Northern Ireland: The Peace Process, Ongoing
May 18, 2021
Challenges, and U.S. Interests
Kristin Archick
Between 1969 and 1999, roughly 3,500 people died as a result of political violence in Northern
Specialist in European
Ireland, which is one of four component “nations” of the United Kingdom (UK). The conflict,
Affairs
often referred to as “the Troubles,” has its origins in the 1921 division of Ireland and has
reflected a struggle between different national, cultural, and religious identities. Protestants in
Northern Ireland largely define themselves as British and support remaining part of the UK
(unionists). Most Catholics in Northern Ireland consider themselves Irish, and many desire a
united Ireland (nationalists).
Successive U.S. Administrations and many Members of Congress have actively supported the Northern Ireland peace
process. For decades, the United States has provided development aid through the International Fund for Ireland (IFI). In
recent years, congressional hearings have focused on the peace process, police reforms, human rights, and addressing
Northern Ireland’s legacy of violence (often termed dealing with the past). Some Members also are concerned about how
Brexit—the UK’s withdrawal as a member of the European Union (EU) in January 2020—is affecting Northern Ireland.
The Peace Agreement: Progress to Date and Ongoing Challenges
In 1998, the UK and Irish governments and key Northern Ireland political parties reached a negotiated political settlement.
The resulting Good Friday Agreement, or Belfast Agreement, recognized that a change in Northern Ireland’s constitutional
status as part of the UK can come about only with the consent of a majority of the people in Northern Ireland (as well as with
the consent of a majority in Ireland). The agreement called for devolved government—the transfer of specified powers from
London to Belfast—with a Northern Ireland Assembly and Executive in which unionist and nationalist parties would share
power. It also contained provisions on decommissioning (disarmament) of paramilitary weapons, policing, human rights, UK
security normalization (demilitarization), and the status of prisoners.
Despite a much-improved security situation since 1998, full implementation of the peace agreement has been difficult. For
years, decommissioning and police reforms were key sticking points that generated instability in the devolved government. In
2007, the pro-British Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) and Sinn Fein, the nationalist political party traditionally associated
with the Irish Republican Army (IRA), reached a landmark power-sharing deal. Tensions and distrust persisted, however. In
2017, the devolved government led by the DUP and Sinn Fein collapsed, prompting snap Assembly elections amid several
contentious regional issues and unease in Northern Ireland about Brexit. Negotiations to reestablish the devolved government
repeatedly stalled. The DUP and Sinn Fein agreed to form a new devolved government in January 2020, but the long impasse
renewed concerns about the fragility of the peace process. Northern Ireland also faces a number of broad issues in its search
for peace and reconciliation, including reducing sectarian divisions, dealing with the past, addressing lingering concerns
about paramilitary and dissident activity, and promoting further economic development. In late March and early April 2021,
the outbreak of riots and unrest in parts of Northern Ireland—widely characterized as the worst violence in years—
highlighted many of the challenges and underlying fault lines that remain in Northern Ireland.
Brexit and Northern Ireland
Brexit has added to political and societal divisions within Northern Ireland. Preventing a hard border (with customs checks
and physical infrastructure) on the island of Ireland was a key imperative and a major stumbling block in the UK-EU
withdrawal negotiations. Since 1998, as security checkpoints were dismantled in accordance with the peace agreement and
because both the UK and Ireland belonged to the EU single market and customs union, the circuitous 300-mile land border
on the island of Ireland effectively disappeared, helping to promote peace, reconciliation, and a dynamic cross-border
economy. Concerns about a hard border developing mostly receded in light of the post-Brexit arrangements for Northern
Ireland agreed to by the UK and EU, but implementing these measures—which began on January 1, 2021—disrupted some
trade between Northern Ireland and the rest of the UK. Combined with a dispute related to EU export controls on
Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-19) vaccines that could have impacted Northern Ireland, the DUP and other unionists
argue that the post-Brexit arrangements for Northern Ireland are untenable. Such tensions over Brexit have exacerbated a
sense among unionists that their British identity is under threat and factored into the unrest in Northern Ireland in early 2021.
Brexit also has renewed debate about Northern Ireland’s constitutional status and prompted calls from Sinn Fein and others
for a border poll, or referendum, on whether Northern Ireland should remain part of the UK. Also see CRS Report R46730,
Brexit: Overview, Trade, and Northern Ireland, coordinated by Derek E. Mix.
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Contents
Overview ....................................................................................................................... 1
The 1998 Peace Agreement .............................................................................................. 2
Key Elements ........................................................................................................... 2
Implementation ......................................................................................................... 3
Democratic Power-Sharing Institutions .................................................................... 3
Decommissioning................................................................................................. 4
Policing .............................................................................................................. 4
Security Normalization ......................................................................................... 5
Rights, Safeguards, and Equality of Opportunity ....................................................... 5
Initiatives to Further the Peace Process ............................................................................... 6
Recent Issues and Ongoing Chal enges............................................................................... 7
2017-2020 Crisis in the Devolved Government .............................................................. 7
March 2017 Snap Assembly Elections ..................................................................... 7
Reestablishing the Devolved Government ................................................................ 8
Sectarian Divisions .................................................................................................. 10
Dealing with the Past ............................................................................................... 11
Remaining Paramilitary Issues and Dissident Activity ................................................... 14
Paramilitary Concerns ......................................................................................... 14
The Dissident Threat........................................................................................... 15
Economic Development and Equal Opportunity ........................................................... 15
Resurgence of Rioting and Violence in March-April 2021.............................................. 17
Implications of Brexit .................................................................................................... 18
The Irish Border and the Withdrawal Agreement .......................................................... 18
Post-Brexit Arrangements for Northern Ireland ....................................................... 19
Ongoing Tensions and Chal enges......................................................................... 20
Economic Concerns ................................................................................................. 23
Constitutional Status and Border Poll Prospects ........................................................... 24
U.S. Policy and Congressional Interests ............................................................................ 25
Support for the Peace Process .................................................................................... 25
Views on Brexit and Northern Ireland ......................................................................... 26
International Fund for Ireland .................................................................................... 27
Figures
Figure 1. Map of Northern Ireland (UK) and the Republic of Ireland....................................... 2
Tables
Table 1. Northern Ireland: Members of the Legislative Assembly (MLAs) ............................... 8
Contacts
Author Information ....................................................................................................... 28
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Overview
Between 1969 and 1999, roughly 3,500 people died as a result of political violence in Northern
Ireland, which is a part of the United Kingdom (UK). The conflict, often referred to as “the
Troubles,” has its modern origins in the 1921 division of Ireland (see map in Figure 1).1 At its
core, the conflict reflects a struggle between different national, cultural, and religious identities.
Protestants in Northern Ireland (48% of the population) largely define themselves as British and
support Northern Ireland’s continued incorporation in the UK (unionists). Catholics in Northern
Ireland (45% of the population) consider themselves Irish, and many Catholics desire a united
Ireland (nationalists). In the past, more militant unionists (loyalists) and more militant nationalists
(republicans) were wil ing to use force and resort to violence to achieve their goals.2
The Troubles were sparked in late 1968, when a civil rights movement was launched in Northern
Ireland mostly by Catholics, who had long faced discrimination in areas such as electoral rights,
housing, and employment. This civil rights movement was met with violence by some unionists,
loyalists, and the police, which in turn prompted armed action by nationalists and republicans.
Increasing chaos and escalating violence led the UK government to deploy the British Army on
the streets of Northern Ireland in 1969 and to impose direct rule from London in 1972 (between
1921 and 1972, Northern Ireland had its own regional government).
For years, the UK and Irish governments sought to facilitate a negotiated political settlement to
the conflict in Northern Ireland. Multiparty talks began in June 1996, led by former Senate
Majority Leader George Mitchel , who was serving as U.S. President Bil Clinton’s special
adviser on Ireland. After many ups and downs, the UK and Irish governments and the Northern
Ireland political parties participating in the peace talks announced an agreement on April 10,
1998. This accord became known as the Good Friday Agreement (for the day on which it was
concluded); it is also known as the Belfast Agreement.3
Despite the significant decrease in the levels of violence since the Good Friday Agreement,
implementation of the peace accord has been chal enging. Tensions persist among Northern
Ireland’s political parties and between the unionist and nationalist communities more broadly.
Northern Ireland remains a largely divided society and continues to grapple with a number of
issues in its search for peace and reconciliation. Sectarian differences flare periodical y, and
addressing Northern Ireland’s legacy of violence (often termed dealing with the past) is
particularly controversial. Many analysts assess that peace and security in Northern Ireland is
fragile. The UK’s withdrawal from the European Union (EU) in January 2020—or Brexit—has
added to divisions within Northern Ireland, as highlighted by the riots and unrest that erupted in
parts of Northern Ireland in late March and early April 2021. Brexit continues to pose chal enges
1 In 1921, the mostly Catholic, southern part of Ireland won independen ce from the United Kingdom (UK), resulting in
the establishment of the Irish Free State in 1922 within the British Commonwealth . T he Irish government formally
declared Ireland a republic in 1948 and severed its remaining constitutional links with the UK. T he Republic of Ireland,
with a population of roughly 4.9 million, consists of 26 counties and encompasses about five-sixths of the island of
Ireland; Northern Ireland, with approximately 1.9 million people, comprises six counties and encompasses the
remaining one-sixth of the island.
2 Many unionists and loyalists refer to the six counties that today make up Northern Ireland as Ulster. T echnically and
historically, Ulster also includes the three northernmost counties of the Republic of Ireland.
3 T he text of the Good Friday Agreement (or Belfast Agreement) may be found at http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/events/peace/
docs//agreement.htm. T he unionist/Protestant community tends to use the term Belfast Agreement, viewing the name
Good Friday Agreement as biased in favor of the nationalist/Catholic community. For the purposes of this report, the
peace accord is referred to as the Good Friday Agreement, because this is the name more widely used and recognized
in the United States.
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Northern Ireland: The Peace Process, Ongoing Challenges, and U.S. Interests
for Northern Ireland’s peace process and economy and has renewed questions about Northern
Ireland’s constitutional status as part of the UK.
Successive U.S. Administrations and many Members of Congress have actively supported the
Northern Ireland peace process and encouraged the full implementation of the Good Friday
Agreement, as wel as subsequent accords and initiatives to further the peace process and promote
long-term reconciliation. Some Members have been particularly interested in police reforms and
human rights in Northern Ireland. Since 1986, the United States has provided development aid
through the International Fund for Ireland (IFI) as a means to encourage economic development
and foster reconciliation. Some Members of Congress also have demonstrated an interest in how
Brexit wil affect Northern Ireland in the years ahead.
Figure 1. Map of Northern Ireland (UK) and the Republic of Ireland
Source: Graphic created by CRS using data from Esri (2017).
The 1998 Peace Agreement
Key Elements
The Good Friday Agreement is a multilayered and interlocking document, consisting of a political
settlement reached by Northern Ireland’s political parties and an international treaty between the
UK and Irish governments. At the core of the Good Friday Agreement is the consent principle—
that is, a change in Northern Ireland’s status can come about only with the consent of the majority
of Northern Ireland’s people, as wel as with the consent of a majority in Ireland. Although the
agreement acknowledged that a substantial section of Northern Ireland’s population and a
majority on the island desired a united Ireland, it recognized that the majority of people in
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Northern Ireland wished to remain part of the UK. If the preference of this majority were to
change, the agreement asserted that the UK and Irish governments would have a binding
obligation to bring about the wish of the people; thus, the agreement included provisions for
future polls to be held in Northern Ireland on its constitutional status, should events warrant.
The Good Friday Agreement set out a framework for devolved government—the transfer of
specified powers over local governance from London to Belfast—and cal ed for establishing a
Northern Ireland Assembly and Executive in which unionist and nationalist parties would share
power (known as Strand One). The Good Friday Agreement also contained provisions on several
issues viewed as central to the peace process: decommissioning (disarmament) of paramilitary
weapons, policing, human rights, UK security normalization (demilitarization), and the status of
prisoners. Negotiations on many of these areas had been extremely contentious. Experts assert
that the final agreed text thus reflected some degree of “constructive ambiguity” on such issues.
In addition, the Good Friday Agreement created new “North-South” and “East-West” institutions
(Strand Two and Strand Three, respectively). Among the key institutions cal ed for in these two
strands, a North-South Ministerial Council was established to al ow leaders in the northern and
southern parts of the island of Ireland to consult and cooperate on cross-border issues. A British-
Irish Council also was formed to discuss matters of regional interest; the council comprises
representatives of the two governments and the devolved administrations of Northern Ireland,
Scotland, Wales, the Channel Islands, and the Isle of Man.
Implementation
Voters in Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland approved the Good Friday Agreement in
separate referendums on May 22, 1998. Although considerable progress has been made in
implementing the agreement, the process has been arduous. For years, decommissioning and
police reforms were key sticking points that contributed to instability in Northern Ireland’s
devolved government. Sporadic violence from dissident republican and loyalist paramilitary
groups that refused to accept the peace process and sectarian strife also helped to feed mistrust
between the unionist and nationalist communities and their respective political parties.
Democratic Power-Sharing Institutions
As noted above, the Good Friday Agreement cal ed for establishing a new Northern Ireland
Assembly and Executive. To ensure that neither unionists nor nationalists could dominate the
Assembly, the agreement specified that “key decisions” must receive cross-community support.
The Executive would be composed of a first minister, deputy first minister, and other ministers
with departmental responsibilities (e.g., health, education, jobs); positions would be al ocated to
political parties according to party strength in the Assembly.
The first elections to the new 108-member Northern Ireland Assembly took place on June 25,
1998. The devolution of power from London to Belfast, however, did not follow promptly
because of unionist concerns about decommissioning, or the paramilitaries’ surrender of their
weapons. Following 18 months of further negotiations, authority over local affairs was transferred
to the Northern Ireland Assembly and Executive in December 1999. Over the next few years, the
issue of decommissioning—especial y by the Irish Republican Army (IRA)—contributed to the
suspension of the devolved government and the reinstatement of direct rule from London several
times between 2000 and 2002. (See “Decommissioning,” below.)
In May 2007, after a nearly five-year suspension, Northern Ireland’s devolved government was
restored following a landmark deal between the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP)—which
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strongly supports Northern Ireland’s continued integration as part of the UK—and Sinn Fein, the
staunchly nationalist political party traditional y associated with the IRA.4 The DUP and Sinn
Fein have been the largest unionist and nationalist parties, respectively, in Northern Ireland since
2003. The 2007 DUP-Sinn Fein deal paved the way for greater stability in Northern Ireland’s
devolved government over the next decade. Regularly scheduled Assembly elections in 2011 and
2016 produced successive power-sharing governments, also led by the DUP and Sinn Fein.
At the same time, tensions persisted within the devolved government and between the unionist
and nationalist communities. Various incidents—including protests in 2012 and 2013 over the use
of flags and emblems, a 2014 dispute over welfare reform, and the 2015 arrest of a Sinn Fein
leader in connection with the murder of a former IRA member—periodical y threatened the
devolved government’s stability. Following the collapse of the devolved government and snap
Assembly elections in 2017, heightened tensions due to Brexit and other contentious issues
largely stal ed negotiations on forming a new devolved government for almost three years. This
long impasse renewed concerns about political stability and highlighted divisions in Northern
Ireland politics and society. (See “2017-2020 Crisis in the Devolved Government,” below.)
Decommissioning
For years, decommissioning of paramilitary weapons was a prominent chal enge in the
implementation of the Good Friday Agreement. The text of the agreement states, “those who hold
office should use only democratic, non-violent means, and those who do not should be excluded
or removed from office.” Unionists were adamant that the IRA must fully decommission its
weapons. The IRA had been observing a cease-fire since 1997, but it viewed decommissioning as
tantamount to surrender and had long resisted such cal s.
Progress toward full IRA decommissioning was slow and incremental. A key milestone came in
July 2005, when the IRA declared an end to its armed campaign and instructed al members to
pursue objectives through “exclusively peaceful means.”5 In September 2005, Northern Ireland’s
Independent International Commission on Decommissioning (IICD) announced that the IRA had
put al of its arms “beyond use,” asserting that the IRA weaponry dismantled or made inoperable
matched estimates provided by the security forces.6 The IICD also confirmed decommissioning
by other republican groups and loyalist organizations. The IICD concluded its work in 2011.
Policing
Although recognized as a central element in achieving a comprehensive peace in Northern
Ireland, new policing structures and arrangements were a frequent point of contention between
unionists and nationalists. In 2001, a new Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) was
established to replace the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC), Northern Ireland’s former, 92%
Protestant police force. Catholics viewed the RUC as an enforcer of Protestant domination, and
human rights organizations accused the RUC of brutality and collusion with loyalist paramilitary
groups. Defenders of the RUC pointed to its tradition of loyalty and discipline and its record in
fighting terrorism. In accordance with policing recommendations made by an independent
commission (known as the Patten Commission), increasing the proportion of Catholic officers
4 Frank Millar, “Paisley Reaches Out and Grasps Cherished Prize,” Irish Times, March 27, 2007; Mark Davenport, “NI
Politics Moves Away from Edge,” BBC News, May 8, 2007.
5 “IRA Statement in Full,” BBC News, July 25, 2005.
6 Mark Davenport, “IRA Arms: What Next for NI Politics?,” BBC News, September 26, 2005.
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(from 8% to 30% in 10 years) was a key goal for the new PSNI. To help fulfil this goal, the PSNI
introduced a 50-50 Catholic/Protestant recruitment process.7
For several years, Sinn Fein refused to participate in the new Policing Board, a democratic
oversight body. Many viewed Sinn Fein’s stance as discouraging Catholics from joining the PSNI
and preventing the nationalist community from fully accepting the new police force. In 2007,
however, as part of the process to restore the devolved government, Sinn Fein members voted to
support the police and join the Policing Board. Experts viewed Sinn Fein’s decision as historic,
given the IRA’s traditional view of the police as a legitimate target. In 2010, the DUP and Sinn
Fein reached an accord (the Hil sborough Agreement) to devolve policing and justice powers
from London to Belfast (on which the parties had been unable to agree at the time of the Good
Friday Agreement’s signing).
In 2011, the 50-50 recruitment process for Catholic and Protestant PSNI officers concluded.
Officials asserted that the 50-50 process fulfil ed the goals set out by the Patten Commission
(including increasing the number of Catholic officers to 30%).8 In recent years, concerns
resurfaced that not enough Catholics were seeking to join the PSNI; partly because of lingering
suspicions about the police within the Catholic/nationalist community but also because of fears
that Catholic police recruits were key targets of dissident republicans. In 2017, the PSNI
introduced a number of procedural changes to help attract more Catholics (and more women).9
Security Normalization
The Good Friday Agreement cal ed for “as early a return as possible to normal security
arrangements in Northern Ireland,” including the removal of security instal ations. In February
2007, the last of more than 100 armored watchtowers in Northern Ireland was dismantled. In July
2007, the British Army ended its 38-year-long military operation in Northern Ireland. Although a
regular garrison of 5,000 British troops remains based in Northern Ireland, British forces no
longer have a role in policing and may be deployed worldwide.
Rights, Safeguards, and Equality of Opportunity
In accordance with the Good Friday Agreement’s provisions related to human rights and equality,
the UK government incorporated the European Convention on Human Rights into Northern
Ireland law and established a new Human Rights Commission and a new Equality Commission
for Northern Ireland. Some nationalists, however, continue to press for more progress in the area
of human rights and equality. They argue that Northern Ireland needs its own Bil of Rights
(consideration of which is provided for in the Good Friday Agreement) and a stand-alone Irish
Language Act to give the Irish language the same official status as English in Northern Ireland.
The Good Friday Agreement cal s for tolerance of linguistic diversity in Northern Ireland and
support for the Irish language. The subsequent St. Andrews Agreement of 2006 provided for an
Irish Language Act, but this issue remains controversial.
7 See A New Beginning: Policing in Northern Ireland, Report of the Independent Commission on Policing for Northern
Ireland, September 1999, at http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/issues/police/patten/patten99.pdf.
8 “Police 50-50 Recruiting System Is to End,” BBC News, March 28, 2011.
9 Deborah McAleese, “T op Officer’s ‘Deep Concern’ at Lack of Catholics Signing Up for Police Career in Northern
Ireland,” Belfast Telegraph, October 23, 2015; Vincent Kearney, “PSNI Aims to Recruit 300 New Officers,” BBC
News, October 23, 2017.
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Initiatives to Further the Peace Process
Many analysts view implementation of the most important aspects of the Good Friday Agreement
as complete. Since 2013, however, the Northern Ireland political parties and the UK and Irish
governments have made several attempts to reduce sectarian tensions and promote reconciliation.
Major endeavors include the following:
The 2013 Haass Initiative. In 2013, the Northern Ireland Executive appointed
former U.S. diplomat and special envoy for Northern Ireland Richard Haass as
the independent chair of interparty talks aimed at tackling some of the most
divisive issues in Northern Ireland society.10 In particular, Haass was tasked with
making recommendations on dealing with the past and the sectarian issues of
parading, protests, and the use of flags and emblems. In December 2013, Haass
released a draft proposal outlining the way forward in these areas, but he was
unable to broker a final agreement among the Northern Ireland political parties.11
The 2014 Stormont House Agreement. In 2014, financial pressures and
budgetary disputes related to UK-wide welfare reforms and austerity measures
tested Northern Ireland’s devolved government. The UK and Irish governments
convened interparty talks to address government finances and governing
structures, as wel as the issues previously tackled by the Haass initiative. In the
resulting December 2014 Stormont House Agreement, the Northern Ireland
political parties agreed to support welfare reform (with certain mitigating
measures), balance the budget, address Northern Ireland’s heavy reliance on the
public sector, and reduce the size of the Assembly and the number of Executive
departments to improve efficiency and cut costs. The agreement also included
measures on parading, flags, and dealing with the past. Continued disagreements
over welfare reform between the DUP and Sinn Fein, however, stal ed
implementation of al aspects of the Stormont House Agreement.12
The 2015 Fresh Start Agreement. In November 2015, the UK and Irish
governments, the DUP, and Sinn Fein reached a new Fresh Start Agreement. Like
the Stormont House Agreement, the accord focused on implementing welfare
reform and improving the stability and sustainability of Northern Ireland’s
budget and governing institutions. It confirmed a reduction in the size of the
Assembly from 108 to 90 members (effective from the first Assembly election
after the May 2016 election), decreased the number of Executive departments,
and made provision for an official opposition in the Assembly. The Fresh Start
Agreement also included provisions on parading and the use of flags, but the
parties were unable to reach final agreement on establishing new institutions to
deal with the past. In addition, the Fresh Start Agreement addressed ongoing
concerns about paramilitary activity, sparked by the arrest of a senior Sinn Fein
official in connection to the August 2015 murder of an ex-IRA member.13
10 Richard Haass served as President George W. Bush’s special envoy for Northern Ireland from 2001 to 2003; he is
currently president of the U.S. Council on Foreign Relations.
11 For the full text of the December 31, 2013, draft agreement presented by Haass and his negotiating team, see
http://www.northernireland.gov.uk/haass.pdf.
12 T he Stormont House Agreement is available at https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/the-stormont-house-
agreement .
13 T he Fresh Start Agreement is available at Government of the UK, “News Story: A Fresh Start for Northern Ireland,”
November 17, 2015, at https://www.gov.uk/government/news/a-fresh-start -for-northern-ireland.
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Recent Issues and Ongoing Challenges
Despite a much-improved security situation since the 1998 Good Friday Agreement, concerns
linger about the stability of the devolved government and the fragility of community relations. As
noted previously, the devolved government collapsed in January 2017 amid heightened tensions
related to Brexit and other issues. It took nearly three years following the March 2017 snap
Assembly elections to reestablish the devolved government in January 2020. Since then, the
Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic and implementation of the post-Brexit
arrangements for Northern Ireland have further tested the devolved government, led by First
Minister Arlene Foster of the DUP and Deputy First Minister Michel e O’Neil of Sinn Fein.
In late April 2021, DUP dissatisfaction with First Minister Foster’s leadership over Brexit and
other controversies prompted her to announce that she would step down as DUP party leader at
the end of May and as first minister at the end of June. On May 14, 2021, the DUP chose
Northern Ireland Agriculture Minister Edwin Poots as its new leader. The DUP is expected to
nominate a replacement as first minister, who must then be approved by the Northern Ireland
Assembly. The next Assembly elections are due in May 2022, but some analysts suggest that the
DUP leadership changes could increase the likelihood of an early election.14
The search for peace and reconciliation in Northern Ireland remains chal enging. Difficult issues
include bridging sectarian divisions and managing key sticking points (especial y parading,
protests, and the use of flags and emblems); dealing with the past; addressing remaining
paramilitary concerns and curbing dissident activity; and furthering economic development and
equality. The 2013 Haass initiative, the 2014 Stormont House Agreement, and the 2015 Fresh
Start Agreement attempted to tackle some aspects of these long-standing chal enges. Some
measures agreed in these successive accords were delayed amid the absence of a devolved
government between 2017 and 2020.
2017-2020 Crisis in the Devolved Government
March 2017 Snap Assembly Elections
The immediate impetus for the devolved government’s January 2017 collapse was a scandal over
flaws in a renewable energy program initial y overseen by First Minister Foster in her previous
role as enterprise minister in 2012. Then-Deputy First Minister Martin McGuiness of Sinn Fein
cal ed for Foster to stand aside as first minister temporarily while the energy scheme was
investigated; Foster refused, and McGuinness resigned as deputy first minister in protest.
McGuinness’s resignation essential y forced new elections to be cal ed for March 2, 2017.15
Tensions on several issues other than the energy scandal contributed to Sinn Fein’s decision to
force snap Assembly elections. The elections were cal ed in the wake of the June 2016 UK
referendum on EU membership and amid deep unease over Brexit’s implications for Northern
Ireland. Other points of contention included the introduction of a potential Irish Language Act
and the legalization of same-sex marriage; Sinn Fein supported both measures, whereas the DUP
14 Enda McClafferty, “DUP Revolt Raises Political Stakes,” BBC News, April 27, 2021; “Arlene Foster Announces
Resignation as DUP Leader and NI First Minister,” BBC News, April 28, 2021.
15 Under the rules governing Northern Ireland’s power-sharing arrangements, if either the first minister or the deputy
first minister resigns (without a replacement being nominated), the government cannot continue and new elections must
be held.
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opposed them.16 Foster led the DUP’s election campaign, but Michel e O’Neil succeeded
McGuinness as Sinn Fein’s leader in Northern Ireland and led Sinn Fein’s campaign
(McGuinness was il and passed away a few weeks after the election).
As seen in Table 1, the number of Assembly seats contested in 2017 was 90 rather than 108
because of a previously agreed reduction in the size of the Assembly. The DUP retained the
largest number of seats in the 2017 elections, but Sinn Fein was widely regarded as the biggest
winner, given its success in reducing the previous gap between the two parties from 10 seats to 1.
A high voter turnout of almost 65%—fueled by anger over the energy scandal and a perceived
lack of concern from London about Brexit’s impact on Northern Ireland—appears to have
favored Sinn Fein and the cross-community Al iance Party. For the first time in the Assembly,
unionist parties do not have an overal majority (a largely symbolic status because of the power-
sharing rules but highly emblematic for the unionist community).17
Table 1. Northern Ireland: Members of the Legislative Assembly (MLAs)
(2016 and 2017 election results)
Political Party
2016
2017
Democratic Unionist Party (DUP; hard-line unionist, conservative)
38
28
Sinn Fein (SF; hard-line nationalist, left-wing)
28
27
Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP; moderate nationalist, center-left)
12
12
Ulster Unionist Party (UUP; moderate unionist, center-right)
16
10
Al iance Party of Northern Ireland (APNI; nonsectarian, centrist/liberal)
8
8
Green Party (nonsectarian; left-wing)
2
2
People Before Profit Al iance (PBPA; nonsectarian, left-wing)
2
1
Traditional Unionist Voice (TUV; hard-line unionist, right-wing)
1
1
Independent (unionist)
1
1
Total
108
90
Sources: BBC, “NI Election 2016: Results,” at http://www.bbc.com/news/election/2016/northern_ireland/results, and
BBC, “NI Election 2017: Results,” at http://www.bbc.com/news/election/ni2017/results.
Reestablishing the Devolved Government
Following the March 2017 snap Assembly elections, negotiations between the DUP, Sinn Fein,
and the other main political parties (see text box) on forming a new devolved government
repeatedly stal ed, primarily over a potential Irish Language Act. Divisions over Brexit
exacerbated tensions. The DUP was the only major Northern Ireland political party to back
Brexit, which Sinn Fein and the other main Northern Ireland parties strongly opposed. Some
analysts suggest the DUP’s support for the Conservative Party government in the UK Parliament
following the UK’s June 2017 snap general election further heightened distrust between Sinn
Fein and the DUP and made reaching a new power-sharing agreement more difficult.18
16 Sinead O’Shea, “Northern Ireland, Forced by Sinn Fein, Sets Early Election in Shadow of Brexit,” New York Times,
January 16, 2017; “NI Election: Everything You Need to Know About the 2017 Vote,” BBC News, March 4, 2017.
17 Harry McGee, “DUP Smarting from Close Encounter with Sinn Fein Crocodile,” Irish Times, March 3, 2017; Enda
McClafferty, “Assembly Election a Brutal Result for Unionism,” BBC News, March 4, 2017.
18 Peter Hain, “Deal with DUP Means London Is No Longer Honest Broker on North,” Irish Times, June 13, 2017;
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Main Political Parties in Northern Ireland
Democratic Unionist Party (DUP). The DUP has been the largest unionist party in Northern Ireland since
2003. It enjoys considerable Protestant support and strongly favors union with the United Kingdom (UK). The
party initial y opposed the 1998 Good Friday Agreement, viewing virtual y any compromise with Irish nationalists
as a net loss for unionists. Social y conservative, the DUP opposes abortion and same-sex marriage. The DUP has
been led by Arlene Foster since 2015, but is resigning as DUP leader, effective at the end of May 2021. Foster is to
be succeeded as DUP leader by Edwin Poots.
Sinn Fein. Sinn Fein has been the largest nationalist party in Northern Ireland since 2003. It advocates for a
united Ireland. Sinn Fein is an al -island party and has a political presence in both Northern Ireland and Ireland
(with members in both the Northern Ireland Assembly and the Irish Parliament). Historical y, Sinn Fein was the
political party associated with the Irish Republican Army (IRA). A left-wing party, Sinn Fein traditional y has
received considerable support from working-class Catholics. In 2018, Mary Lou McDonald became leader of Sinn
Fein, replacing former long-serving leader Gerry Adams. Since 2017, Michel e O’Neil has led Sinn Fein in the
Northern Ireland Assembly and is considered the party’s “northern leader”; she is also the party’s deputy leader.
Ulster Unionist Party (UUP). The UUP is a smal er, center-right Protestant party that supports union with the
UK. It was the lead unionist party involved in the negotiations on the Good Friday Agreement. In May 2021, the
UUP elected Doug Beattie as its leader.
Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP). The SDLP is a smal er, center-left Catholic party that
supports a united Ireland achieved through peaceful means. It was the lead nationalist party involved in the
negotiations on the Good Friday Agreement. The SDLP has been led by Colum Eastwood since 2015.
Alliance Party. The Al iance Party is a nonsectarian, cross-community party. It is centrist and liberal in political
orientation. The Al iance Party has been led by Naomi Long since 2016.
In April 2019, journalist Lyra McKee was shot and kil ed while covering riots in Londonderry
(also known as Derry). The New IRA, a dissident republican group opposed to the peace process,
claimed responsibility (but also apologized, asserting that it had been aiming to shoot a police
officer but hit McKee by accident). McKee’s death sparked a significant public outcry and
prompted the UK and Irish governments to intensify efforts to revive talks on forming a new
devolved government. Negotiations remained largely deadlocked, however, throughout the
summer and fal of 2019 amid ongoing uncertainty over Brexit.
On December 16, 2019, the UK and Irish governments launched a new round of talks with the
main political parties aimed at reestablishing the devolved government. These negotiations
followed the UK’s December 12, 2019, general election, in which Prime Minister Boris
Johnson’s Conservative Party won a convincing parliamentary majority, thereby negating the
DUP’s influence in the UK Parliament and improving the prospects for restoring Northern
Ireland’s devolved government.19
On January 10, 2020, the DUP, Sinn Fein, and the other parties agreed to a deal put forward by
the UK and Irish governments to reestablish the devolved government. The new power-sharing
deal, known as New Decade, New Approach, is wide-ranging and addresses a number of key
issues, including health and education concerns and measures to improve the sustainability of
Northern Ireland’s political institutions. The deal does not include a stand-alone Irish Language
Act, as initial y demanded by Sinn Fein, but essential y seeks to strike a compromise that
promotes the use of the Irish (Gaelic) language while protecting the Ulster-Scots language (a
regional language similar to English) that many unionists consider important to their heritage.
The deal provides for the official recognition in Northern Ireland of both the Irish and the Ulster-
William Booth and Amanda Ferguson, “A Battle over Language Is at the Heart of Norther n Ireland Crisis,”
Washington Post, February 9, 2018.
19 Padraic Halpin, “UK Election Clears Way for Northern Ireland Devolution, Dublin Says,” Reuters, December 13,
2019; Annabelle Dickson, “Northern Ireland’s Post -election Refocus,” Politico, December 16, 2019.
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Scots languages, al ows for their wider use in government settings, and establishes two new
“language commissioners”—one for Irish and one for Ulster-Scots—to enhance, protect, and
develop each language and associated cultural traditions. Both the UK and Irish governments
promised additional financial support for Northern Ireland as part of the deal.20
Sectarian Divisions
Observers suggest that Northern Ireland remains a largely divided society, with Protestant and
Catholic communities existing largely in paral el. Schools and housing developments in Northern
Ireland remain mostly single-identity communities and in some areas, peace walls separate
Protestant and Catholic neighborhoods.21 Estimates of the number of peace wal s vary depending
on the definition. Northern Ireland’s Department of Justice and Housing Executive have
responsibility for the majority of peace wal s, but when other types of structures are included—
such as fences, gates, and closed roads—the number of physical barriers separating Protestant and
Catholic communities is estimated at over 100. Northern Ireland’s Executive has been working to
remove the peace wal s since 2013, but a 2015 survey of public attitudes found that 30% of those
interviewed wanted the wal s to remain in place for reasons of safety and security. The same 2015
survey also found that more than 4 in 10 people had never interacted with anyone from the
community living on the other side of the nearest peace wal . A 2019 survey, however, suggests a
gradual attitudinal change in support of removing the peace wal s and other barriers, especial y
among younger people.22
Some analysts contend that sectarian divisions are particularly evident during the annual summer
marching season, when many unionist cultural and religious organizations hold parades
commemorating Protestant history. Although the vast majority of these annual parades are not
contentious, some are held through or close to areas populated mainly by Catholics (some of
whom perceive such unionist parades as triumphalist and intimidating). During the Troubles, the
marching season often provoked fierce violence. Many Protestant organizations view the existing
Parades Commission, which arbitrates disputes over parade routes, as largely biased in favor of
Catholics and have repeatedly argued for abolishing the commission.23 Efforts over the years to
address the contentious issue of parading and related protests have stal ed repeatedly.
A series of protests in late 2012 and early 2013 highlighted frictions between the unionist and
nationalist communities. Protests began following a decision to fly the union (UK) flag at Belfast
City Hal only on designated days rather than year-round. The protests, mostly by unionists and
loyalists, occurred in Belfast and elsewhere in Northern Ireland, and some turned violent.
Northern Ireland leaders on both sides of the sectarian divide received death threats, and some
political party offices were vandalized.24
20 T he text of the New Decade, New Approach deal is available at Government of the UK, “Deal to See Restored
Government in Northern Ireland T omorrow,” January 9, 2020, at https://www.gov.uk/government/news/deal-to-see-
restored-government -in-northern-ireland-tomorrow. Also see Henry McDonald and Lisa O’Carroll, “ Northern Ireland
Assembly to Sit on Saturday After T hree Years,” Guardian, January 10, 2020; and Charles Landow, “Brexit Still
Looms over Northern Ireland’s New Government,” Foreign Policy, January 14, 2020.
21 Paul Nolan, “T wo T ribes: A Divided Northern Ireland,” Irish Times, April 1, 2017; Robbie Meredith, “Integrated
Education: DUP MLA Says All Schools Should Be Integrated,” BBC News, November 25, 2020.
22 “Northern Ireland Interfaces: More Residents Want Peace Walls to Stay,” BBC News, December 15, 2015; “Will
NI’s Peace Walls Come Down by 2023 to Meet 10-Year T arget?,” BBC News, May 3, 2018; International Fund for
Ireland, Peace Walls Program m e Attitudinal Survey: Sum mary of Results, November 2019.
23 T he Parades Commission was established in 1998 as an independent body to r ule on disputed parades.
24 “Q&A: Northern Ireland Flag Protests,” BBC News, December 8, 2012.
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In June 2016, a Commission on Flags, Identity, Culture, and Tradition was established to assess
these contentious issues and to recommend policies and solutions to help address them. This
commission consists of 15 members, with 7 appointed by Northern Ireland’s political parties and
8 drawn from outside the government; it was original y proposed by the Haass initiative and
subsequently endorsed in the Stormont House Agreement and the Fresh Start Agreement.
Although this commission was supposed to produce a report with its recommendations within 18
months, its work was delayed by the size of its task and the collapse of the devolved government
between 2017 and 2020. The commission delivered its report to the first minister and deputy first
minister in July 2020, but the report has not yet been shared with the rest of the Northern Ireland
Executive, the Assembly, or the public. In March 2021, the Northern Ireland Assembly passed a
motion cal ing for the Executive to publish the commission’s report.25
Dealing with the Past
Fully addressing the legacy of violence in Northern Ireland remains controversial. The Good
Friday Agreement asserted that, “it is essential to acknowledge and address the suffering of the
victims of violence as a necessary element of reconciliation.” In 2008, the Northern Ireland
Assembly established a Commission for Victims and Survivors aimed at supporting victims and
their families. Several legal processes for examining crimes stemming from the Troubles also
exist. These include investigations into deaths related to the conflict by a dedicated unit within the
PSNI; investigations by the Police Ombudsman for Northern Ireland (PONI) of historical cases
involving al egations of police misconduct; and public inquiries, such as the Savil e inquiry
(concluded in 2010) into the 1972 Bloody Sunday incident.
Critics argue these various legal processes represent a piecemeal approach and give some deaths
or incidents priority over others. Many observers note that progress in investigations has been
slow; as of 2019, there were roughly 1,700 conflict-related cases in total awaiting investigation by
the PSNI or the PONI.26 Others point out the expense and time involved with some of these
processes; for example, the Bloody Sunday inquiry cost £195 mil ion (more than $300 mil ion)
and took 12 years to complete.27 Reaching consensus on the best way to address Northern
Ireland’s legacy of violence has been difficult, in large part because many unionists and
nationalists continue to view the conflict differently and retain competing narratives.
The 2014 Stormont House Agreement cal ed for establishing four new bodies to address “legacy
issues” (based largely on proposals made during the 2013 Haass initiative):
Historical Investigations Unit (HIU). This body would take forward the work
of the PSNI and the PONI in investigating outstanding cases related to the
Troubles. The UK government pledged full disclosure to the HIU.
Independent Commission for Information Retrieval (ICIR). The ICIR would
enable victims and survivors to seek and privately receive information about
conflict-related violence. It would be established by the UK and Irish
governments but would be separate from the justice systems in each jurisdiction.
Any information provided to the ICIR would be inadmissible in criminal and
25 Jayne McCormack, “Dr. Dominic Bryan: NI Flags Commission’s Brief T oo Big,” BBC News, June 27, 2019; “Let
Us See Flags and Culture Report Now,” Belfast Telegraph, February 26, 2021; Jayne McCormack, “Stormont Votes for
Release of Completed Flags and Culture Report,” BBC News, March 22, 2021.
26 Commission for Victims and Survivors, Addressing the Legacy of Northern Ireland’s Past, January 2019, p. 20, at
https://www.cvsni.org/media/1970/jan-2019-addressing-the-legacy-of-northern-ireland-s-past-policy-advice-paper.pdf.
27 James Clarke, “Was the Bloody Sunday Report Value for Money?,” BBC News, June 14, 2010.
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civil proceedings, but individuals who provided information would not be
immune to prosecution should evidentiary requirements be met by other means.
Oral History Archive. This archive would provide a central place for people
from al backgrounds to share experiences and narratives related to the Troubles.
Implementation and Reconciliation Group. This body would oversee work on
themes, archives, and information recovery in an effort to promote reconciliation
and reduce sectarianism.
Efforts to establish these four new institutions in UK law, however, largely stal ed due to
divisions between the UK government, on the one hand, and some nationalists and human rights
advocates, on the other, over proposed “national security caveats” related to the disclosure of
certain information. Victims groups and nationalists were concerned that “national security”
could be used to cover up criminal wrongdoing by state agents. At the same time, unionists
voiced concern that the proposed HIU could unfairly target former soldiers and police officers,
and many argued that any measures to deal with the past in Northern Ireland should contain a
statute of limitations or amnesty to prosecutions. Successive government crises and the stalemate
in reestablishing the devolved government between 2017 and early 2020 also impeded work on
implementing these mechanisms to address Northern Ireland’s legacy of violence.28
In the January 2020 New Decade, New Approach deal to reestablish the devolved government,
the UK government pledged to introduce legislation in the UK Parliament to set up the legacy
bodies proposed in the 2014 Stormont House Agreement. In March 2020, the UK government
outlined its intentions for the new legacy mechanisms. UK Secretary of State for Northern Ireland
Brandon Lewis asserted that the UK government would “remain true to the principles of the
Stormont House Agreement” but essential y suggested some significant changes in an effort to
put “greater emphasis on gathering information for families” and “moving at a faster pace to
retrieve knowledge before it is lost” to the passage of time.29
Instead of the two separate HIU and ICIR bodies cal ed for in the Stormont House Agreement,
Secretary of State Lewis proposed a single “independent body” to “oversee and manage both the
information recovery and investigative aspects of the legacy system” in order to ensure the
investigations were “effective and thorough, but quick.”30 Under the UK government’s plan, the
vast majority of cases stemming from the Troubles would not be expected to receive full police
investigations or to be referred for prosecution (although victim’s families stil would receive
reports). The UK government claims this approach would “end the cycle of reinvestigations that
has failed victims and veterans for too long”; once cases were considered and a decision reached,
there would be a “legal bar” on any future investigations.31
The UK’s March 2020 proposal was widely rejected by Sinn Fein, other nationalists, and many
human rights organizations as short-changing victims and families and as impeding due process
and the delivery of justice. The Irish government also expressed substantial concerns and noted
28 Anne Cadwallader, “Bereaved Families Have a Right to the T ruth,” Irish Times, December 31, 2015; “Villiers Meets
U.S. Lawyers in Bid to Resolve National Security Veto Dispute,” Belfast Telegraph, February 17, 2016; Gareth
Gordon, “T roubles Legacy Consultation Launched by Government,” BBC News, May 11, 2018.
29 Secretary of State for Northern Ireland Brandon Lewis, Statement to the UK Parliament, “Addressing Northern
Ireland Legacy Issues,” March 18, 2020, at https://questions-statements.parliament.uk/written-statements/detail/2020-
03-18/HCWS168.
30 Ibid.
31 UK Government Press Release, “UK Government Sets Out Way Forward on the Legacy of the Past in Northern
Ireland,” March 18, 2020.
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that any changes to the legacy approach as outlined in the 2014 Stormont House Agreement must
be agreed between the UK and Irish governments. The UK House of Common’s Northern Ireland
Affairs Committee initiated an investigation and issued an interim report in October 2020 that
was highly critical of the government’s proposal. Some observers view the approach proposed by
the government as backtracking on the commitments in the Stormont House Agreement in the
interest of making concessions to unionists and some Members of Parliament who argue that
British soldiers should not be prosecuted for actions taken in service to the state in Northern
Ireland. Those against prosecutions of British veterans also contend that doing so would reopen
old wounds in Northern Ireland and be detrimental to the peace process.32
The issue of prosecuting former British soldiers who served in Northern Ireland during the
Troubles remains contentious. During the 2019 UK general election, Prime Minister Johnson
pledged to protect veterans from prosecutions related to their past service in Northern Ireland. In
April 2021, however, the UK minister for veterans essential y accused the government of failing
to shield former soldiers from Troubles-era prosecutions (he was forced to resign his ministerial
position subsequently). In May 2021, the trial of two former British soldiers accused of
murdering a republican paramilitary in 1972 collapsed due to a lack of admissible evidence. Four
other soldiers who served in Northern Ireland continue to face prosecution for their actions during
the Troubles.33 Questions about dealing with Northern Ireland’s legacy of violence and pursuing
justice have been highlighted further by the May 2021 findings of a coroner’s inquest into ten
deaths in August 1971 in the Bal ymurphy area of Belfast; the inquest concluded that al ten
people kil ed were “entirely innocent” and that nine of the ten were kil ed by the British Army
(the inquest could not definitively determine who had shot the tenth victim).34
The UK government did not introduce a bil on legacy issues in 2020, but is expected to bring
forward legislation in 2021 to deal with past violence in Northern Ireland. The UK government
asserts that the forthcoming legislation wil seek to address the needs of both victims and
veterans.35 Media reports suggest that similar to the government’s March 2020 proposal, the new
legislation is to focus on information recovery, but also may effectively ban Troubles-related
prosecutions of former soldiers and former republican and loyalist paramilitaries.
The Irish government and many nationalists have reacted largely negatively to a possible ban on
prosecutions of former soldiers. Sinn Fein President Mary Lou McDonald, for example, asserted
that any such proposal would be “an attempt to put British soldiers above the law,” continue what
many in the nationalist community view as the UK government’s “decades long cover-ups,” and
further frustrate families “in their efforts to get truth and justice.”36 Meanwhile, the DUP and
32 Julian O’Neill, “New Plan for NI T roubles Cases to ‘Limit’ Investigations,” BBC News, March 18, 2020; Irish
Government Press Release, “Statement by T anaiste on UK Government Legacy Announcement,” March 18, 2020; UK
House of Commons Northern Ireland Affairs Committee, Addressing the Legacy of Northern Ireland’s Past: the
Government’s New Proposals (Interim Report), October 26, 2020, at https://committees.parliament.uk/publications/
3186/documents/29458/default/.
33 “Johnny Mercer: T ory MP Resigns as Defense Minister,” BBC News, April 20,2021; David Young, “ T rial of British
Army Veterans Accused of Official IRA Leader’s Murder Collapses,” Irish Times, May 4, 2021.
34 A coroner’s inquest is a fact -finding exercise to determine the circumstances of a death; it is not a trial and the
coroner does not decide questions of criminal or civil liability. For more information on the Ballymurphy inquest, see
Colm Kelpie, “Ballymurphy Inquest: Coroner Finds 10 Victims Were Innocent,” BBC News, May 11, 2021. Also see
UK House of Commons Library, Investigations of Form er Arm ed Forces Personnel Who Served in Northern Ireland ,
February 22, 2021.
35 UK Government, Queen’s Speech 2021: Background Briefing Notes, May 11, 2021, at https://www.gov.uk/
government/publications/queens-speech-2021-background-briefing-notes.
36 As quoted in BBC News, “T roubles: Unilateral Move by UK on Veterans Would ‘Breach T rust,’” May 6, 2021.
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other unionists regard former paramilitaries as “terrorists,” object to any “moral equivalency”
between the actions of soldiers and paramilitaries, and oppose any potential ban on prosecuting
former paramilitaries.37
Remaining Paramilitary Issues and Dissident Activity
Paramilitary Concerns
Experts contend the major republican and loyalist paramilitary organizations active during the
Troubles are now committed to the political process and remain on cease-fire. However, the
apparent continued existence of some groups and their engagement in criminality worries many
in both the unionist and the nationalist communities. In response to heightened concerns about
paramilitary activity in Northern Ireland in 2015, the UK government commissioned a study on
the status of republican and loyalist paramilitary groups.38 This review found that al the main
paramilitary groups operating during the Troubles stil exist, but they are on cease-fire and the
leadership of each group, “to different degrees,” is “committed to peaceful means to achieve their
political objectives.” At the same time, the review concluded that individual members of
paramilitary groups stil represent a threat to national security, including through their
involvement in organized crime, and “there is regular unsanctioned activity including behavior in
direct contravention of leadership instruction.”39
The 2015 Fresh Start Agreement sought to address concerns about the main paramilitary groups
in Northern Ireland. Among other measures, it enumerated a set of principles that cal upon
members of the Assembly and the Executive to work toward disbanding al paramilitary
organizations and to take no instructions from such groups. The agreement also cal ed for
establishing a new, four-member international body to monitor paramilitary activity and to report
annual y on progress toward ending such activity. The resulting Independent Reporting
Commission (IRC) began work in 2017; the UK and Irish governments each named one
representative to the IRC, and the Northern Ireland Executive named two.40 In its third annual
report, released in November 2020, the IRC asserted that paramilitarism “remains a reality of
Northern Ireland life” and urged tackling continued paramilitary activity with a “twin track”
approach that combines policing and criminal justice responses with measures to address the
underlying socioeconomic chal enges facing communities in which paramilitaries operate.41
Concerns persist about the influence of paramilitaries in Northern Ireland society. In early March
2021, loyalist paramilitary groups announced they were withdrawing support for the Good Friday
Agreement temporarily due to concerns about the implementation of the post-Brexit trade
37 “T roubles Prosecutions Limit ‘Should Apply to All,’” BBC News, April 21, 2021; “Ballymurphy Inquest: Anger
Over Manner of PM Apology,” BBC News, May 13, 2021.
38 T he 2015 assessment focused on the following paramilitary groups: the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF); the Red Hand
Commando (RHC); the Ulster Defense Association (UDA, which also conducted attacks under the name of the Ulster
Freedom Fighters, or UFF); the South East Antrim (SEA) group of the UDA; Loyalist Volunteer Force (LVF); the Irish
Republican Army (IRA, also known as the Provisional Irish Republican Army, or PIRA); and the Irish National
Liberation Army (INLA).
39 Government of the UK, Independent Report: Assessment on Paramilitary Groups in Northern Ireland, October 20,
2015, at https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/assessment -on-paramilitary-groups-in-northern-ireland.
40 T he UK government chose former U.S. Special Envoy for Northern Ireland Mitchell Reiss as its representative on
the IRC. Reiss served as special envoy in the George W. Bush Administration from 2003 to 2007.
41 Independent Reporting Commission Third Report, November 17, 2020, at https://www.ircommission.org/news-
centre/irc-third-report.
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arrangements for Northern Ireland that they view as dividing Northern Ireland from the rest of the
UK and threatening the union. Although these loyalist groups remain on cease-fire, they also
warn that the current Brexit-related problems, if not resolved, could lead to the “permanent
destruction” of the peace accord (see “Implications of Brexit,” below).42
The Dissident Threat
Security assessments indicate that dissident republican and loyalist groups not on cease-fire and
opposed to the 1998 peace accord continue to present serious threats. The aforementioned 2015
review of paramilitary groups maintained that the most significant terrorist threat in Northern
Ireland was posed not by the groups evaluated in that report but rather by dissident republicans.
The review described dissident loyalist groups as posing another, albeit “smal er,” threat.
At the same time, experts note that dissident groups do not have the same capacity to mount a
sustained terror campaign as the IRA did between the 1970s and the 1990s. Most of the dissident
republican groups are smal in comparison to the IRA during the height of the Troubles.43
According to UK security services, there are currently four main dissident republican groups: the
Continuity IRA (CIRA); Óglaigh na hÉireann (ÓNH); Arm na Poblachta (ANP), and the New
IRA (which reportedly was formed in 2012). These groups have sought to target police officers,
prison officers, and other members of the security services in particular. Between 2009 and 2017,
dissident republicans were responsible for the deaths of two PSNI officers, two British soldiers,
and two prison officers.44
In January 2018, ÓNH declared itself on cease-fire, although a smal splinter group formed in
opposition to the cease-fire. The other groups remain active, and authorities warn the threat posed
by the New IRA in particular is severe. Police suspect the New IRA was responsible for a January
2019 car bomb that exploded in Londonderry (or Derry). As noted above, the New IRA claimed
responsibility for kil ing journalist Lyra McKee in April 2019. Many observers noted a slight
uptick in dissident republican activity in 2019, especial y in border regions, as the New IRA and
the Continuity IRA sought to exploit the stalemates over both Northern Ireland’s devolved
government and Brexit. Security services also report a “growing sophistication” in dissident
republican explosive devices and that the New IRA has attempted to obtain weapons overseas.45
Economic Development and Equal Opportunity
Many assert that one of the best ways to ensure a lasting peace in Northern Ireland and deny
dissident groups new recruits is to promote continued economic development and equal
opportunity for Catholics and Protestants. Northern Ireland’s economy has made considerable
advances since the 1990s. Between 1997 and 2007, Northern Ireland’s economy grew an average
42 As quoted in Guy Faulconbridge and Amanda Ferguson, “Northern Irish Loyalist Paramilitaries Withdraw Support
for 1998 Peace Deal,” Reuters, March 4, 2021. Also see Shawn Pogatchnik, “Who Are the Northern Ireland Loyalists
T hreatening to Shun Peace Deal over Brexit Fears?,” Politico, March 5, 2021.
43 David McKittrick, “Northern Ireland: T he Peace Process and the Dissident Menace,” The Independent, February 18,
2014; Richard English, “Why Republican Dissidents Have Not —And Will Not—Go Away,” Irish Times, July 19,
2017.
44 MI5, “Northern Ireland,” at https://www.mi5.gov.uk/northern-ireland.
45 Naomi O’Leary, “Northern Ireland Bomb Is a Warning We Can’t Ignore,” January 22, 2019; Julian O’Neill, “Q&A:
Why Is Dissident Republican Activity on the Rise?,” BBC News, September 15, 2019; “Security Report Warns of
Dissidents’ Growing Sophistication,” BBC News, April 30, 2020; Julian O’Neill, “New IRA ‘Still Dangerous’ After
MI5 and PSNI’s Operation Arbacia,” BBC News, September 30, 2020.
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of 5.6% annual y (marginal y above the UK average of 5.4%). Unemployment decreased from
over 17% in the 1980s to 4.3% by 2007.46 The 2008-2009 global recession affected the region,
however, and economic recovery was slow and uneven over much of the last decade.
As in the rest of the UK, Northern Ireland’s economy has been severely impacted by the COVID-
19 pandemic and resulting restrictions on social and business activity. Northern Ireland’s
economic output fel by 13.3% in the second quarter of 2020 (April to June) during the height of
the first COVID-19 lockdown. Although economic output in Northern Ireland rebounded in the
third quarter of 2020 (July to September) to 15.1% growth, it decreased by 1.4% in the fourth
quarter (October to December). Although Northern Ireland’s economy declined by 2.8% in real
terms over the year to December 2020, this was a slower rate of decline in comparison to the UK
average decline of 7.3%. As of early 2021, the unemployment rate in Northern Ireland was 3.7%,
an increase of 1.2 percentage points over the previous year but lower than the UK average
unemployment rate of 4.9%.47
Both the UK government and the Northern Ireland Executive have implemented a range of
measures to mitigate COVID-19’s adverse economic effects. These measures include financial
support to enable businesses to retain workers, assistance for the self-employed, government-
backed loans for businesses, and additional funding for public services.48 Some experts suggest
Northern Ireland’s economic recovery could be slower than recovery in the rest of the UK, given
the lingering effects of the 2008-2009 recession and the region’s relatively lower levels of
competitiveness.49
Other long-standing economic difficulties and disparities also persist in Northern Ireland. Income
levels and living standards in Northern Ireland remain below the UK average. Of the UK’s 12
economic regions, Northern Ireland had the fifth-lowest gross value added per capita in 2018
(£25,981, or about $33,900), below the UK’s average (£32,216, or about $42,032).50 Northern
Ireland has both a high rate of economic inactivity (28%) and a high proportion of working-age
individuals with no formal qualifications. Studies indicate that the historical y poorest areas in
Northern Ireland (many of which bore the brunt of the Troubles) remain so and that many of the
areas considered to be the most deprived are predominantly Catholic.51
At the same time, Northern Ireland has made strides in promoting equality in its workforce. The
gap in economic activity rates between Protestants and Catholics has shrunk considerably since
1992 (when there was a 10-percentage-point difference) and has largely converged in the last few
years. The most recent data available indicate that in 2017, the economic activity rate was 70%
46 Orla Ryan, “Northern Ireland’s Economic Fears,” BBC News, June 22, 2001; Northern Ireland Executive Economic
Strategy, Consultation on Priorities for Sustainable Growth and Prosperity, January 2011.
47 Northern Ireland Statistics and Research Agency, Northern Ireland Composite Economic Index Quarter 4 2020,
April 8, 2021; Northern Ireland Statistics and Research Agency, Northern Ireland Labour Market Report, April 20,
2021.
48 Northern Ireland Assembly Research and Information Service, Overview of COVID-19 Funding in NI and the
Econom ic Im plications: An Update, December 16, 2020; UK T reasury, “ Extra £800 Million to Support Scotland,
Wales and Northern Ireland through Covid-19 T his Year,” press release, December 24, 2020.
49 Esmond Birnie and Graham Brownlow, “How Will Covid-19 Affect Northern Ireland’s Economy?,”
EconomicsObservatory.com, May 28, 2020.
50 Gross value added (GVA) is similar, although not exactly equivalent, to gross domestic product; the UK government
uses GVA as the measure to compare regional economic performance. House of Commons Library Brief ing Paper,
Regional and Country Econom ic Indicators, February 21, 2021.
51 Northern Ireland Statistics and Research Agency, Northern Ireland Multiple Deprivation Measures 2017, November
2017; John Campbell, “Belfast Home to Half of NI’s 100 Most Deprived Ar eas,” BBC News, November 24, 2017.
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for Protestants and 67% for Catholics. In addition, the percentage point gap in unemployment
rates between the two communities decreased from 9% in 1992 to 0% in 2017.52
Over the past decade, efforts to improve Northern Ireland’s long-term economic performance
have sought to promote export-led growth and to decrease Northern Ireland’s economic
dependency on the public sector by growing the private sector. The public sector accounts for
about 27% of total employment in the region.53 Northern Ireland policymakers also have focused
on attracting more foreign investment. In February 2021, the Northern Ireland Executive
proposed a £290 mil ion (about $402 mil ion) COVID-19 economic recovery action plan—cal ed
Rebuilding a Stronger Economy—centered on developing a higher skil ed and more agile
workforce; stimulating research and innovation; building a greener economy; and promoting
investment, trade, and exports.54
Resurgence of Rioting and Violence in March-April 2021
In late March and early April 2021, sporadic violence and rioting erupted for roughly 12 days in
several cities and towns in Northern Ireland, including Belfast and Londonderry. The unrest
began with gangs of youths in a predominantly unionist/loyalist area of Londonderry on March
29; rioting in Belfast on April 7—including attacks on police officers and a bus—was described
as some of the worst violence seen in Northern Ireland in years. Almost 90 police officers were
injured over the course of the violence.55
Much of the unrest was concentrated in economical y disadvantaged communities where criminal
gangs linked to loyalist paramilitaries have considerable influence, but the violence also spread to
interface areas between unionist and nationalist neighborhoods. Although initial assessments
suggested that loyalist paramilitaries could be orchestrating the riots and violence in some areas,
Northern Ireland police authorities subsequently concluded that while individuals with ties to
such loyalist groups may have been involved, the unrest was not sanctioned or organized by the
groups.56 The Northern Ireland Assembly unanimously condemned the violence, as did the UK
and Irish governments.57
A complex combination of factors lie behind the unrest. Considerable attention has focused on
unionist unhappiness with the post-Brexit border and customs arrangements for Northern Ireland.
Amid other demographic, political, and societal changes in Northern Ireland, the post-Brexit
arrangements appear to have exacerbated unionist concerns that their British identity is under
threat and enhanced a sense of unionist disenfranchisement and abandonment. Some analysts
suggest that strong rhetoric against the Brexit arrangements from unionist politicians may have
fueled tensions in unionist/loyalist communities further, and contributed to instigating the unrest.
52 Northern Ireland Executive Office, Labour Force Survey Religion Report 2017, January 31, 2019.
53 Northern Ireland Statistics and Research Agency, Northern Ireland Quarterly Employment Survey, December 15,
2020.
54 Northern Ireland Department for the Economy, Economic Recovery Action Plan, February 25, 2021, at
https://www.economy-ni.gov.uk/publications/economic-recovery-action-plan.
55 Jordan Kenny, “T imeline: How Northern Ireland’s Violence Unfolded,” BBC News, April 12, 2021; “Belfast:
Rioting ‘Was Worst Seen in Northern Ireland in Years,’” BBC News, April 14, 2021.
56 Lisa O’Carroll, “Northern Ireland Police Say Paramilitaries Not Behind Recent Violence,” Guardian, April 9, 2021;
Laura Noonan, “Criminal Gangs Blamed for Stoking Northern Ireland Violence,” Financial Times, April 14, 2021.
57 Peter Foster and Jim Brunsden, “London and Dublin Call for Calm After Fresh Riots in Northern Ireland,” Financial
Tim es, April 8, 2021; David Young, Rebecca Black, and James Ward, “ Stormont Ministers Unite to Condemn Violence
and Rioting,” Belfast Telegraph, April 8, 2021.
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At the same time, observers note that the immediate spark for the violence followed a decision in
late March 2021 by Northern Ireland authorities not to prosecute violations of COVID-19 social
distancing restrictions and public health protocols at a 2,000-person funeral in June 2020 for a
former high-ranking IRA official. The funeral was attended by Sinn Fein leadership, including
Deputy First Minister O’Neil . For many unionists, this incident—and what they regarded as a
lack of police enforcement of the COVID-19 restrictions on the funeral—reinforced their long-
standing views of a double-standard in policing and the judiciary in favor of nationalists, and
more broadly, a sense that the 1998 peace accord has benefited nationalists and republicans more
than the unionist and loyalist communities. Additional factors behind the rioting also may include
frustration and boredom due to the COVID-19 lockdowns, especial y among young people from
economical y-deprived areas.58
Implications of Brexit59
In the UK’s June 2016 public referendum on EU membership, voters in Northern Ireland favored
remaining in the EU, 56% to 44% (the UK overal voted in favor of leaving, 52% to 48%). The
UK withdrew from the EU on January 31, 2020, but continued to apply EU rules and to
participate in the EU’s single market and customs union until the end of an 11-month transition
period that concluded on December 31, 2020. Brexit has added to divisions within Northern
Ireland and poses considerable chal enges, with potential implications for Northern Ireland’s
peace process, economy, and, in the longer term, constitutional status.
The Irish Border and the Withdrawal Agreement
At the time of the 1998 Good Friday Agreement, the EU membership of both the UK and the
Republic of Ireland was regarded as essential to underpinning the political settlement by
providing a common European identity for unionists and nationalists in Northern Ireland. EU law
also provided a supporting framework for guaranteeing the human rights, equality, and
nondiscrimination provisions of the peace accord. Since 1998, as security checkpoints were
dismantled in accordance with the peace agreement, and because both the UK and Ireland
belonged to the EU’s single market and customs union, the circuitous 300-mile land border
between Northern Ireland and Ireland effectively disappeared. The open border served as an
important political and psychological symbol on both sides of the sectarian divide and helped
produce a dynamic cross-border economy.
Preventing a hard border with customs checks and physical infrastructure on the island of Ireland
was a key goal, and a major stumbling block, in negotiating the UK’s withdrawal agreement with
the EU. UK, Irish, and EU leaders asserted repeatedly that they did not desire a hard border post-
Brexit. Security assessments suggested that if border or custom posts were reinstated, violent
dissident groups opposed to the peace process would view such infrastructure as targets,
endangering the lives of police and customs officers. Experts feared that such violence would
threaten the region’s security and stability and potential y put the entire peace process at risk.
58 Shawn Pogatchnik, “Northern Ireland ‘Playing with Matches’ Amid Brexit T rade Deal T ensions,” Politico, April 7,
2021; Stephen Castle, “Northern Ireland Sees Spasm of Violence as Old T ensions Resurface,” New York Times, April
8, 2021; Dan Haverty, “How Brexit Lit the Fuse in Northern Ireland,” Foreign Policy, April 13, 2021.
59 For more information on Brexit, see CRS Report R46730, Brexit: Overview, Trade, and Northern Ireland,
coordinated by Derek E. Mix.
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Many in Northern Ireland and Ireland also were eager to maintain an open border to ensure
“frictionless” trade, safeguard the North-South economy, and protect community relations. People
in border communities worried that any hardening of the border could affect daily travel across
the border to work, shop, or visit family and friends. Estimates suggest there are upward of 300
public and private border crossing points along the border today; during the Troubles, only a
fraction of crossing points were open, and hour-long delays due to security measures and
bureaucratic hurdles were common.60
Post-Brexit Arrangements for Northern Ireland
Devising a mechanism to maintain an open border was complicated by the UK government’s
decision to keep the UK outside of the EU’s single market and customs union. In early 2019, the
UK Parliament rejected the initial UK-EU withdrawal agreement three times, in large part
because of concerns about the backstop for the Irish border, which would have kept the UK inside
the EU customs union until the UK and EU determined their future trade relationship. Some
Brexit advocates contended that Ireland and the EU were exaggerating and exploiting the security
concerns about the border to keep the UK close to the EU. Those of this view noted that, although
the Good Friday Agreement commits the UK to normalizing security arrangements—including
the removal of security instal ations “consistent with the level of threat”—it does not explicitly
require an open border. The Irish government and many in Northern Ireland—as wel as most UK
officials—argued that an open border had become intrinsic to peace on the island of Ireland.61
In October 2019, EU and UK negotiators reached a revised withdrawal agreement with a
renegotiated Protocol on Ireland/Northern Ireland to ensure an open border on the island of
Ireland while safeguarding the rules of the EU single market.62 Under the terms of the protocol,
Northern Ireland remains legal y in the UK customs territory but maintains regulatory alignment
with the EU. In effect, this arrangement keeps Northern Ireland for al practical purposes in the
EU single market and customs union, thus eliminating the need for regulatory checks on trade in
goods between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland but essential y creating a customs
border in the Irish Sea. Any physical checks necessary to ensure customs compliance are to be
conducted at ports or points of entry away from the Northern Ireland-Ireland land border, with no
checks or infrastructure at this border.
The DUP strongly opposed these “Northern Ireland-only” arrangements, contending the effective
customs border in the Irish Sea would divide Northern Ireland from the rest of the UK and
threaten the UK’s constitutional integrity. In light of the large majority won by Prime Minister
Johnson’s Conservative Party in the December 2019 UK parliamentary elections, however, the
DUP lost political influence and was unable to block approval of the renegotiated withdrawal
agreement. Both the UK and the EU subsequently ratified the withdrawal agreement, thus
enabling the UK to end its 47-year membership in the EU in January 2020.
60 Sarah Lyall, “On Irish Border, Worries T hat Brexit Will Undo a Hard-Won Peace,” New York Times, August 5,
2017; Henry McDonald, “Police Chief Says ‘Hard Brexit’ Irish Border Would Be Paramilitary T arget,” Guardian,
February 7, 2018; Maeve Sheehan, “Irish Army Identifies 300 Border Crossing Points,” Belfast Telegraph, December
17, 2018.
61 John Campbell, “Brexit: Does the Irish Peace Accord Rule Out a Hard Border?,” BBC News, January 30, 2019; T om
McT ague, “Brexit’s Ulster Problem,” Politico, June 12, 2019.
62 Department for Exiting the European Union, New Withdrawal Agreement and Political Declaration, October 19,
2019, at https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/new-withdrawal-agreement -and-political-declaration.
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Concerns about a hard border developing on the island of Ireland mostly receded following the
UK Parliament’s approval of the withdrawal agreement and the Ireland/Northern Ireland protocol.
In December 2020, the Joint Committee of UK and EU officials reached an agreement on
implementing the protocol after the end of the transition period. Among other issues, the Joint
Committee agreed on a process for checks on animals and plants and rules for the supply of
medicines and food products entering Northern Ireland from the rest of the UK; the EU presence
in Northern Ireland; export declaration requirements; and criteria for goods to be considered “not
at risk” of entering the EU (and thus not subject to tariffs).63 The UK government also withdrew
controversial provisions in its draft Internal Market Bil (adopted in December 2020 as the United
Kingdom Internal Market Act 2020) that would have al owed UK officials to override parts of the
Ireland/Northern Ireland protocol in the absence of a Joint Committee implementation agreement
and UK-EU trade deal.
Ongoing Tensions and Challenges
Brexit has exacerbated political and societal divisions in Northern Ireland. Even before Brexit,
demographic trends in Northern Ireland (in which the population gap between Protestants and
Catholics is narrowing) and changes in societal attitudes (especial y among young people, who
may not be as wedded to traditional religious or ethnic identities) were causing some in the
unionist community to perceive a loss in unionist traditions and dominance. The new post-Brexit
trade arrangements for Northern Ireland appear to be enhancing this sense of unionist
disenfranchisement, partly by raising fears that Northern Ireland wil be drawn closer to the
Republic of Ireland’s economic orbit post-Brexit and that this could be a precursor to a united
Ireland. As discussed above, unionist and loyalist unease with the post-Brexit arrangements for
Northern Ireland contributed to the outbreak of violence and unrest in the region in early 2021.64
Meanwhile, long-standing nationalist doubts about the trustworthiness of the UK government
were heightened by the controversy over the Internal Market Bil . Although many analysts
believe the subsequently withdrawn provisions in the bil largely were an attempt by the UK
government to gain leverage during the contentious UK-EU trade negotiations, the incident
further eroded trust within Northern Ireland, as wel as between the UK and Irish governments.
As the guarantors of the Good Friday Agreement, cooperation between the UK and Ireland is
deemed essential to the accord’s continued functioning and implementation.65
Since the Ireland/Northern Ireland protocol took effect on January 1, 2021, some chal enges have
arisen in implementing the post-Brexit arrangements. The new customs and regulatory
requirements on goods entering Northern Ireland from the rest of the UK have posed trade and
administrative difficulties for some businesses and consumers in Northern Ireland. Problems have
included shipping delays and product shortages, especial y for Northern Ireland supermarkets
63 T he UK-EU T rade and Cooperation Agreement concluded in December 2020 is expected to further reduce concerns
about “at risk” goods as the deal provides for tariff-free and quota-free merchandise trade between the UK and the EU
(if rules of origin requirements are met). “ Brexit: UK and EU Reach Deal on Northern Ireland Border Checks,” BBC
News, December 8, 2020; European Commission, “Questions and Answers: Joint Committee Formally Adopts a Set of
Implementation Measures Related to the EU-UK Withdrawal Agreement,” December 17, 2020.
64 Ceylan Yeginsu, “In Northern Ireland, Brexit Deal Is Seen as Betrayal,” New York Times, October 24, 2019; Dieter
Reinisch, “After Brexit, Will Northern Ireland Return to Violence?,” Washington Post, December 5, 2019; Simon
Carswell, “Loyalists on Brexit: A One-Way Route to an Economic United Ireland,” Irish Times, January 30, 2020;
Rory Carroll, “Northern Ireland Clashes Reflect Loyalists’ Fear of Marginalisation,” Guardian, April 5, 2021.
65 Matthew O’T oole, “Of Course the Internal Market Bill T hreatens Northern Ireland,” Politico, September 23, 2020;
Etain T annam and Mary C. Murphy, “T he Internal Market Bill May Further Erode T rust and Security in
Ireland/Northern Ireland,” London School of Economics, September 24, 2020.
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dependent on suppliers elsewhere in the UK (despite grace periods ranging from three months to
a year for full implementation of the new rules).66 In early February 2021, customs and regulatory
checks at Northern Ireland ports were suspended temporarily amid reported loyalist threats to port
workers and EU officials. Northern Ireland police officials subsequently determined there were
no credible threats, but the incident sparked a dispute between nationalists and unionists within
Northern Ireland’s devolved government.67
In addition, in late January 2021, renewed UK-EU tensions arose after the Ireland/Northern
Ireland protocol became entangled in EU efforts to control the export of COVID-19 vaccines
outside the bloc. The EU initial y planned to trigger Article 16 of the protocol—an emergency
override mechanism available to either the UK or the EU—to prevent vaccines being exported
from Northern Ireland to the rest of the UK. Invoking Article 16 could have resulted in border
checks between Northern Ireland and Ireland. Although the EU almost immediately reversed
itself on invoking Article 16 amid a diplomatic outcry from UK, Irish, and Northern Ireland
officials, the incident is widely viewed as cal ing into question Northern Ireland’s post-Brexit
arrangements. The EU claimed that invoking Article 16 as part of the bloc ’s new vaccine export
control regulation was a simple mistake made in haste, but this error has helped to bolster the
DUP’s claim that the protocol is “unworkable.”68
The DUP and other unionists subsequently began urging the UK government to abandon the
protocol by invoking Article 16 itself. First Minister Foster asserted that the EU’s wil ingness to
invoke Article 16 had “lowered the bar” for the UK to do the same.69 Among other steps in an
escalating campaign against the protocol, the DUP and other unionists launched legal action to
chal enge the protocol in judicial review proceedings. The DUP argues that the new customs and
regulatory arrangements for Northern Ireland violate the UK Act of Union, which guarantees
unfettered trade throughout the UK, and were imposed without the consent of the public (which it
claims also violates provisions in the Good Friday Agreement). In addition, DUP leaders asserted
that they would not cooperate with the Irish government in implementing the protocol, and some
have boycotted meetings of the North-South Ministerial Council.70
The UK government has been reluctant to discard the Northern Ireland protocol. UK officials
have been seeking to resolve operational problems with the EU and have cal ed for additional
implementation flexibilities, such as extending the grace periods that limit checks on agri-food
products, medicines, and other items until 2023. EU officials, however, have raised concerns
about how the UK is implementing certain aspects of the protocol.71
66 Physical checks necessary to ensure customs compliance are now being conducted at ports or points of entry on the
northeast coast of Northern Ireland upon arrival from the UK. Conor Macauley, “Problems in First Week of Post-deal
GB-NI T rade,” BBC News, January 6, 2021; Shawn Pogatchnik, “ Supermarket Pleas Mount as Brexit Leaves Northern
Ireland Shelves Bare,” Politico, January 13, 2021.
67 Shawn Pogatchnik, “Inspectors Pulled from Brexit Checks at Northern Ireland Ports over T hreats,” Politico,
February 2, 2021; Freya McClements, “ Brexit Checks to Resume at NI Ports Following T hreats,” Irish Tim es, February
9, 2021.
68 “Arlene Foster Urges PM to Replace ‘Unworkable’ NI Brexit Deal,” BBC News, January 30, 2 021; David M.
Herszenhorn and Jakob Hanke Vela, “EU Drops Irish Border Move in Plan to Curb Vaccine Exports,” Politico, January
30, 2021.
69 As quoted in Shawn Pogatchnik, “Brexit Protocol Row Adds Pressure to Northern Ireland Unionists,” Politico,
February 4, 2021.
70 “Brexit: DUP Vows to Send ‘Strong Message’ to Irish Government over NI Protocol,” BBC News, February 2,
2021; Brian Hutton, “DUP Plans Legal Challenge to Northern Ireland Protocol,” Irish Times, February 21, 2021.
71 Lisa O’Carroll, Heather Stewart, and Daniel Boffey, “UK in ‘Constructive’ T alks with EU Over Northern Ireland
Protocol,” Guardian, February 3, 2021; Denis Staunton and Naomi O’Leary, “UK and EU Appear to Harden Positions
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With the end of the first grace period approaching and with UK-EU talks over an extension
largely stal ed, the UK government announced in early March 2021 that it would unilateral y
extend the first grace period, due to expire on April 1 (for parcels and certain agri-food products),
for six months, until October 1, 2021. The UK government also unilateral y relaxed EU
restrictions on the movement of plants and used agricultural machinery into Northern Ireland
from the rest of the UK.72 EU officials claimed these steps were in breach of international law and
would undermine trust between the UK and the EU. The EU has launched a legal infringement
process against the UK for breaching the provisions of the Northern Ireland protocol. The
infringement process could ultimately lead to the UK’s referral to the European Court of Justice,
potential fines, and/or the imposition of tariffs on imports of goods from the UK. Talks between
the UK and the EU to resolve the trade difficulties resulting from the protocol are ongoing.73
The difficulties with the protocol’s implementation have heightened tensions between the UK, the
EU, and Ireland. They also have increased frictions between the unionist and nationalist
communities, as seen by the riots and violence in late March and early April 2021. UK officials
express concern that growing unionist unhappiness with the post-Brexit arrangements could
increasingly threaten stability in Northern Ireland. As noted above, in early March 2021, loyalist
paramilitary groups withdrew support for the Good Friday Agreement temporarily due to
concerns about the protocol and the effective customs border in the Irish Sea. Sinn Fein and other
nationalists contend the UK government has reneged on commitments made in the Northern
Ireland protocol and accused the UK government of pursuing a “reckless and partisan approach”
to its implementation.74
Some analysts note that the DUP’s incoming new leader, Edwin Poots, is considered a hard-line
opponent of the post-Brexit arrangements. As Northern Ireland agriculture minister, for example,
Poots has resisted constructing permanent border control posts at Northern Ireland ports to check
products arriving from the rest of the UK and refused to take part in North-South Ministerial
Council meetings. In his bid for DUP leader, Poots pledged to intensify opposition to the
Northern Ireland protocol. News reports suggest concern in both London and Brussels that
Poots’s election as DUP leader could make UK-EU efforts to resolve problems with the
protocol’s implementation more difficult. Other observers suggest that increased DUP action
against the protocol could heighten tensions with Sinn Fein and could lead to the collapse of the
devolved government and early Assembly elections.75
on Implementing Northern Ireland Protocol,” Irish Times, February 11, 2021.
72 Secretary of State for Northern Ireland Brandon Lewis, Written Ministerial Statement to the UK House of Commons,
March 3, 2021, at https://questions-statements.parliament.uk/written-statements/detail/2021-03-03/hcws819. Also see
Shawn Pogatchnik, “Soiled Deal: UK Defies EU Ban on British Dirt on Plants Shipped to Northern Ireland,” Politico,
March 5, 2021.
73 European Commission, “ Withdrawal Agreement: Commission Sends Letter of Formal Notice to the United Kingdom
for Breach of its Obligations Under the Protocol on Ireland and Northern Ireland,” March 15, 2021; Padraic Halpin,
“Ireland Confident of Solution for Post -Brexit Northern Ireland T rade,” Reuters, April 27, 2021; John Campbell,
“Brexit: UK Proposes New Irish Sea Food Checks from October,” BBC News, May 17, 2021.
74 As quoted in Ali Gordon, “Boris Johnson Visits Northern Ireland amid Unionist T ension,” BBC News, March 12,
2021. Also see Guy Faulconbridge, “ Britain Says Unionist Anger over Brexit Deal Could Put Northern Ireland ‘in
Quite a Dangerous Place,’” Reuters, March 19, 2021.
75 Shawn Pogatchnik and Emilio Casalicchio, “Arlene Foster to Quit as Norther Irish First Minister and DUP Leader,”
Politico, April 28, 2021; “ Brexit: Edwin Poots T hreatens Legal Action Over NI Protocol,” BBC News, May 4, 2021;
Rory Carroll, “Edwin Poots: DUP’s New Creationist Leader Is a Savvy Politician,” Guardian, May 14, 2021.
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Economic Concerns
Following the 2016 UK referendum, many experts expressed concern about Brexit’s possible
economic consequences for Northern Ireland. According to a UK parliamentary report, Northern
Ireland depends more on the EU market (and especial y that of Ireland) for its exports than does
the rest of the UK.76 In 2018, approximately 59% of Northern Ireland’s exports went to the EU,
including 37% to Ireland, which was Northern Ireland’s top single export and import partner.77
Significant fears existed in particular that a no-deal Brexit (that is, without a withdrawal
agreement in place) would have jeopardized labor markets and industries that operate on an al -
island basis. Many manufacturers in Northern Ireland and Ireland depend on integrated supply
chains north and south of the border. For example, raw materials that go into making milk,
cheese, butter, and alcoholic drinks often cross the border between Northern Ireland and Ireland
several times for processing and packaging.78 The vast majority of cross-border transactions are
made by micro and smal businesses, which dominate Northern Ireland’s economy.79
UK and DUP leaders maintained that the rest of the UK is overal more important economical y
to Northern Ireland than the EU given the value of exports. In 2018, sales to other parts of the UK
(£10.6 bil ion) were more than double the value of exports to Ireland (£4.2 bil ion) and roughly
four times the value of exports to the rest of the EU (£2.5 bil ion).80 Among the DUP’s objections
to the renegotiated UK-EU withdrawal agreement, the DUP argued that the Northern Ireland
arrangements would be detrimental to the region’s economy, especial y to trade between Northern
Ireland and the rest of the UK. The DUP asserts that such concerns have proven correct given the
supply problems and shipping delays affecting Northern Ireland since the new post-Brexit
customs and regulatory requirements took effect.81
UK officials maintain that the government is determined to safeguard Northern Ireland’s interests
and “make a success of Brexit” for Northern Ireland.82 They insist that Brexit offers new
economic opportunities for Northern Ireland outside the EU. Supporters of the post-Brexit
arrangements for Northern Ireland argue the arrangements wil help to improve the region’s
economic prospects. Northern Ireland remains part of the UK customs union and thus wil be able
to participate in future UK trade deals, but it also retains privileged access to the EU single
market. These provisions may help increase competitiveness of Northern Ireland firms and make
the region a more attractive destination for foreign direct investment.83
76 Report of the UK House of Lords European Union Committee, Brexit: UK-Irish Relations, December 2016.
77 Northern Ireland Statistics and Research Agency, Overview of Northern Ireland Trade, June 15, 2020.
78 Simon Marks, “Brexit Is (Maybe) the Ruin of Irish Whiskey,” Politico, March 3, 2017; Colm Kelpie, “Brexit: How
Would No-Deal Affect Northern Ireland?,” BBC News, September 22, 2019.
79 Northern Ireland Statistics and Research Agency, Overview of Northern Ireland Trade, June 15, 2020.
80 Ibid.
81 John Campbell, “Brexit Deal Could Reduce Spending, Investment, and T rade in NI,” BBC News, October 22, 2019;
Peter Foster, Judith Evans, and Daniel T homas, “Brexit One Month On: What Has Changed?,” Financial Times,
January 31, 2021.
82 UK Government Press Release, “Brokenshire Holds Inaugural Meeting of Northern Ireland Business Advisory
Group,” September 1, 2016; Stephen Walker, “Brexit: Northern Ireland Can Be Success Outside EU,” BBC News,
October 4, 2016.
83 Clodagh Rice, “Brexit: My NI Business Now Has the Best of Both Worlds,” BBC News, February 5, 2021; Sandra
O’Connell, “Businesses Recognize North’s Unique T rading Status Despite Fears,” Irish Times, February 26, 2021.
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Constitutional Status and Border Poll Prospects
Brexit has revived questions about Northern Ireland’s constitutional status. Sinn Fein argues that
“Brexit changes everything” and could generate greater support for a united Ireland.84 Since the
2016 Brexit referendum, Sinn Fein has repeatedly cal ed for a border poll (a referendum on
whether Northern Ireland should remain part of the UK or join the Republic of Ireland) in the
hopes of realizing its long-term goal of Irish unification. As noted previously, the Good Friday
Agreement provides for the possibility of a border poll in Northern Ireland, in line with the
consent principle.
Any decision to hold a border poll in Northern Ireland on its constitutional status rests with the
UK Secretary of State for Northern Ireland. In accordance with the Good Friday Agreement, a
border poll must be cal ed if it “appears likely” that “a majority of those voting would express a
wish that Northern Ireland should cease to be part of the United Kingdom and form part of a
united Ireland.”85 At present, experts believe there is not sufficient evidence to convince the UK
government to cal a referendum on Northern Ireland’s constitutional status. Most opinion polls
indicate that a majority of people in Northern Ireland continue to support the region’s position as
part of the UK. Although a January 2021 survey found that 51% of people in Northern Ireland
would support holding a border poll in the next five years (with 44% opposed and 5% having no
opinion), it also found that 47% favored Northern Ireland remaining in the UK versus 42% in
support of a united Ireland. An April 2021 survey found similar results, with 49% of those polled
in Northern Ireland supporting the region’s continued position within the UK versus 43% for a
united Ireland.86 Prime Minister Johnson reportedly has asserted that there wil be no referendum
on Northern Ireland’s status for “a very, very long time to come.”87
At the same time, experts note that several factors could boost support for a united Ireland and
influence whether a border poll is cal ed in the years ahead. As discussed, Northern Ireland’s
demographics are changing; many experts expect forthcoming census data wil show that
Catholics equal or outnumber Protestants in Northern Ireland. The post-Brexit arrangements for
Northern Ireland could lead to enhanced trade ties with the Republic of Ireland and greater
economic integration (data from early 2021 indicate a significant increase in cross-border trade
since the Northern Ireland protocol took effect). Analysts suggest that nonaligned voters who do
not identify as unionist or nationalist may be the decisive swing bloc in any future border poll and
that such voters are likely to be swayed on the question of Irish unification more by its
implications for issues such as the economy, health care, and pensions than by identity politics.
Unification also may appeal to those in Northern Ireland who opposed Brexit and wish to regain
EU citizenship. In addition, should Sinn Fein win the largest number of seats in the next
Assembly elections in Northern Ireland, this could increase pressure on the UK government to
cal a border poll.88
84 Sinn Fein Discussion Document, Towards a United Ireland, November 2016.
85 UK Government, Northern Ireland Act 1998.
86 Gerry Moriarty, “Poll Finds Majority Favours Holding a Border Poll in Next Five Years,” Irish Times, January 24,
2021; BBC News, “NI 100: Majority Believe NI Will Leave UK Within 25 Years,” April 20, 2021.
87 As quoted in Brian Hutton, “Boris Johnson: No Border Poll for Very Long T ime to Come,” Irish Times, April 20,
2021.
88 T ony Barber, “Brexit Raises the Spectre of the UK’s Break-Up,” Financial Times, October 22, 2019; Alex Kane,
“Unionists May Find Being Bounced into Border Poll Is Boris’s Preferred Op tion,” Irish Times, February 8, 2021;
Peter Foster and Laura Noonan, “Brexit Ignites the Debate About a United Ireland,” Financial Times, April 6, 2021;
John Campbell, “Cross-border T rade in Ireland ‘Has Increased Dramatically’ in 2021,” BBC News, April 15 , 2021.
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Irish unification also would be subject to Ireland’s consent and approval. In Ireland’s February
2020 parliamentary election, Sinn Fein secured the largest percentage of the vote for the first time
in Ireland’s history, and some commentators suggest the party’s electoral success has helped push
the question of unification higher on the political agenda in the Republic of Ireland. Ireland’s
three-party coalition government, consisting of Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael, and the Green Party, has
launched a “Shared Island” initiative to promote cross-border dialogue and research on common
chal enges and the future of the island but has adopted what many view as a “go slow” approach
to the question of Irish unification. The Irish government maintains that voters, both north and
south, must have a clear idea of what a united Ireland would look like—and how unionists would
be accommodated political y—before any border poll is held.89
Some experts question the current extent of support in Ireland for unification, given concerns that
unification could spark renewed loyalist violence in Northern Ireland as wel as the potential
economic costs. The UK provides Northern Ireland annual y with a roughly £10 bil ion (about
$14 bil ion) budget subsidy to make up the shortfal in the region’s tax revenues. Although part of
this subsidy helps to fund Northern Ireland’s share of the UK’s national debt and sizeable defense
spending—costs that would not be incurred to the same extent by Dublin—Northern Ireland’s
budget deficit points to concerns about the region’s economy and reliance on the public sector. An
April 2021 poll found that 67% of people surveyed in Ireland would support unification, but 54%
reported they would be unwilling to pay higher taxes to fund a united Ireland.90
U.S. Policy and Congressional Interests
Support for the Peace Process
Successive U.S. Administrations have viewed the Good Friday Agreement as the best framework
for a lasting peace in Northern Ireland. The Clinton Administration was instrumental in helping
the parties forge the agreement, and the George W. Bush Administration strongly backed its full
implementation. U.S. officials welcomed the end to the IRA’s armed campaign in 2005 and the
restoration of the devolved government in 2007.
The Obama Administration remained engaged in the peace process. In October 2009, then-U.S.
Secretary of State Hil ary Clinton visited Northern Ireland, addressed the Assembly, and urged
Northern Ireland’s leaders to reach an agreement on devolving policing and justice powers. In
February 2010, President Obama welcomed the resulting Hil sborough Agreement. In June 2013,
President Obama visited Northern Ireland and noted that the United States would always “stand
by” Northern Ireland.91 The Obama Administration welcomed the conclusion of both the
December 2014 Stormont House Agreement and the November 2015 Fresh Start Agreement.
Like its predecessors, the Trump Administration offered support and encouragement to Northern
Ireland. In November 2017, a U.S. State Department spokesperson expressed regret at the
impasse in discussions to restore Northern Ireland’s power-sharing institutions and asserted that
89 Naomi O’Leary, “Sinn Fein Surge Makes Irish Political History,” Politico, February 9, 2020; Shawn Pogatchnik and
Giovanna Coi, “Can Northern Ireland Survive Brexit?,” Politico, April 13, 2021.
90 Henry Farrell, “After Britain’s Elections, People Are T alking About a United Ireland. Don’t Hold Your Breath,”
Washington Post, December 13, 2019; Fionnan Sheahan, “ Majority Favour a United Ireland, but Just 22pc Would Pay
for It,” Irish Independent, May 1, 2021; Eoin Burke-Kennedy, “What Would Be the Economic Costs and Benefits of a
United Ireland?,” Irish Times, May 7, 2021.
91 As quoted in BBC News, “G8 Summit: U.S. Will Stand by Northern Ireland, Says Obama,” June 17, 2013.
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the United States remained “ready to support efforts that ensure full implementation of the Good
Friday Agreement and subsequent follow-on cross-party agreements.”92 In March 2020, President
Trump appointed his former acting Chief of Staff Mick Mulvaney as U.S. special envoy to
Northern Ireland.93
President Biden has close ties to Ireland and is a long-standing supporter of the Northern Ireland
peace process. In March 2021, President Biden reiterated strong U.S. support for the Good Friday
Agreement during annual St. Patrick’s Day meetings with officials from the Republic of Ireland
and Northern Ireland. A joint U.S.-Irish statement asserted that the two governments are
“unequivocal y committed” to the 1998 accord, which has served as “the bedrock of peace,
stability, and prosperity in Northern Ireland.”94
Many Members of Congress have actively supported the Northern Ireland peace process for
decades. Congressional hearings have focused on the implementation of the Good Friday
Agreement, policing reforms, and human rights in Northern Ireland. Some Members have been
interested in the status of public inquiries into several past murders in Northern Ireland in which
collusion between the security forces and paramilitary groups is suspected—including the 1989
slaying of Belfast attorney Patrick Finucane and the 1997 kil ing of Raymond Mc Cord, Jr. Most
recently, on May 5, 2021, the House Foreign Affairs Committee’s Subcommittee on Europe,
Energy, the Environment and Cyber held a hearing titled “Reaffirming the Good Friday
Agreement.” Some Members of Congress have urged President Biden to appoint a new special
envoy to Northern Ireland to protect the gains of the peace process in light of recent tensions.95
On the economic front, the United States is a key trading partner and an important source of
investment for Northern Ireland. According to statistics from the Northern Ireland Executive, in
2017, exports to the United States accounted for 17% of total Northern Ireland exports, and
imports from the United States accounted for 10% of total Northern Ireland imports. Foreign
direct investment by U.S.-based companies totaled £1.8 bil ion (about $2.5 bil ion) between 2008
and 2018.96 Between 2009 and 2011, a special U.S. economic envoy to Northern Ireland worked
to further economic ties between the United States and Northern Ireland and to underpin the
peace process by promoting economic prosperity.
Views on Brexit and Northern Ireland
In contrast to President Trump’s support for Brexit, President Biden has maintained a skeptical
view of Brexit since his time as Vice President in the Obama Administration. During the 2020
U.S. presidential election campaign, then-candidate Biden stressed that Brexit must not
undermine the Good Friday Agreement or jeopardize the open border between Northern Ireland
and Ireland. President Biden raised these concerns in a phone cal as President-elect with UK
92 U.S. Department of State, Office of the Spokesperson, “Statement on Northern Ireland Power -Sharing T alks,”
November 1, 2017.
93 Mulvaney resigned as special envoy in January 2021.
94 White House, “ Remarks by President Biden and Prime Minister Martin of Ireland Before Vitual Bilateral Meeting,”
March 17, 2021; White House, “ Joint Statement by President Joe Biden and T aoiseach Micheál Martin ,” March 17,
2021.
95 Suzanne Lynch, “US Politicians Urge Biden to Appoint Northern Ireland Envoy,” Irish Times, May 13, 2021.
96 Northern Ireland Department for the Economy, Trade in Goods Data Analysis Northern Ireland – USA (2015-2017),
June 2018; Northern Ireland Department for the Economy, Northern Ireland Trade and Investm ent Patterns, October 2,
2018.
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Prime Minister Johnson.97 It is unclear whether the Biden Administration wil continue with
negotiations on a post-Brexit U.S.-UK free trade agreement begun by the Trump Administration,
but some observers doubt the Biden Administration wil prioritize a U.S.-UK trade deal amid
competing imperatives, including dealing with COVID-19 and economic recovery.98
The Biden Administration also has conveyed U.S. support for the Northern Ireland protocol.99
U.S. officials note that the Administration views the protocol as “a way to manage the practical
chal enges around the EU single market while preventing a return of a hard border” on the island
of Ireland. At the same time, Administration officials assert that the current difficulties in
implementing the protocol are trade issues for the UK and the EU to resolve and that President
Biden “is interested in having strong relations with both the UK and the EU.”100 In early May
2021, during a visit to London, U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken urged the UK and the EU
“to prioritize political and economic stability in Northern Ireland” in implementing the post-
Brexit arrangements for the region.101
Some Members of Congress also have demonstrated an interest in Brexit’s implications for
Northern Ireland. Although many Members back, in principle, a future U.S.-UK free trade
agreement, some Members have tied their support to protecting the peace process. In April 2019,
House Speaker Nancy Pelosi stated there would be “no chance whatsoever” for a U.S.-UK trade
agreement if Brexit were to weaken the Northern Ireland peace process.102 In December 2019, the
House passed H.Res. 585, reaffirming support for the Good Friday Agreement in light of Brexit
and asserting that any future U.S.-UK trade agreement and other U.S.-UK bilateral agreements
must include conditions to uphold the peace accord. On May 17, 2021, the Senate passed S.Res.
117, expressing support for the Good Friday Agreement and the Ireland/Northern Ireland protocol
and asserting that any future U.S.-UK trade or other bilateral agreements must “take into account”
whether obligations in the Good Friday Agreement are being met.
International Fund for Ireland
The United States has provided development aid to Northern Ireland primarily through the
International Fund for Ireland (IFI), which was created in 1986. The UK and Irish governments
established the IFI based on objectives in the Anglo-Irish Agreement of 1985, but the IFI is an
independent entity. It supports economic regeneration and social development projects in areas
most affected by the conflict in Northern Ireland and in the border areas of the Republic of
Ireland; in doing so, the IFI has sought to foster dialogue and reconciliation. The United States
has contributed more than $540 mil ion since the IFI’s establishment, roughly half of total IFI
funding. The EU, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand have provided funding for the IFI as wel .
97 Patrick Wintour, “Biden and Pelosi Warn UK Over Risking Good Friday Agreement,” The Guardian, September 16,
2020; George Parker and Katrina Manson, “Joe Biden Warns Boris Johnson Not to Let Brexit Upend Northern Ireland
Peace Process,” Financial Times, November 9, 2020.
98 Ryan Heath, “Britain Braces for Not -so-special Relationship with Biden,” Politico, December 31, 2020.
99 See, for example, the White House, “ Readout of Vice President Kamala Harris Meeting with First Minister Arlene
Foster and Deputy First Minister Michelle O’Neill of Northern Ireland,” March 17, 2021.
100 White House, “ Background Press Call by Senior Administration Officials on President Biden’s Upcoming Virtual
Bilateral with Ireland,” March 17, 2021.
101 U.S. Department of State, Secretary Antony J. Blinken and UK Foreign Secretary Dominic Raab at a Joint Press
Availability,” May 3, 2021.
102 Simon Carswell, “Pelosi Warns No US-UK T rade Deal if Belfast Agreement Weakened by Brexit,” Irish Times,
April 15, 2019.
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In the 1980s and 1990s, U.S. appropriations for the IFI averaged around $23 mil ion annual y; in
the 2000s, U.S. appropriations averaged $18 mil ion each year.103
According to the IFI, the vast majority of projects it has supported with seed funding have been
located in disadvantaged areas that have suffered from high unemployment, a lack of facilities,
and little private sector investment. In its first two decades, IFI projects in Northern Ireland and
the southern border counties focused on economic and business development and sectors such as
tourism, agriculture, and technology. In 2006, the IFI announced it would begin shifting its focus
toward projects aimed at promoting community reconciliation and overcoming past divisions.
Successive U.S. Administrations and many Members of Congress have backed the IFI as a means
to promote economic development and encourage divided communities to work together. Support
for paramilitary and dissident groups in Northern Ireland traditional y has been strongest in
communities with high levels of unemployment and economic deprivation. Thus, many observers
have long viewed the creation of jobs and economic opportunity as a key part of resolving the
conflict in Northern Ireland and have supported the IFI as part of the peace process.
Many U.S. officials and Members of Congress also encouraged the IFI to place greater focus on
reconciliation activities and were pleased with the IFI’s decision to do so in 2006. At the same
time, some critics have questioned the IFI’s effectiveness, viewing certain IFI projects as largely
wasteful and unlikely to bridge community divides in any significant way.
In FY2011, amid the U.S. economic and budget crisis, some Members of Congress began to cal
for an end to U.S. funding for the IFI as part of a raft of budget-cutting measures. Some Members
asserted that U.S. contributions to the IFI were no longer necessary given Ireland and Northern
Ireland’s improved political and economic situation (relative to what it was in the 1980s). In the
final FY2011 continuing budget resolution (P.L. 112-10), Congress did not specify an al ocation
for the IFI (and has not done so in successive fiscal years).
Since FY2011, however, the Obama and Trump Administrations continued to al ocate funds from
Economic Support Fund (ESF) resources to the IFI in the form of a grant for specific IFI
activities to support peace and reconciliation programs. The United States provided $2.5 mil ion
per year to the IFI from ESF funding between FY2011 and FY2014, and $750,000 per year since
FY2017.
Author Information
Kristin Archick
Specialist in European Affairs
103 T he Anglo-Irish Agreement Support Act of 1986 (P.L. 99-415) authorizes U.S. contributions to the International
Fund for Ireland.
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