, enforcing broad standards is usually far costlier than applying clear rules, and high
enforcement costs can result in under-deterrence of anticompetitive conduct.48 Case-by-case
adjudication is also arguably less democratic than the legislative and administrative procedures

41 See, e.g., D. Bruce Hoffman & Garrett D. Shinn, Self-Preferencing and Antitrust: Harmful Solutions for an
Improbable Problem, COMPETITION POLICY INT’L ANTITRUST CHRONICLE 5-8 (June 2021); Sam Bowman & Geoffrey
Manne, Platform Self-Preferencing Can Be Good for Consumers and Even Competitors, TRUTH ON THE MARKET (Mar.
4, 2021), https://truthonthemarket.com/2021/03/04/platform-self-preferencing-can-be-good-for-consumers-and-even-
competitors/.
42 See Sam Bowman, Amazon’s Tightrope: Balancing Innovation and Competition on Amazon’s Marketplace, TRUTH
ON THE MARKET (Apr. 27, 2020), https://truthonthemarket.com/2020/04/27/amazons-tightrope-balancing-innovation-
and-competition-on-amazons-marketplace/ (arguing that the competitive effects of Amazon’s use of merchant data
likely vary based on the nature of the product at issue).
43 Opposition to Motion for a Temporary Restraining Order, Epic Games, Inc. v. Apple Inc., No. 3:20-cv-05640 at 29
(N.D. Cal. Aug. 21, 2020).
44 See, e.g., Joint Submission of Antitrust Economists, Legal Scholars, and Practitioners to the House Judiciary
Committee on the State of Antitrust Law and Implications for Protecting Competition in Digital Markets, INT’L CTR.
FOR L. AND ECON. 3 (May 15, 2020), https://laweconcenter.org/wp-
content/uploads/2020/05/house_joint_antitrust_letter_20200514.pdf.
45 Frank H. Easterbrook, The Limits of Antitrust, 63 TEX. L. REV. 1, 2-3 (1984). In brief, Chicago School theorists
argued that the harms of monopoly are largely self-correcting because monopoly prices eventually attract the entry of
new firms, whereas inefficient legal rules are far “stickier.” See id. For a contrary view, see Jonathan B. Baker, Taking
the Error Out of “Error Cost” Analysis: What’s Wrong With Antitrust’s Right, 80 ANTITRUST L.J. 1 (2015).
46 See, e.g., Daniel A. Crane, Rules Versus Standards in Antitrust Adjudication, 64 WASH. & LEE L. REV. 49 (2007).
47 For a prominent account of the choice between rules and standards, see Louis Kaplow, Rules Versus Standards: An
Economic Analysis, 42 DUKE L.J. 557 (1992).
48 See Rohit Chopra & Lina M. Khan, The Case for “Unfair Methods of Competition” Rulemaking, 87 U. CHI. L. REV.
357, 361-62 (2020) (arguing that the high costs of antitrust litigation undermine effective enforcement).
Congressional Research Service
7

The Big Tech Antitrust Bills

that accompany rule development.49 Finally, rules can provide industry participants with more
legal clarity than open-ended standards.50 The bottom line is that H.R. 3816 wades into a familiar
debate that has occupied antitrust scholars and students of economic regulation more generally.51

A Note on Self-Preferencing
Self-preferencing—whereby a tech platform vertically integrates and gives its downstream products certain
advantages over competitors—is among the core concerns of H.R. 3816 and H.R. 3825. The practice has
provoked a lively debate. Critics have argued that when dominant platforms favor their own products, they can
leverage their power in their core markets to foreclose competition in adjacent markets. See, e.g., Daniel A.
Hanley, How Self-Preferencing Can Violate Section 2 of the Sherman Act, COMPETITION POLICY INT’L ANTITRUST
CHRONICLE 4 (June 2021). The European Commission invoked this theory of harm in 2017 when it fined Google
€2.42 bil ion for giving its own comparison-shopping service more prominent placement than rival services in its
search results. See Case AT.39740 – Google Search (Shopping), Summary of Commission Decision, EUROPEAN
COMM’N (June 27, 2017). A group of state attorneys general is also suing Google based on claims that the tech
giant’s advertising server (which manages advertising inventories for large publishers) unlawful y favors Google’s
advertising exchange (which matches publishers with advertisers). Complaint, State of Texas, et al. v. Google LLC,
No. 4:20-cv-00957 ¶¶ 118-24 (E.D. Tex. Dec. 16, 2020).
Self-preferencing also has its proponents. Big Tech’s defenders have argued that the simplest explanation for self-
preferencing is that it makes platforms more attractive to consumers. See, e.g., Hoffman & Shinn, supra note 41, at
5-7. Under this theory, Amazon sells its own private-label products and gives them conspicuous placement
primarily so that customers can buy inexpensive generic items—not because its private-label business is highly
profitable on a standalone basis. See Mattioli, supra note 10 (noting Amazon’s assertion that its private-label
business represents only “about 1% of its retail sales”). Likewise, Google’s supporters have argued that the
company’s placement of a Google Maps box at the top of certain search results enhances users’ experience by
prominently highlighting valuable information. See Todd, infra note 61, at 526-27; Bowman & Manne, supra note 41.
While different types of self-preferencing raise different issues, there is something of a meta-argument here. In
brief, the practice’s defenders maintain that Big Tech firms vertically integrate and self-preference only when the
gains from doing so outweigh any losses from degradation of the quality of their main platform businesses. Skeptics
of ex ante regulation argue that this calculus is usually a reasonable proxy for overall welfare, and that existing
monopolization doctrine can address those instances in which it is not. See Hoffman & Shinn, supra note 41, at 7-9;
see also Michael Salinger, Self-Preferencing, in REPORT ON THE DIGITAL ECONOMY, GEO. MASON U. GLOBAL ANTITRUST
INST. (2020). For a contrary view, see Edward Iacobucci & Francesco Ducci, The Google Search Case in Europe: Tying
and the Single Monopoly Profit Theorem in Two-Sided Markets, 47 EUROPEAN J. OF L. AND ECON. 15 (2019).
Structural Separation: H.R. 3825, Ending Platform
Monopolies Act
The Issue
H.R. 3825, the Ending Platform Monopolies Act, is directed at some of the concerns mentioned
above in connection with H.R. 3816.52 Both bills respond to allegations that the Big Tech firms
have leveraged dominance of their core markets to disadvantage rivals in related markets.

49 See generally Harry First & Spencer Weber Waller, Antitrust’s Democracy Deficit, 81 FORDHAM L. REV. 2543
(2013).
50 See Chopra & Khan, supra note 48, at 358.
51 For an overview of the relative virtues and vices of regulation, adjudication, and administration as tools of
competition policy, see DANIEL A. CRANE, THE INSTITUTIONAL STRUCTURE OF ANTITRUST ENFORCEMENT 93-108
(2011).
52 H.R. 3825, 117th Cong. (2021).
Congressional Research Service
8

The Big Tech Antitrust Bills

The Legislation
While H.R. 3825 and H.R. 3816 are motivated by the same general issue, they address that issue
in different ways. As discussed, H.R. 3816 would prohibit the Big Tech firms from engaging in
various forms of “discriminatory conduct.” In contrast, H.R. 3825 would require structural
separation. Under the bill, operators of “covered platforms”53 could not:
 use their platforms to sell or provide other products or services;
 require business users to utilize a product or service as a condition of accessing
or receiving preferred placement on their platforms; or
 operate both a covered platform and another “line of business” if doing so would
create a “conflict of interest” by giving the platform operator the incentive and
ability to advantage its own offerings on the platform.54
Effect on Current Law
H.R. 3825 is a major departure from current antitrust doctrine. While courts theoretically have the
power to order structural separation in monopolization cases, it is difficult for plaintiffs to obtain
such sweeping relief in all but the most extraordinary circumstances.55 The bill is instead a form
of sector-specific competition regulation, similar to the regimes governing banking and
(historically) railroads—two other industries in which entry into adjacent markets has been
viewed as creating irremediable conflicts of interest.56
The Arguments For
The arguments for H.R. 3825 mirror those for H.R. 3816. However, structural separation may
have administrability advantages over non-discrimination requirements, as commentators have
argued that the latter are costlier to enforce.57 Rules demanding that tech platforms accord equal
treatment to vertical rivals may be particularly complicated to administer, requiring regulators and
courts to establish some baseline level of “neutral” treatment and probe the inner workings of the
platforms’ algorithms. Advocates of structural separation contend that it is better to “break up”
Big Tech than rely on overburdened regulators and generalist judges to parse such details.58
The Arguments Against
Big Tech’s defenders argue that the firms’ entry into new markets is almost always
procompetitive.59 Facebook, Google, Amazon, and Apple have access to deep pools of retained

53 The bill would apply to the same “covered platforms” as H.R. 3816. Id. § 5(4).
54 Id. § 2(a)-(b).
55 See Herbert Hovenkamp, Antitrust and Platform Monopoly, 130 YALE L.J. 1901, 1957 (2021) (explaining that, aside
from merger enforcement, most antitrust relief is nonstructural).
56 See Khan, supra note 40, at 1037-43.
57 See, e.g., HOUSE ANTITRUST SUBCOMM. REPORT, supra note 4, at 381 (noting this possible advantage of structural
separation).
58 But see Hal Singer, Inside Tech’s “Kill Zone”: How to Deal With the Threat to Edge Innovation Posed by Multi-
Sided Platforms, PROMARKET (Nov. 21, 2018), https://promarket.org/2018/11/21/inside-tech-kill-zone/ (defending non-
discrimination requirements over structural separation on the grounds that the latter is a “messy undertaking,” because
drawing boundaries around tech platforms “is not straightforward”).
59 See, e.g., Invited Statement of Geoffrey A. Manne on House Judiciary Investigation Into Competition in Digital
Congressional Research Service
9

The Big Tech Antitrust Bills

earnings that they can plow into innovative new lines of business. Under a separation regime,
Google could not have used those resources to develop products like Google Chrome and Google
Maps. Likewise, Amazon may have to exit the “streaming wars” by divesting Prime Video.60 A
rule prohibiting the Big Tech firms from entering adjacent markets may also destroy well-
recognized efficiencies that typically accompany vertical integration.61 Structural separation could
even entrench the Big Tech firms’ power by preventing them from entering each other’s core
markets. Apple could not develop a search engine to challenge Google,62 nor could Amazon build
a video-sharing service to challenge YouTube.63
These objections need not be decisive. Congress could consider a structural-separation regime
that would allow a designated regulator to approve a dominant platform’s entry into adjacent
markets in limited circumstances (i.e., when a market is dominated by another platform
monopolist, or when efficiencies clearly favor integration). Moreover, the Big Tech firms’
financial resources would not simply disappear under an exception-free separation regime. If
Facebook, Google, Amazon, and Apple retain large amounts of cash that they cannot deploy on
new projects or acquisitions, they would likely face pressure to return that money to shareholders,
who could then channel it to other innovative companies.64 The debate over structural separation
may therefore turn on arguments about the desirability of “decentralized” innovation spread
among a large number of firms, as opposed to “centralized” innovation concentrated in a handful
of resource-rich tech companies.65
These debates over efficiencies and innovation sometimes intersect with difficult conceptual
issues facing proponents of structural separation. In some separation regimes, there are clearly
defined boundaries between product markets. For example, it is relatively uncontroversial that
railroads and commodity producers operate in different lines of business.66 However, technology
markets often lack similarly crisp borders.67 For instance, Apple produces the iOS operating
system for mobile devices and a range of related features, including a voice assistant (Siri), a
camera, a calculator, a calendar, an alarm, a photos app, a weather app, a news app, and a
payment system (Apple Pay).68 It is unclear which of these additional features qualifies as a “line
of business” distinct from Apple’s iOS platform within the meaning of H.R. 3825. (The

Markets: Correcting Common Misperceptions About the State of Antitrust Law and Enforcement, INT’L CTR. FOR L.
AND ECON. 7-8, 24-27 (Apr. 17, 2020), https://laweconcenter.org/wp-
content/uploads/2020/04/Manne_statement_house_antitrust_20200417_FINAL3-POST.pdf.
60 See Sam Bowman, Breaking Down the House Democrats’ Forthcoming Competition Bills, TRUTH ON THE MARKET
(June 10, 2021), https://truthonthemarket.com/2021/06/10/breaking-down-house-democrats-forthcoming-competition-
bills/.
61 Patrick F. Todd, Digital Platforms and the Leverage Problem, 98 NEB. L. REV. 486, 539 (2019).
62 See Tim Bradshaw & Patrick McGee, Apple Develops Alternative to Google Search, FIN. TIMES (Oct. 28, 2020),
https://www.ft.com/content/fd311801-e863-41fe-82cf-3d98c4c47e26.
63 See Amazon Video Direct Poses Challenge to YouTube, BBC (May 10, 2016),
https://www.bbc.com/news/technology-36259782.
64 See, e.g., Erin McCarthy, Icahn Letter Pushes Apple to Buy Back More Shares, WALL ST. J. (Oct. 9, 2014),
https://www.wsj.com/articles/icahn-pushes-apple-to-buy-back-more-stock-
1412860351#:~:text=Activist%20investor%20Carl%20C.,Executive%20Tim%20Cook%2C%20which%20Mr.
65 Khan, supra note 40, at 1085-86 (noting the possible costs and tradeoffs of structural separation and recognizing this
distinction).
66 See Pub. L. No. 59-337 § 1, 34 Stat. 584, 585 (1906).
67 See Todd, supra note 61, at 535-37; Singer, supra note 58.
68 Darren Orf, A Brief History of iOS, GIZMODO (June 7, 2016), https://gizmodo.com/a-brief-history-of-ios-
1780790760.
Congressional Research Service
10

The Big Tech Antitrust Bills

legislation does not define that term.)69 Moreover, technology markets are not static; the Big Tech
firms continually release updated versions of their platforms with new features that could
theoretically be provided by third parties. A prohibition of integration into separate “lines of
business” may chill this type of innovation to the detriment of consumers.
Mergers and Acquisitions: H.R. 3826, Platform
Competition and Opportunity Act
The Issue
H.R. 3826, the Platform Competition and Opportunity Act, is directed at mergers and
acquisitions—another means by which the Big Tech firms have allegedly maintained and
extended their power.70 The House Antitrust Subcommittee’s October 2020 report found that the
Big Tech firms had acquired hundreds of companies over the prior decade.71 Prominent examples
include Facebook’s acquisitions of Instagram and WhatsApp; Amazon’s acquisitions of IMDb,
Audible, and Zappos; Google’s acquisitions of YouTube, DoubleClick, and Waze; and Apple’s
acquisition of Shazam.72 According to Big Tech’s critics, many of the firms’ deals have allowed
them to solidify their dominance by acquiring competitors and potential rivals.73 The
Subcommittee’s report also alleges that the tech giants acquired some of these firms for the
purpose of shutting them down or discontinuing their main services—a phenomenon that has
been dubbed the “killer acquisition.”74 To address these concerns, the report recommends
legislation that would shift the burden of proof to dominant platforms to show that their proposed
transactions are in the public interest.75
The Legislation
H.R. 3826 takes up the Subcommittee’s recommendation. The bill would prohibit “covered
platform operators”—defined to mean operators of the same “covered platforms” subject to the
bills discussed above—from acquiring other firms unless platform operators can demonstrate by
clear and convincing evidence that:
 the target firm does not compete with the platform operator;
 the target firm is not a “nascent or potential” competitor of the platform operator;
 the acquisition would not enhance the platform operator’s market position for
services related to its existing platform; and

69 H.R. 3825, 117th Cong. § 2 (2021).
70 H.R. 3826, 117th Cong. (2021).
71 HOUSE ANTITRUST SUBCOMM. REPORT, supra note 4, at 406-50.
72 See id.
73 See, e.g., Gilad Edelman, Why the FTC Wants to Revisit Hundreds of Deals by Big Tech, WIRED (Feb. 12, 2020),
https://www.wired.com/story/ftc-special-order-review-big-tech-killer-acquisitions/; JOHN KWOKA, CONTROLLING
MERGERS AND MARKET POWER: A PROGRAM FOR REVIVING ANTITRUST IN AMERICA 109-17 (2020); Diana Moss, The
Record of Weak U.S. Merger Enforcement in Big Tech, AM. ANTITRUST INST. (July 8, 2019),
https://www.antitrustinstitute.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/07/Merger-Enforcement_Big-Tech_7.8.19.pdf.
74 HOUSE ANTITRUST SUBCOMM. REPORT, supra note 4, at 38.
75 Id. at 387-88.
Congressional Research Service
11

The Big Tech Antitrust Bills

 the acquisition would not enhance the platform operator’s “ability to maintain its
market position” for services related to its existing platform.76
As amended, the bill would also provide an exception to its general prohibition for transactions
involving target companies valued at less than $50 million.77
Effect on Current Law
Under current law, mergers and acquisitions are governed by Section 7 of the Clayton Act, which
prohibits deals that may “substantially lessen” competition.78 Courts typically evaluate merger
cases using a burden-shifting framework that resembles the standards employed in
monopolization litigation. Under this framework, the plaintiff bears the initial burden of showing
that a proposed transaction will have anticompetitive effects. If the plaintiff succeeds, the burden
shifts to the defendant to rebut the plaintiff’s case or produce evidence of the deal’s
procompetitive benefits. If the defendant fails at this stage, the plaintiff prevails. However, if the
defendant succeeds, the burden shifts back to the plaintiff to show that the acquisition’s
anticompetitive harms outweigh its procompetitive benefits.79
Courts have also developed special tests for evaluating mergers between potential competitors—
firms that do not compete when an acquisition is proposed, but may otherwise compete in the
future.80 The nuances of this doctrine are outside the scope of this report. For present purposes, it
suffices to note that the courts have generally imposed heavy evidentiary burdens on plaintiffs
challenging mergers involving potential rivals.81
H.R. 3826 would significantly alter these legal standards for the Big Tech firms. The bill would
prohibit Facebook, Google, Amazon, and Apple from engaging in mergers or acquisitions unless
they can show by clear and convincing evidence that their deals would not fall into any of the
specified categories.82 The legislation’s prohibition of acquisitions of potential competitors is
particularly significant, given current law’s deferential posture toward those transactions. While
the Big Tech firms could theoretically press ahead with deals that fall outside of the prohibited
categories, the legislation’s demanding evidentiary requirements may create disincentives for
acquisitions that arguably straddle the boundaries of those provisions.83

76 H.R. 3826, 117th Cong. § 2(a)-(b) (2021).
77 See Amendment to the Amendment in the Nature of a Substitute to H.R. 3826 Offered by Ms. Ross of North
Carolina, Markups, H.R. 3843, the Merger Filing Fee Modernization Act of 2021, et al., H. COMM. ON THE JUDICIARY,
117TH CONG. (June 24, 2021), https://docs.house.gov/meetings/JU/JU00/20210623/112818/BILLS-117-HR3826-
R000305-Amdt-1.pdf.
78 15 U.S.C. § 18. Under current law, firms must submit information about mergers and acquisitions exceeding certain
size thresholds to the Department of Justice and the FTC for review before consummating their transactions. 15 U.S.C.
§ 18a. H.R. 3826 would not alter this requirement.
79 See, e.g., St. Alphonsus Med. Ctr.-Nampa Inc. v. St. Luke’s Health Sys., Ltd., 778 F.3d 775, 783 (9th Cir. 2015).
80 See, e.g., United States v. Marine Bancorporation, Inc., 418 U.S. 602 (1974).
81 See generally Darren Bush & Salvatore Massa, Rethinking Potential Competition Doctrine, 2004 WIS. L. REV. 1035
(2004).
82 H.R. 3826, 117th Cong. § 2(b).
83 See note 35 supra.
Congressional Research Service
12

The Big Tech Antitrust Bills

Comparing Legislation: S. 225, the Competition and Antitrust Law Enforcement
Reform Act of 2021 (CALERA), and S. 1074, the Trust-Busting for the Twenty-First
Century Act
H.R. 3826 is not the only significant merger legislation in the 117th Congress. In addition to the changes to
monopolization law discussed above, Senator Klobuchar’s CALERA legislation would amend the Clayton Act to
prohibit mergers that “create an appreciable risk of materially lessening competition.” S. 225, 117th Cong. § 4
(2021). The bil would also shift the burden of proof from the government to the merging party for certain
mergers involving potential rivals, significant increases in market concentration, or firms that exceed specified size
thresholds. Id. In these circumstances, the merging party would bear the burden of showing by a preponderance of
the evidence that its proposed transaction would not violate the amended Clayton Act standard. Id.
These changes would be both broader and narrower than those in H.R. 3826. CALERA is broader than H.R. 3826
insofar as it would apply to a wider range of mergers. While H.R. 3826 is limited to deals involving “covered
platform operators,” CALERA would alter the legal standard governing all mergers and adopt generally applicable
presumptions.
CALERA’s substantive changes are more modest than those in H.R. 3826. H.R. 3826 would prohibit the Big Tech
firms from acquiring rivals and potential rivals, while CALERA would merely alter the legal standard and (in many
cases) the burden of proof for such transactions. Moreover, H.R. 3826 would require the Big Tech firms to
establish by clear and convincing evidence that their proposed mergers do not fall within four prohibited categories.
In contrast, if CALERA became law and a Big Tech merger triggered its presumption of il egality, the Big Tech firm
could rebut that presumption by showing by a preponderance of the evidence that the transaction would not violate
the amended Clayton Act standard.
Senator Josh Hawley has introduced legislation that would make more sweeping changes to the merger laws
governing Big Tech firms than either CALERA or H.R. 3826. S. 1074, the Trust-Busting for the Twenty-First
Century Act, would prohibit firms with market capitalizations exceeding $100 bil ion—a category that comfortably
includes all of the Big Tech firms—from engaging in mergers that “may . . . lessen competition in any way.” S. 1074,
117th Cong. § 3 (2021). Senator Hawley’s office has characterized this language as functionally equivalent to a
categorical ban on mergers involving firms larger than the relevant threshold. See Senator Hawley Introduces The
“Trust-Busting for the Twenty-First Century Act”: A Plan to Bust Up Anti-Competitive Big Businesses, OFFICE OF SEN. JOSH
HAWLEY (Apr. 12, 2021), https://www.hawley.senate.gov/senator-hawley-introduces-trust-busting-twenty-first-
century-act-plan-bust-anti-competitive-big.
The Arguments For
As discussed, supporters of H.R. 3826 contend that the Big Tech firms have preserved and
extended their monopoly power by acquiring competitors and potential competitors.84
Commentators have placed some of the blame for these transactions on the permissive legal
standards that courts have developed over the past several decades, especially the doctrine
governing acquisitions of potential competitors.85 By prohibiting the Big Tech firms from
engaging in such acquisitions and other types of potentially anticompetitive transactions, the bill
would address one of the major problems identified by Big Tech’s critics.
The Arguments Against
Big Tech’s defenders have responded to this line of argument by appealing to the incentive effects
of potential acquisitions. According to one narrative, the prospect of being acquired by a Big Tech
firm induces entrepreneurs and their venture-capital (VC) backers to enter tech markets. The
possibility of an acquisition thus arguably mitigates the so-called VC “kill zone,” in which
investors are reluctant to commit capital to areas dominated by the Big Four.86 Some

84 See notes 73-75 supra.
85 See note 73 supra.
86 Biz Carson, DOJ Lawyers Ask Startup Investors About Big Tech’s “Kill Zones,” PROTOCOL (Feb. 12, 2020),
Congressional Research Service
13

The Big Tech Antitrust Bills

commentators have argued that, by eliminating the option of being bought out by Big Tech,
measures like H.R. 3826 may dampen startup investment.87 Debate over the bill may therefore
require Congress to weigh the possible costs of these “barriers to exit” against the benefits of
blocking anticompetitive transactions.
Interoperability and Data Portability: H.R. 3849,
Augmenting Compatibility and Competition by
Enabling Service Switching (ACCESS) Act
The Issue
H.R. 3849, the Augmenting Compatibility and Competition by Enabling Service Switching
(ACCESS) Act, is directed at the “network effects” and “switching costs” that give dominant tech
platforms powerful incumbency advantages.88 Markets exhibit network effects when a product’s
utility depends on the number of people who use it. The idea is intuitive: people want to use
Facebook—as opposed to a smaller social network—because their friends and family are on
Facebook. Likewise, advertisers want to run ads on Facebook—as opposed to a smaller social
network—because Facebook allows them to advertise to a larger number of users. The same basic
reasoning applies to Google Search, Amazon Marketplace, and Apple’s App Store. These network
effects create significant entry barriers that deter startups from competing with the tech giants.89
Even when consumers prefer a smaller competitor over a Big Tech firm, they may face
“switching costs” when deciding whether to make a change. Commentators have argued that
certain digital markets exhibit high switching costs, causing user “lock-in” and creating another
barrier deterring entry by prospective rivals.90 For example, users who abandon Facebook for
another social network must leave behind large amounts of data (e.g., friends, messages, “likes”)
that enhance their user experience.
The combination of powerful network effects and high switching costs makes many digital
markets prone to “tipping” in favor of one or two large companies, leading to a form of “winner-
take-all” economics in which Big Tech firms are shielded from competition after they have
assumed dominant positions.91

https://www.protocol.com/doj-antitrust-venture-capital-workshop.
87 See, e.g., Jeff Farrah, Restrictions on Acquisitions Would Stifle the US Startup Ecosystem, Not Rein In Big Tech,
TECHCRUNCH (May 19, 2021), https://techcrunch.com/2021/05/19/restrictions-on-acquisitions-would-stifle-the-us-
startup-ecosystem-not-rein-in-big-tech/; Sam Bowman, Cracking Down on Mergers Would Leave Us All Worse Off,
THE HILL (Mar. 12, 2021), https://thehill.com/blogs/congress-blog/politics/542880-cracking-down-on-mergers-would-
leave-us-all-worse-off.
88 H.R. 3849, 117th Cong. (2021).
89 See, e.g., HOUSE ANTITRUST SUBCOMM. REPORT, supra note 4, at 39-40; Stigler Committee on Digital Platforms,
Final Report, U. CHI. BOOTH SCH. OF BUS., STIGLER CTR. FOR THE STUDY OF THE ECONOMY AND THE STATE 38-39
(2019) [hereinafter “STIGLER REPORT”].
90 See, e.g., HOUSE ANTITRUST SUBCOMM. REPORT, supra note 4, at 41-42.
91 STIGLER REPORT, supra note 89, at 34-36. For an argument that the Big Tech firms face meaningful competitive
pressures despite operating in “tipped” markets, see generally NICOLAS PETIT, BIG TECH AND THE DIGITAL ECONOMY:
THE MOLIGOPOLY SCENARIO (2020).
Congressional Research Service
14

The Big Tech Antitrust Bills

The Legislation
H.R. 3849 addresses these issues with two sets of requirements: interoperability and data
portability. The interoperability mandate would require Big Tech firms to make their products and
services compatible with those offered by competitors.92 The bill directs the FTC to develop
standards fleshing out the content of these obligations, and requires firms that interconnect with
covered platforms to take “reasonable steps” to avoid introducing security risks to the platforms’
information systems.93 While the exact contours of this regime would vary from platform to
platform, one can make some educated guesses about what it would entail. Facebook, for
example, may have to develop tools that allow its users to communicate with users of rival social
networks. Similarly, Apple may have to make its app store compatible with third-party payment
systems.
The data-portability mandate shares a similar structure. The legislation would require the Big
Tech firms to enable users to transfer their data to competitors, authorize the FTC to develop
data-portability standards, and impose certain security requirements on companies that receive
ported data.94 While the precise content of platforms’ obligations would depend on the FTC’s
implementation of the bill, the general idea is simple. Facebook, for example, would likely have
to allow users to transfer their data (e.g., friends, messages, “likes”) to competing social
networks.
Effect on Current Law
Interoperability and data-portability requirements are forms of what antitrust law has traditionally
called “duties to deal” with rivals. While companies are generally free to choose their
counterparties, antitrust duties to deal can arise in several circumstances. First, regulators have
imposed such duties as remedies for certain types of antitrust violations.95 Second, monopolists
may have duties to deal when they control an “essential facility” that cannot reasonably be
duplicated.96 Finally, in Aspen Skiing Co. v. Aspen Highlands Skiing Corp., the Supreme Court
held that monopolists can be liable for terminating profitable courses of dealing with rivals absent
a valid business justification.97
This body of case law is not a promising vehicle for imposing interoperability and data-portability
requirements on the Big Tech firms. For a court to impose such requirements as remedies, a
plaintiff would have to establish substantive antitrust violations for which interoperability or data
portability is an appropriate form of redress. While the Justice Department’s 2002 consent decree
with Microsoft contained a prominent example of an interoperability mandate,98 it is unclear
whether any of the Big Tech firms’ conduct would prompt a court to order a similar remedy.
This uncertainty is partially attributable to the courts’ significant narrowing of substantive refusal-
to-deal liability. The essential-facilities case law exemplifies this trend, as lower federal courts

92 H.R. 3849, 117th Cong. § 4. The bill’s requirements would apply to the same “covered platforms” as the legislation
discussed above. Id. § 5(6).
93 Id. § 4.
94 Id. § 3.
95 See, e.g., United States v. Microsoft, 231 F. Supp. 2d 144, 190-92 (D.D.C. 2002).
96 See, e.g., Otter Tail Power Co. v. United States, 410 U.S. 366 (1973); United States v. Terminal R.R. Ass’n, 224 U.S.
383 (1912); MCI Comm’cns Corp. v. AT&T Co., 708 F.2d 1081 (7th Cir. 1983).
97 472 U.S. 585 (1985).
98 Microsoft, 231 F. Supp. 2d at 190-92.
Congressional Research Service
15

The Big Tech Antitrust Bills

have become increasingly sparing in applying that doctrine.99 The Supreme Court has also
contributed to this tapering. In Verizon Communications, Inc. v. Trinko, the Court referred to the
essential-facilities doctrine as a creation of the lower courts, while declining to either recognize or
repudiate it.100 Commentators have described this treatment of the essential-facilities case law as
inflicting “death by dicta”101 and wondered whether the doctrine is now a “dead letter.”102 Trinko
also cabined refusal-to-deal liability more generally by characterizing Aspen Skiing as “at or near
the outer boundary” of monopolization law.103 Accordingly, current antitrust doctrine does not
offer an attractive means of imposing interoperability or data portability on Big Tech firms that do
not already offer those options.104 H.R. 3849 seeks to plug this alleged gap with a regulatory fix.
The Arguments For
As noted, H.R. 3849’s interoperability requirements are directed at the network effects that
insulate Big Tech firms from competition. The bill represents an attempt to shift those network
effects from individual firms to the market as a whole, leveling the playing field for smaller
rivals.105 Here, the bill borrows a regulatory tool that has played an important role in
telecommunications law, where carriers must allow rivals to interconnect with their facilities and
equipment.106 The legislation’s data-portability requirement would address a different entry
barrier by attempting to reduce the switching costs facing users of Big Tech platforms.107 Again,
telecom regulation imposes an analogous mandate, requiring phone carriers to allow customers to
keep their phone numbers when they switch to rival services.108 Together, interoperability and
data portability would arguably mitigate the structural characteristics that cause certain tech
markets to “tip” in favor of a single dominant firm.
The Arguments Against
The traditional arguments against interoperability and data portability appeal to worries about
security, privacy, technical challenges, and innovation harms. “Closed systems” like Apple’s iOS
arguably have certain security advantages over their open rivals, which interoperability could

99 Spencer Weber Waller & Brett Frischmann, Revitalizing the Essential Facilities Doctrine, 74 ANTITRUST L.J. 1, 7
(2008).
100 540 U.S. 398, 411-12 (2004).
101 Waller & Frischmann, supra note 99, at 3.
102 Lina M. Khan, Amazon’s Antitrust Paradox, 126 YALE L.J. 710, 801 (2017).
103 540 U.S. at 409. In applying Trinko, lower courts have coalesced around a three-part test for refusal-to-deal liability.
Under that test, a plaintiff bringing a refusal-to-deal claim must show that the defendant-monopolist (1) terminated a
profitable course of dealing with a competitor, (2) continued to sell the relevant product or service to other similarly
situated customers, and (3) was willing to forsake short-term profits for an anticompetitive end, rather than a legitimate
business purpose. See FTC v. Qualcomm Inc., 969 F.3d 974, 993-94 (9th Cir. 2020); Novell, Inc. v. Microsoft Corp.,
731 F.3d 1064, 1074-76 (10th Cir. 2013) (Gorsuch, J.).
104 In June 2021, a federal district court dismissed the FTC’s allegations that Facebook’s restrictions on access to
Facebook Platform constituted unlawful refusals to deal. Memorandum Opinion, FTC v. Facebook, Inc., 1:20-cv-03590
at 39-50 (D.D.C. June 28, 2021).
105 See, e.g., Michael Kades & Fiona Scott Morton, Interoperability as a Competition Remedy for Digital Networks,
WASH. CTR. FOR EQUITABLE GROWTH (Sept. 23, 2020).
106 47 U.S.C. § 251(a).
107 See, e.g., Josh Constine, Friend Portability Is the Must-Have Facebook Regulation, TECHCRUNCH (May 12, 2019),
https://techcrunch.com/2019/05/12/friends-wherever/.
108 47 U.S.C. § 251(b)(2).
Congressional Research Service
16

The Big Tech Antitrust Bills

diminish or eliminate.109 Privacy is also a concern. Often, a platform user’s data is co-mingled
with the data of other users. For example, multiple users might be “tagged” in a photo on
Facebook, and messages typically include information about their senders and recipients.
Allowing users to port such data from a Big Tech firm to another platform without the consent of
other parties would have important privacy implications.110 Interoperability and data-portability
mandates would also likely be complicated to develop and enforce.111 The Telecommunications
Act of 1996—which contains perhaps the most prominent example of an interoperability
requirement—prompted over a decade of litigation that included multiple trips to the Supreme
Court.112 H.R. 3849’s critics have cited this experience as a reason to be skeptical of the
government’s capacity to craft and administer technically complex interoperability regulations
without getting bogged down in litigation.113 In addition, opponents of expansive refusal-to-deal
liability have argued that duties to deal inappropriately privilege static competition (price
competition among sellers of undifferentiated products or services) over dynamic competition
(innovation via the development of new products and services).114 Some commentators have
argued that interoperability would reduce dynamic competition by inducing firms that
interoperate with the Big Tech platforms to eschew significant investments in innovation because
of their need to maintain interoperability. Instead of making such investments, firms that
interoperate may confine themselves to narrower competition focused on repackaging the
services already offered by Big Tech.115

Author Information

Jay B. Sykes

Legislative Attorney

109 Hanno F. Kaiser, Are “Closed Systems” an Antitrust Problem?, 7 COMPETITION POLICY INT’L 91, 100 (2011).
110 Peter Swire & Yianni Lagos, Why the Right to Data Portability Likely Reduces Consumer Welfare: Antitrust and
Privacy Critiques, 72 MD. L. REV. 335, 348 (2013).
111 See Randy Picker, Forcing Interoperability on Tech Platforms Would Be Difficult to Do, PROMARKET (Mar. 11,
2021), https://promarket.org/2021/03/11/interoperability-tech-platforms-1996-telecommunications-act/.
112 See Verizon Commc’ns v. FCC, 535 U.S. 467 (2002); AT&T Corp. v. Iowa Utils. Bd., 525 U.S. 366 (1999).
113 Gus Hurwitz, Digital Duty to Deal, Data Portability, and Interoperability, in REPORT ON THE DIGITAL ECONOMY,
GEO. MASON U. GLOBAL ANTITRUST INST. (2020).
114 See id.; see also CRANE, supra note 51, at 172 (“Economists and antitrust scholars increasingly view static consumer
injuries as far less significant than dynamic injuries.”); JOSEPH SCHUMPETER, CAPITALISM, SOCIALISM, AND DEMOCRACY
84-85 (1942).
115 Hurwitz, supra note 113. For an argument that interoperability can promote dynamic competition, see Brian
Feldman, U.S. v. Microsoft Proved That Antitrust Can Keep Tech Power in Check, N.Y. MAGAZINE (Dec. 12, 2017),
https://nymag.com/intelligencer/2017/12/u-s-v-microsoft-proved-that-antitrust-can-check-tech-power.html.
Congressional Research Service
17

The Big Tech Antitrust Bills

Disclaimer
This document was prepared by the Congressional Research Service (CRS). CRS serves as nonpartisan
shared staff to congressional committees and Members of Congress. It operates solely at the behest of and
under the direction of Congress. Information in a CRS Report should not be relied upon for purposes other
than public understanding of information that has been provided by CRS to Members of Congress in
connection with CRS’s institutional role. CRS Reports, as a work of the United States Government, are not
subject to copyright protection in the United States. Any CRS Report may be reproduced and distributed in
its entirety without permission from CRS. However, as a CRS Report may include copyrighted images or
material from a third party, you may need to obtain the permission of the copyright holder if you wish to
copy or otherwise use copyrighted material.

Congressional Research Service
R46875 · VERSION 1 · NEW
18