The State of Campaign Finance Policy:
Recent Developments and Issues for Congress
Updated February 23, 2021
Congressional Research Service
https://crsreports.congress.gov
R41542

The State of Campaign Finance Policy: Recent Developments and Issues for Congress

Summary
Major changes have occurred in campaign finance policy since 2002, when Congress
substantial y amended campaign finance law via the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act (BCRA).
The Supreme Court’s 2010 ruling in Citizens United and a related lower-court decision,
SpeechNow.org v. FEC, arguably represent the most fundamental changes to campaign finance
law in decades. Citizens United lifted a previous ban on corporate (and union) independent
expenditures advocating election or defeat of candidates. SpeechNow permitted unlimited
contributions supporting such expenditures and facilitated the advent of super PACs. Although
campaign finance policy remains the subject of intense debate and public interest, there have been
few recent major legislative or regulatory changes.
As of this writing, there have been no major legislative changes to campaign finance policy
during the 117th Congress. Early in the 116th Congress, the House passed H.R. 1, a bil that would
have substantial y amended federal law related to campaign finance, elections, ethics, and
lobbying. That legislation has been reintroduced, also as H.R. 1 (and S. 1) in the 117th Congress.
The legislation proposes substantial changes to several aspects of election law. With respect to
campaign finance, the bil s would restructure the Federal Election Commission (FEC), implement
public financing of campaigns, regulate online and digital political advertising, and require
additional reporting. The 116th Congress considered several such proposals both as components of
H.R. 1 and Senate companion measure S. 949; and as stand-alone legislation.
Although most campaign finance legislation proposes to amend the Federal Election Campaign
Act (FECA), provisions in recent appropriations laws also have required or prohibited some
reporting requirements surrounding contributions, expenditures, or foreign interference in U.S.
campaigns.
Post-Citizens United, debate over disclosure and deregulation have been recurring themes in
Congress and beyond. Legislation to require additional information about the flow of money
among various donors, the DISCLOSE Act, passed the House during the 111th Congress and was
reintroduced during subsequent Congresses. Congress also has considered alternatives that
include some elements of DISCLOSE and proposals that would require additional disclosure
from certain 501(c) groups. The debate over whether or how additional disclosure is needed has
also extended to the Federal Election Commission—and congressional oversight of the agency—
and the courts.
During the same period, statutory and judicial changes eased some contribution limits and
affected the presidential public financing program. Most consequential y, the Supreme Court
invalidated aggregate contribution limits in April 2014 (McCutcheon v. FEC). Also in 2014,
Congress and President Obama terminated public funding for presidential nominating
conventions (P.L. 113-94). Congress responded to these events by including language in the
FY2015 omnibus appropriations law (P.L. 113-235) that increased limits for some contributions
to political party committees, including for conventions.
This report considers these and other developments in campaign finance policy and comments on
areas of potential conflict and consensus. This report emphasizes issues that have been most
prominent in recent Congresses. It also discusses major elements of campaign finance policy.
This report wil be updated occasional y to reflect major developments.
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The State of Campaign Finance Policy: Recent Developments and Issues for Congress

Introduction
Federal law has regulated money in elections for more than a century.1 Concerns about limiting
the potential for corruption and informing voters have been at the heart of that law and related
regulations and judicial decisions. Restrictions on private money in campaigns, particularly large
contributions, have been a common theme throughout the history of federal campaign finance
law. The roles of corporations, unions, interest groups, and private funding from individuals have
attracted consistent regulatory attention. Congress has also required that certain information about
campaigns’ financial transactions be made public. Collectively, three principles embodied in this
regulatory tradition—limits on sources of funds, limits on contributions, and disclosure of
information about these funds—constitute ongoing themes in federal campaign finance policy.
Throughout most of the 20th century, campaign finance policy was marked by broad legislation
enacted sporadical y. Major legislative action on campaign finance issues remains rare. Since the
1990s, however, momentum on federal campaign finance policy, including regulatory and judicial
action, has arguably increased. Congress last enacted major campaign finance legislation in 2002.
The Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act (BCRA) largely banned unregulated soft money2 in federal
elections and restricted funding sources for pre-election broadcast advertising known as
electioneering communications. As BCRA was implemented, regulatory developments at the
Federal Election Commission3 (FEC), and some court cases, stirred controversy and renewed
popular and congressional attention to campaign finance issues. Since BCRA, Congress has also
continued to explore legislative options and has made comparatively minor amendments to the
nation’s campaign finance law. The most substantial recent statutory changes occurred in 2014,

1 T he 1907 T illman Act (34 Stat. 864), which prohibited federal contributions from nationally chartered banks and
corporations, is generally regarded as the first major federal campaign finance law. Congress extended those
restrictions to unions temporarily in 1943 and, permanently, in 1947, with the Smith -Connolly (57 Stat. 163; 57 Stat.
167) and T aft -Hartley Acts (61 Stat. 136; 61 Stat. 159) respectively. T he 1925 Federal Corrupt Practices Act (43 Stat.
1070) was arguably the first federal statute combining multiple campaign finance provisions, particularly disclosure
requirements first enacted in 1910 and 1911 (36 Stat. 822 and 37 Stat. 25). An 1867 statute barred requiring political
contributions from naval yard workers (14 Stat. 489 (March 2, 1867)). T his appears to be the first federal law
concerning campaign finance. T he Pendleton Act (22 Stat. 403), which created the civil service system is also
sometimes cited as an early campaign finance measure because it banned receiving a public office in exchange for a
political contributions (see 22 Stat. 404). For additional historical discussion of the evolution of campaign finance law
and policy, see Anthony Corrado et al., The New Cam paign Finance Sourcebook (Washington, DC: Brookings
Institution Press, 2005), pp. 7-47. See also, for example, Kurt Hohenstein, Coining Corruption: The Making of the
Am erican Cam paign Finance System (DeKalb, IL: Northern Illinois University Press, 2007), Robert E. Mutch,
Cam paigns, Congress, and Courts: The Making of Federal Cam paign Finance Law (New York: Praeger, 1988), Robert
E. Mutch, Buying the Vote: A History of Cam paign Finance Reform (New York: Oxford University Press, 2014),
Raymond J. La Raja, Sm all Change: Money, Political Parties, and Cam paign Finance Reform (Ann Arbor, MI:
University of Michigan Press, 2008), pp. 43 -80, and Money and Politic$, ed. Paula Baker (University Park, PA: T he
Pennsylvania State University Press, 2002). On the federal role in campaigns versus elections, see CRS Report R45302,
Federal Role in U.S. Cam paigns and Elections: An Overview, by R. Sam Garrett .
2 Soft money is a term of art referring to funds generally believed to influence federal elections but not regulated under
federal election law. Soft money stands in contrast to hard m oney. T he latter is a term of art referring to funds that are
generally subject to regulation under federal election law, such as restrictions on funding sources and contribution
amounts. T hese terms are not defined in federal election law. For an overview, se e, for example, David B. Magleby,
“Outside Money in the 2002 Congressional Elections,” in The Last Hurrah? Soft Money and Issue Advocacy in the
2002 Congressional Elections, ed. David B. Magleby and J. Quin Monson (Washington: Brookings Institution Press,
2004), pp. 10-13.
3 For additional discussion of the FEC, see CRS Report R44318, The Federal Election Commission: Overview and
Selected Issues for Congress, by R. Sam Garrett ; and CRS Report R44319, The Federal Election Com m ission:
Enforcem ent Process and Selected Issues for Congress, by R. Sam Garrett .
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The State of Campaign Finance Policy: Recent Developments and Issues for Congress

when Congress eliminated public financing for presidential nominating conventions and
increased limits for some contributions to political parties.
Some of the most recent notable campaign finance developments beyond Congress have occurred
at the Supreme Court. The 2010 Citizens United ruling spurred substantial legislative action
during the 111th Congress and continued interest during subsequent Congresses.4 The ruling was,
however, only the latest—albeit perhaps the most monumental—shift in federal campaign finance
policy to occur in recent years. In another 2010 decision, SpeechNow.org v. Federal Election
Commission, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia held that contributions to
political action committees (PACs) that make only independent expenditures cannot be limited—
a development that led to formation of “super PACs.” Both decisions continue to shape campaign
finance policy debates and options.
This report is intended to provide an accessible overview of major policy issues facing Congress.
Citations to other CRS products, which provide additional information, appear where relevant.5
The report discusses selected litigation to demonstrate how those events have changed the
campaign finance landscape and affected the policy issues that may confront Congress, but it is
not a constitutional or legal analysis. As in the past, this version of the report contains both
additions of new material and deletions of old material compared with previous versions.6 This
update emphasizes those topics that appear to be most relevant for Congress, while also providing
historical background that is broadly applicable. This report wil be updated occasional y as
events warrant.
Development of Modern Campaign Finance Law
Policy Background
Dozens or hundreds of campaign finance bil s have been introduced in each Congress since the
1970s. Nonetheless, major changes in campaign finance law have been rare. A generation passed
between the Federal Election Campaign Act (FECA) and BCRA, the two most prominent
campaign finance statutes of the past 50 years. Federal courts and the FEC played active roles in
interpreting and implementing both statutes and others. Over time and in al facets of the policy
process, anti-corruption themes have been consistently evident. Specifical y, federal campaign
finance law seeks to limit corruption or apparent corruption in the lawmaking process that might
result from monetary contributions. Campaign finance law also seeks to inform voters about
sources and amounts of contributions. In general, Congress has attempted to limit potential
corruption and increase voter information through two major policy approaches
 limiting sources and amounts of financial contributions, and
 requiring disclosure about contributions and expenditures.

4 For additional discussion of activity during the 111th Congress, see CRS Report R41054, Campaign Finance Policy
After Citizens United v. Federal Election Com m ission: Issues and Options for Congress, by R. Sam Garrett ; and CRS
Report R41264, The DISCLOSE Act: Overview and Analysis, by R. Sam Garrett, L. Paige Whitaker, and Erika K.
Lunder.
5 As explained in the text, this report does not address constitutional or legal issues except to provide policy context.
For additional discussion, see, in particular, CRS Report R46521, Political Cam paign Contributions and Congress: A
Legal Prim er, by L. Paige Whitaker; and CRS Report R45320, Cam paign Finance Law: An Analysis of Key Issues,
Recent Developm ents, and Constitutional Considerations for Legislation , by L. Paige Whitaker.
6 Congressional requesters may contact the author for additional information.
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The State of Campaign Finance Policy: Recent Developments and Issues for Congress

Another hal mark of the nation’s campaign finance policy concerns spending restrictions.
Congress has occasional y placed restrictions on the amount candidates can spend, as it did
initial y through FECA. Today, candidates and political committees can general y spend unlimited
amounts on their campaigns, as long as those funds are not coordinated with other parties or
candidates.7
The Federal Election Campaign Act (FECA)
Modern campaign finance law was largely shaped in the 1970s, particularly through FECA.8 First
enacted in 1971 and substantial y amended in 1974, 1976, and 1979, FECA remains the
foundation of the nation’s campaign finance law.9 As original y enacted, FECA subsumed
previous campaign finance statutes, such as the 1925 Corrupt Practices Act, which, by the 1970s,
were largely regarded as ineffective, antiquated, or both.10 The 1971 FECA principal y mandated
reporting requirements similar to those in place today, such as quarterly disclosure of a political
committee’s receipts and expenditures. Subsequent amendments to FECA played a major role in
shaping campaign finance policy as it is understood today. In brief
 Among other requirements, the 1974 amendments, enacted in response to the
Watergate scandal, placed contribution and spending limits on campaigns. The
1974 amendments also established the FEC.
 After the 1974 amendments were enacted, the first in a series of prominent legal
chal enges (most of which are beyond the scope of this report) came before the
Supreme Court of the United States.11 In its landmark Buckley v. Valeo (1976)
ruling, the Court declared mandatory spending limits unconstitutional (except for
publicly financed presidential candidates) and invalidated the original
appointment structure for the FEC.
 Congress responded to Buckley through the 1976 FECA amendments, which
reconstituted the FEC, established new contribution limits, and addressed various
PAC and presidential public financing issues.
 The 1979 amendments simplified reporting requirements for some political
committees and individuals.
To summarize, the 1970s were devoted primarily to establishing and testing limits on
contributions and expenditures, creating a disclosure regime, and constructing the FEC to
administer the nation’s campaign finance laws.
Despite minor amendments, FECA remained essential y uninterrupted for the next 20 years.
Although there were relatively narrow legislative changes to FECA and other statutes, such as the

7 Political committees include candidate committees, party committees, and PACs. See 52 U.S.C. §30101 (previously
codified at 2 U.S.C. §431(4), as explained later in this report).
8 FECA is 52 U.S.C. §30101 et seq. (previously codified at 2 U.S.C. §431 et seq.). Congress first addressed modern
campaign finance issues in the 1970s through the 1971 Revenue Act, which established the presidential public
financing program. T he 1970s are primarily remembered, however, for enactment of and amendments to FECA. See
CRS Report RL34534, Public Financing of Presidential Cam paigns: Overview and Analysis, by R. Sam Garrett .
9 On the 1971 FECA, see P.L. 92-225. On the 1974, 1976, and 1979 amendments, see P.L. 93-443, P.L. 94-283, and
P.L. 96-187 respectively.
10 T he Corrupt Practices Act, which FECA generally supersedes, is 43 Stat. 1070.
11 For additional discussion, see CRS Report R43719, Campaign Finance: Constitutionality of Limits on Contributions
and Expenditures, by L. Paige Whitaker.
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1986 repeal12 of tax credits for political contributions, much of the debate during the 1980s and
early 1990s focused on the role of interest groups, especial y PACs.13
The Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act (BCRA) and Beyond
By the 1990s, attention began to shift to perceived loopholes in FECA. Two issues—soft money
and issue advocacy (issue advertising)—were especial y prominent. Soft money is a term of art
referring to funds general y perceived to influence elections but not regulated by campaign
finance law. At the federal level before BCRA, soft money came principal y in the form of large
contributions from otherwise prohibited sources, and went to party committees for “party-
building” activities that indirectly supported elections. Similarly, issue advocacy traditional y fel
outside FECA regulation because these advertisements praised or criticized a federal candidate—
often by urging voters to contact the candidate—but did not explicitly cal for election or defeat
of the candidate (which would be express advocacy).
In response to these and other concerns, BCRA specified several reforms.14 Among other
provisions, the act banned national parties, federal candidates, and officeholders from raising soft
money in federal elections; increased most contribution limits; and placed additional restrictions
on pre-election issue advocacy. Specifical y, the act’s electioneering communications provision
prohibited corporations and unions from using their treasury funds to air broadcast ads referring
to clearly identified federal candidates within 60 days of a general election or 30 days of a
primary election or caucus.15
After Congress enacted BCRA, momentum on federal campaign finance policy issues arguably
shifted to the FEC and the courts. Implementing and interpreting BCRA were especial y
prominent issues. Noteworthy post-BCRA events include the following:
 The Supreme Court upheld most of BCRA’s provisions in a 2003 facial
chal enge (McConnell v. Federal Election Commission).16
 Over time, the Court held aspects of BCRA unconstitutional as applied to
specific circumstances. These included a 2008 ruling related to additional
fundraising permitted for congressional candidates facing self-financed
opponents (the “Mil ionaire’s Amendment,” Davis v. Federal Election
Commission) and a 2007 ruling on the electioneering communication provision’s
restrictions on advertising by a 501(c)(4) advocacy organization (Wisconsin Right
to Life v. Federal Election Commission).17

12 See P.L. 99-514 §112. Congress repealed a tax deduction for political contributions in 1978. See P.L. 95-600 §113.
13 See, for example, Robert E. Mutch, Campaigns, Congress, and Courts: The Making of Federal Campaign Finance
Law (New York: Praeger, 1988); and Risky Business? PAC Decisionm aking in Congressional Elections, ed. Robert
Biersack, Clyde S. Wilcox, and Paul S. Herrnson (Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe, 1994).
14 BCRA is P.L. 107-155; 116 Stat. 81. BCRA amended FECA, which appears at 52 U.S.C. §30101 et seq. (previously
codified at 2 U.S.C. §431 et seq.) BCRA is also known as McCain-Feingold.
15 On the definition of electioneering communications, see 52 U.S.C. §30104 (previously codified at 2 U.S.C. §434
(f)(3)).
16 For additional discussion, see CRS Report R43719, Campaign Finance: Constitutionality of Limits on Contributions
and Expenditures, by L. Paige Whitaker.
17 For additional discussion, see CRS Report R43719, Campaign Finance: Constitutionality of Limits on Contributions
and Expenditures, by L. Paige Whitaker; and CRS Report RL34324, Cam paign Finance: Legislative Developm ents
and Policy Issues in the 110th Congress, by R. Sam Garrett .
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 Since 2002, the FEC has undertaken several rulemakings related to BCRA and
other topics. Complicated subject matter, protracted debate among
commissioners, and litigation have made some rulemakings lengthy and
controversial.18
 Congress enacted some additional amendments to campaign finance law since
BCRA. The 2007 Honest Leadership and Open Government Act (HLOGA)
placed new disclosure requirements on lobbyists’ campaign contributions (certain
bundled contributions) and restricted campaign travel aboard private aircraft.19 In
2014, as discussed below, Congress raised some limits for contributions to
political parties.
Major Issues: What Has Changed Post-Citizens United and
What Has Not
The following discussion highlights those topics that appear to be enduring and significant in the
current policy environment. The discussion begins with changes directly affected by Citizens
United because those developments most fundamental y altered the campaign finance landscape.
What Has Changed
Unlimited Corporate and Union Spending on Independent Expenditures and
Electioneering Communications
In January 2010, the Supreme Court issued a 5-4 decision in Citizens United v. Federal Election
Commission.20 In brief, the opinion invalidated FECA’s prohibitions on corporate and union
treasury funding of independent expenditures and electioneering communications. As a
consequence of Citizens United, corporations and unions are free to use their treasury funds to air
political advertisements and make related purchases explicitly cal ing for election or defeat of
federal or state candidates (independent expenditures) or advertisements that refer to those
candidates during pre-election periods, but do not necessarily explicitly cal for their election or
defeat (electioneering communications).21 Previously, such advertising would general y have had
to be financed through voluntary contributions raised by PACs affiliated with unions or
corporations.
DISCLOSE Act Consideration Following Citizens United. Since Citizens United, the House and
Senate have considered various legislation designed to increase public availability of information

18 For example, rulemakings on various BCRA provisions resulted in a series of at least three lawsuits covering six
years. T hese are the Shays and Meehan v. Federal Election Com m ission cases.
19 For additional discussion, see CRS Report R40091, Campaign Finance: Potential Legislative and Policy Issues for
the 111th Congress, by R. Sam Garrett . HLOGA is primarily an ethics and lobbying statute. For additional discussion,
see, for example, CRS Report R40245, Lobbying Registration and Disclosure: Before and After the Enactm ent of the
Honest Leadership and Open Governm ent Act of 2007 , by Jacob R. Straus.
20 130 S. Ct. 876 (2010). For additional discussion, see, for example, CRS Report R45320, Campaign Finance Law: An
Analysis of Key Issues, Recent Developm ents, and Constitutional Considerations for Legislation , by L. Paige Whitaker.
21 Independent expenditures explicitly call for election or defeat of political candidates (known as express advocacy),
may occur at any time, and are usually (but not always) broadcast advertisements. T hey must also be uncoordinated
with the campaign in question. On the definition of independent expenditures, see 52 U.S.C. §30101 (previously
codified at 2 U.S.C. 431 §17). As noted previously, electioneering communications refer to clearly identified
candidates during pre-election periods but do not contain express advocacy.
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(disclosure) about corporate and union spending. Particularly in the immediate aftermath of the
decision, during the 111th Congress, most congressional attention responding to the ruling focused
on the DISCLOSE Act (H.R. 5175; S. 3295; S. 3628). The House of Representatives passed H.R.
5175, with amendments, on June 24, 2010, by a 219-206 vote. By a 57-41 vote, the Senate
declined to invoke cloture on companion bil S. 3628 on July 27, 2010.22 A second cloture vote
failed (59-39) on September 23, 2010.23 No additional action on the bil occurred during the 111th
Congress. The DISCLOSE Act text has remained a focal point of legislative activity in
subsequent Congresses for those who support additional reporting requirements.
This period during the 111th Congress marked the most substantial legislative progress that the
DISCLOSE Act has made to date (although, as noted below, it also has been included in other
legislation). Versions of the bil were introduced in both chambers in subsequent Congresses, but
none advanced to floor consideration in either chamber. In the 112th Congress, the Senate debated
a motion to proceed to the measure in July 2012 but declined (by a 53-45 vote) to invoke cloture.
In the 113th Congress, the Senate Rules and Administration Committee held a hearing on a
version of the bil , S. 2516. The 114th and 115th Congresses considered the DISCLOSE Act again,
but no substantial legislative activity occurred. DISCLOSE Act text was included in H.R. 1,
Division B, Subtitle B, which the House passed in March 2019. Stand-alone versions of
DISCLOSE (H.R. 2977 and S. 1147) did not advance in the 116th Congress. Similar language
appears in the 117th Congress version of H.R. 1 and Senate companion bil S. 1.
Unlimited Contributions to Independent-Expenditure-Only Political Action
Committees (Super PACs)
On March 26, 2010, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia held in
SpeechNow.org v. Federal Election Commission24 that contributions to PACs that make only
independent expenditures—but not contributions—could not be constitutional y limited. As a
result, these entities, commonly cal ed super PACs, may accept previously prohibited amounts
and sources of funds, including large corporate, union, or individual contributions used to
advocate for election or defeat of federal candidates. Existing reporting requirements for PACs
apply to super PACs, meaning that contributions and expenditures must be disclosed to the FEC.
Unlimited Contributions to Certain Nonconnected Political Action Committees
(PACs)
As the ramifications of Citizens United and SpeechNow continued to unfold, other forms of
unlimited fundraising were also permitted. In October 2011, the FEC announced that, in response
to an agreement reached in a case brought after SpeechNow (Carey v. FEC),25 the agency would
permit nonconnected PACs—those that are unaffiliated with corporations or unions—to accept
unlimited contributions for use in independent expenditures. The agency directed PACs choosing
to do so to keep the independent expenditure contributions in a separate bank account from the
one used to make contributions to federal candidates.26 As such, nonconnected PACs that want to

22 “DISCLOSE Act—Motion to Proceed,” Senate vote 220, Congressional Record, daily edition, vol. 156 (July 27,
2010), p. S6285.
23 “DISCLOSE Act—Motion to Proceed—Resumed,” Senate vote 240, Congressional Record, daily edition, vol. 156
(September 23, 2010), p. S7388.
24 599 F.3d 686 (D.C. Cir. 2010).
25 Civ. No. 11-259-RMC (D.D.C. 2011).
26 Federal Election Commission, “FEC Statement on Carey v. FEC: Reporting Guidance for Political Committees that
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raise unlimited sums for independent expenditures may create a separate bank account and meet
additional reporting obligations rather than forming a separate super PAC. Super PACs have,
nonetheless, continued to be an important force in American politics because only some
traditional PACs would qualify for the Carey exemption to fundraising limits.27
FEC Rules Implementing Parts of Citizens United
Implementing Citizens United and SpeechNow fel to the FEC. The commission issued advisory
opinions (AOs) within a few months of the rulings recognizing corporate independent
expenditures and super PACs. Afterward, some corporations, unions, and other organizations
began making previously prohibited expenditures or raising previously prohibited funds for
electioneering communications or independent expenditures.28
Despite progress on post-Citizens United AOs, agreement on final rules took years. A December
2011 Notice of Proposed Rulemaking (NRPM) posing questions about what form post-Citizens
United rules should take29 remained open until late 2014, reflecting an apparent stalemate over
the scope of the agency’s Citizens United response. In October 2014, the commission approved
rules essential y to remove portions of existing regulations that Citizens United had invalidated,
such as spending prohibitions on corporate and union treasury funds.30 The 2014 rules did not
require additional disclosure surrounding independent spending, which some commenters had
urged, but which others argued was beyond the agency’s purview.31
Aggregate Caps on Individual Campaign Contributions
On April 2, 2014, the Supreme Court invalidated aggregate contribution limits in McCutcheon v.
FEC. “Base” limits capping the amounts that donors may give to individual candidates stil
apply.32 For 2013-2014—pre-McCutcheon—individual contributions could total no more than
$123,200. Of that amount, $48,600 could go to candidates, with the remaining $74,600 to parties
and PACs. Following McCutcheon, individuals may contribute to as many candidates as they

Maintain a Non-Contribution Account,” press release, October 5, 2011, http://www.fec.gov/press/Press2011/
20111006postcarey.shtml.
27 In particular, the exemption only applies to nonconnected PACs (i.e., those that exist independently as PACs and are
not affiliated with a parent organization, such as an interest group or labor union).
28 Perhaps most notably, the FEC issued AOs 2010-09 (Club for Growth) and 2010-11 (Commonsense T en),
recognizing corporate independent expenditures and super PACs. For additional discussion, see CRS Report R42042,
Super PACs in Federal Elections: Overview and Issues for Congress, by R. Sam Garrett . AOs provide an opportunity
to pose questions about how the commission interprets the applicability of FECA or FEC regulations to a specific
situation (e.g., a planned campaign expenditure). AOs apply only to the requester and within specific circumstances,
but can provide general guidance for those in similar situations. See 52 U.S.C. §30108 (previously codified at 2 U.S.C.
§437f).
29 Federal Election Commission, “Independent Expenditures and Electioneering Communications by Corporations and
Labor Organizations,” 248 Federal Register 80803, December 27, 2011.
30 Federal Election Commission, “Independent Expenditures and Electioneering Communications by Corporations and
Labor Organizations,” 79 Federal Register 62797, October 21, 2014.
31 Some Senators filed comments calling for additional donor disclosure. See Letter from Sen. Jeanne Shaheen et al. to
Commissioner Caroline Hunter, Chair, FEC, February 21, 2012 . T he document may be obtained from the FEC
rulemaking comments search function at http://sers.fec.gov/fosers/.
32 For additional policy discussion, as well as citations to other CRS products that cover legal issues, see CRS Report
R43334, Cam paign Contribution Lim its: Selected Questions About McCutcheon and Policy Issues for Congress, by R.
Sam Garrett .
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wish provided that they adhere to the base contribution limits (e.g., $2,900 per-candidate, per-
election for the 2022 election cycle).
Higher Contribution Limits and New Accounts for Political Party Committees
For the first time since enacting BCRA in 2002, Congress raised the statutory limit on some
campaign contributions in December 2014. Specifical y, the FY2015 omnibus appropriations law,
P.L. 113-235, increased contribution limits to national political party committees.33 Most
prominently, these party committees include the Democratic National Committee (DNC),
Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee (DCCC), Democratic Senatorial Campaign
Committee (DSCC), Republican National Committee (RNC), National Republican Congressional
Committee (NRCC), and the National Republican Senatorial Committee (NRSC). The new law
also permits these committees to establish new accounts, each with separate contribution limits,
to support party conventions,34 facilities, and recounts or other legal matters.
Under inflation adjustments announced in February 2021, individuals could contribute at least
$876,000 to a national party committee annual y in 2021-2022.35 Political action committees
(PACs) may also make larger contributions to parties. For multicandidate PACs—the most
common type of PAC—contributions to a national party increased from $45,000 to at least
$360,000 annual y. Unlike limits for individual contributions, those for PACs are not adjusted for
inflation.36
Some Public Financing Issues
Two notable public financing changes have occurred since 2010, although neither is directly
related to Citizens United. Most relevant for federal campaign finance policy, P.L. 113-94,
enacted in April 2014, terminated public financing for presidential nominating conventions.37 The
2016 conventions were the first since 1972 funded entirely with private money. .38
The second major development occurred in 2011 and primarily affects state-level candidates but
also has implications for federal policy options. On June 27, 2011, the Supreme Court issued a 5-
4 opinion in the consolidated case Arizona Free Enterprise Club’s Freedom Club PAC et al. v.
Bennett and McComish v. Bennett.39 The decision invalidated portions of Arizona’s public
financing program for state-level candidates.40 The majority opinion, authored by Chief Justice

33 See P.L. 113-235; 128 Stat. 2130; and, especially, 128 Stat. 2772.
34 As noted elsewhere in this report, only the “headquarters” committees (e.g., the DNC or RNC) could collect
additional funds for conventions.
35 CRS calculated this figure from individual-account adjustments that appear in Federal Election Commission, “Price
Index Adjustments for Contribution and Expenditure Limitations and Lobbyist Bundling Disclosure T hreshold,” 86
Federal Register 7867, February 2, 2021.
36 For historical discussion of the provisions’ enactment, see CRS Report R43825, Increased Campaign Contribution
Lim its in the FY2015 Om nibus Appropriations Law: Frequently Asked Questions, by R. Sam Garrett .
37 128 Stat. 1085.
38 See CRS Report R43976, Funding of Presidential Nominating Conventions: An Overview, by R. Sam Garrett and
Shawn Reese; CRS Report RL34630, Federal Funding of Presidential Nom inating Conventions: Overview and Policy
Options, by R. Sam Garrett and Shawn Reese; and CRS Report R41604, Proposals to Elim inate Public Financing of
Presidential Cam paigns, by R. Sam Garrett . On appropriated security funding, which is separate from campaign
finance policy, see also CRS In Focus IF11555, Presidential Candidate and Nom inating Convention Security, by
Shawn Reese.
39 131 S.Ct. 2806 (2011). T he slip opinion is available at http://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/10pdf/10-238.pdf.
40 For additional discussion of state-level public financing, see the “State Experiences with Public Financing” section of
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Roberts, held that the state’s use of matching funds (also cal ed trigger funds, rescue funds, or
escape hatch funds) unconstitutional y burdened privately financed candidates’ free speech and
did not meet a compel ing state interest. The decision has been most relevant for state-level public
financing programs, as a similar matching fund system does not operate at the federal level.
However, the decision also appears to preclude rescue funds in future federal proposals to
restructure the existing presidential public financing program or create a congressional public
financing program.
FECA Editorial Reclassification
The Office of Law Revision Counsel, which maintains the U.S. Code, moved FECA and other
portions of federal election law to a new Title 52 of the U.S. Code in September 2014.41
Previously, FECA and most other relevant campaign finance law were housed in Title 2 of the
U.S. Code. This editorial change does not affect the content of the statutes. Nonetheless, it is a
major change for those who need to search or cite federal election law. Unless otherwise noted,
FECA citations throughout this report have been changed to reflect the new Title 52 location.
Electronic Filing of Senate Campaign Finance Reports
Congress amended FECA in an FY2019 appropriations bil to require Senate political committees
to file their campaign finance reports electronical y. H.R. 5895 (P.L. 115-244) amended FECA to
change the place of filing for Senate campaign finance reports from the Secretary of the Senate to
the FEC.42 The text does not require electronic filing per se. However, per FECA, al political
committee reports filed with the commission (except for political committees with less than
$50,000 of annual activity) must be filed electronical y. Therefore, changing the place of filing to
the FEC changes both the place and method of filing.
What Has Not Changed
Federal Ban on Corporate and Union Treasury Contributions
Corporations and unions are stil banned from making contributions in federal elections.43 PACs
affiliated with, but legal y separate from, those corporations and unions may contribute to
candidates, parties, and other PACs. As noted elsewhere in this report, corporations and unions
may use their treasury funds to make electioneering communications, independent expenditures,
or both, but this spending is not considered a contribution under FECA.44

CRS Report RL33814, Public Financing of Congressional Cam paigns: Overview and Analysis, by R. Sam Garrett .
41 For background on the reclassification, see Office of Law Revision Counsel, Editorial Reclassification,
http://uscode.house.gov/editorialreclassification/reclassification.html. For a table comparing old and new citations, see
http://uscode.house.gov/editorialreclassification/t52/Reclassifications_Title_52.pdf.
42 See Division B, §102. For additional discussion, see CRS Insight IN10970, Electronic Filing of Senate Campaign
Finance Reports, by R. Sam Garrett . As codified, see 52 U.S.C. §30102(g).
43 52 U.S.C. §30118 (previously codified at 2 U.S.C. §441b).
44 On the definition of contribution, see, in particular, 52 U.S.C. §30101 and 52 U.S.C. §30118 (previously codified at
2 U.S.C. §431(8)(A) and 2 U.S.C. §441(b)(b)(2)).
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Federal Ban on Soft Money Contributions to Political Parties
The prohibition on using soft money in federal elections remains in effect. This includes
prohibiting the pre-BCRA practice of large, general y unregulated contributions to national party
committees for generic “party building” activities.
As noted elsewhere in this report, in December 2014, Congress enacted legislation, which
President Obama signed (P.L. 113-235), permitting far larger contributions to political parties
than had been permitted previously.45 These funds are not soft money, in that they are subject to
contribution limits and other FECA requirements (e.g., disclosure). Nonetheless, some might
contend that the spirit of these contributions resembles soft money. Others contend that the
increased limits al ow parties to compete with newly empowered groups, such as super PACs,
that are not subject to contribution limits.
Some Contribution Limits Remain Intact
Pre-existing base limits on contributions to campaigns, parties, and PACs general y remain in
effect. Despite Citizens United’s implications for independent expenditures and electioneering
communications, the ruling did not affect the prohibition on corporate and union treasury
contributions in federal campaigns. As noted above, SpeechNow permitted unlimited
contributions to independent-expenditure-only PACs (super PACs). The FEC has not issued rules
regarding super PACs per se. In July 2011 the commission issued an advisory opinion stating that
federal candidates (including officeholders) and party officials could solicit funds for super PACs,
but that those solicitations were subject to the limits established in FECA and discussed below.
Also as noted elsewhere in this report, the FEC announced in October 2011, per an agreement
reached in Carey v. FEC, that nonconnected PACs would be permitted to raise unlimited amounts
for independent expenditures if those funds are kept in a separate bank account.
Although major contribution limits remain in place, as noted above, some party contribution
limits have increased. More consequential y, post-McCutcheon aggregate contribution limits no
longer apply. Therefore, although individuals are, for example, stil prohibited from contributing
more than $2,900 per candidate, per election during the 2022 cycle, the total amount of such
giving is no longer capped.46 Table 1 below and the table notes provide additional information, as
do other CRS products.47

45 For the codified text, see 52 U.S.C. §30116(a)(9).
46 Statutory inflation adjustments as administered by the FEC, based on Department of Labor data, did not increase the
individual contribution limit, which was $2,700 per candidate, per election during 2016 -2018 as well. T he inflation
adjustments are codified at 52 U.S.C. §30116(c).
47 For additional discussion, see CRS Report R43334, Campaign Contribution Limits: Selected Questions About
McCutcheon and Policy Issues for Congress, by R. Sam Garrett ; and CRS Report R43719, Cam paign Finance:
Constitutionality of Lim its on Contributions and Expenditures, by L. Paige Whitaker.
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Table 1. Major Federal Contribution Limits, 2021-2022
(See table notes below for additional information.)

Recipient
Multicandidate
Principal
Committee (most
National Party
State, District,
Campaign
PACs, including
Committee
Local Party
Contributor
Committee
leadership PACs)
(DSCC; NRCC, etc.)
Committee
Individual
$2,900 per election*
$5,000 per year
$36,500 per year*
$10,000 per year
Additional $109,500 limit
(combined limit)
for each special party
account†*
Principal
$2,000 per election
$5,000 per year
Unlimited transfers to
Unlimited
Campaign
party committees
transfers to
Committee
party
committees
Multicandidate
$5,000 per election
$5,000 per year
$15,000 per year
$5,000 per year
Committee (most
Additional $45,000 limit
(combined limit)
PACs, including
for each special party
leadership PACs)a
account†
State, District,
$5,000 per election
$5,000 per year
Unlimited transfers to
Unlimited
Local Party
(combined limit)
(combined limit)
party committees
transfers to
Committee
party
committees
National Party
$5,000 per election
$5,000 per year
Unlimited transfers to
Unlimited
Committee
party committees
transfers to
party
committees
Source: CRS adaptation from FEC, “Contribution Limits for 2019-2020 Federal Elections,” https://www.fec.gov/
help-candidates-and-committees/candidate-taking-receipts/contribution-limits/. See also Federal Election
Commission, “Price Index Adjustments for Contribution and Expenditure Limitations and Lobbyist Bundling
Disclosure Threshold,” 86 Federal Register 7867, February 2, 2021.
Notes: The table assumes that leadership PACs would qualify for multicandidate status. The original source,
noted above, includes additional information and addresses non-multicandidate PACs (which are relatively rare).
The national party committee and the national party Senate committee (e.g., the DNC and DSCC or RNC and
NRSC) share a combined 2021-2022 per-candidate limit of $51,200 per six-year cycle. This limit is adjusted
biennial y for inflation.
* These limits are adjusted biennial y for inflation.
† As noted elsewhere in this report, national party committees may accept these contributions for separate
accounts for (1) presidential nominating conventions (headquarters committees (e.g., DNC; RNC) only); (2)
recounts and other legal compliance activities; and (3) party buildings. For additional historical discussion, see
CRS Report R43825, Increased Campaign Contribution Limits in the FY2015 Omnibus Appropriations Law: Frequently
Asked Questions, by R. Sam Garrett.
a. Multicandidate committees are those that have been registered with the FEC for at least six months; have
received federal contributions from more than 50 people; and (except for state parties) have made
contributions to at least five federal candidates. See 11 C.F.R. §100.5(e)(3). In practice, most PACs attain
this status automatical y over time.
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Reporting Requirements
Other recent developments notwithstanding, disclosure requirements enacted in FECA and BCRA
remain intact.48 In general, political committees must regularly49 file reports with the FEC
providing information about
 receipts and expenditures, particularly those exceeding an aggregate of $200;
 the identity of those making contributions of more than $200, or receiving more
than $200, in campaign expenditures per election cycle; and
 the purpose of expenses.
Those making independent expenditures or electioneering communications, such as party
committees and PACs, have additional reporting obligations. Among other requirements
 Independent expenditures aggregating at least $10,000 must be reported to the
FEC within 48 hours; 24-hour reports for independent expenditures of at least
$1,000 must be made during periods immediately preceding elections.50
 The existing disclosure requirements concerning electioneering communications
mandate 24-hour reporting of communications aggregating at least $10,000.51
Donor information must be included for those who designated at least $200
toward the independent expenditure, or $1,000 for electioneering
communications.52
 If 501(c) or 52753 organizations make independent expenditures or electioneering
communications, those activities would be reported to the FEC.

48 T his excludes requirements that were subsequently invalidated, such as reporting associated with the now-defunct
Millionaire’s Amendment (which required additional reporting for self-funding above certain levels and for receipt of
contributions in response to such funding).
49 Reporting typically occurs quarterly. Pre- and post-election reports must also be filed. Noncandidate committees may
also file monthly reports. See, for example, 52 U.S.C. §30104 (previously codified at 2 U.S.C. §434) and the FEC’s
Cam paign Guide series for additional discussion of reporting requirements.
50 See, for example, 52 U.S.C. §30104 (previously codified at 2 U.S.C. §434(g)).
51 52 U.S.C. §30104 (previously codified at 2 U.S.C. §434(f)).
52 Higher thresholds apply if the expendit ures are made from a designated account. For additional summary
information, see T able 1 in CRS Report R41264, The DISCLOSE Act: Overview and Analysis, by R. Sam Garrett, L.
Paige Whitaker, and Erika K. Lunder. Donor information is reported in regularly filed financial reports rather than in
independent expenditure reports.
53 As the term is commonly used, 527 refers to groups registered with the Internal Revenue Service (IRS) as political
organizations that seemingly intend to influence federal elections. By contrast, political committees (which include
candidate committees, party committees, and political action committees) are regulated by the FEC and federal election
law. T here is a debate regarding which 527s are required to register with the FEC as political committees.
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Potential Policy Considerations and Emerging
Issues for Congress
Recent Legislative Activity
117th Congress
As of this writing, no major legislative or regulatory developments have occurred to alter federal
campaign finance policy during the 117th Congress. Some campaign finance legislation, such as a
revised version of H.R. 1 and Senate companion bil S. 1, has been reintroduced in the 117th
Congress. As in previous Congresses, the Committee on House Administration and Senate Rules
and Administration Committee remain the primary committees of jurisdiction on campaign
finance policy issues. The FEC is also expected to work through a backlog of administrative,
advisory opinion, and enforcement matters.54
116th Congress
Most legislative action on elections issues during the 116th Congress concerned election
administration and voting rather than campaign finance. As such, the 116th Congress did not enact
any substantial changes to federal campaign finance law, although some major proposed changes
to the existing law passed the House. In addition, reporting language concerning foreign
interference in U.S. elections, and potential y relevant for campaign finance policy, was contained
in enacted appropriations or defense authorization (NDAA) legislation that became law.
Additional detail appears below.
 Appropriations legislation enacted (P.L. 116-6; P.L. 116-93; and P.L. 116-260)
during the 116th Congress did not contain major campaign finance provisions, but
did continue previous prohibitions on requiring reporting of certain political
contributions or expenditures as a condition of the government-contracting
process, and on requiring certain contribution disclosure to the Securities and
Exchange Commission.55
 The FY2020 National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA; P.L. 116-92) required
certain preelection reporting about counterintel igence and cybersecurity threats
to U.S. campaigns and required notifications to Congress in some cases.56
 The House included several campaign finance provisions in H.R. 1, the For the
People Act (Sarbanes), which that chamber passed (234-193), as amended, on
March 8, 2019.57 Senate companion measure S. 949 did not advance beyond
introduction. Campaign finance provisions in H.R. 1 would have substantial y
amended federal campaign finance law. Major provisions of the bil would have
(1) required additional disclosure of campaign-related fundraising and spending,

54 Additional information on recent FEC appointments appears later in this report.
55 For FY2019, see P.L. 116-6; 133 Stat. 194 and 133 Stat. 186 respectively. For FY2020, see P.L. 116-93; 133 Stat.
2491-2492 and 133 Stat. 2483-2484 respectively. For FY2021, see the enrolled version of H.R. 133 (T itle VII, §735;
and T itle VI, §631). As of this writing, public law text for the FY2021 measure ( H.R. 133) is unavailable.
56 See 133 Stat. 2119 and 133 Stat. 2207 respectively. More generally, see CRS Report R46146, Campaign and
Election Security Policy: Overview and Recent Developm ents for Congress, coordinated by R. Sam Garrett .
57 “Roll call vote no. 118,” House debate, Congressional Record, daily edition, vol. 165, part 42 (2019), p. H2602.
During floor consideration, the House considered 54 amendments and agreed to 46.
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including by some entities that do not currently normal y report to the Federal
Election Commission (FEC); (2) established a voluntary public financing system
for U.S. House campaigns; (3) substantial y revised the current presidential
public financing system; (4) required additional disclaimer requirements
surrounding certain political advertising and restricted coordination between
campaigns and other organizations; and (5) restructured the FEC.
 Congress also considered legislation designed to prevent or respond to foreign
interference in U.S. elections. Some such legislation contained campaign finance
provisions or relied on concepts defined in campaign finance law. In particular,
H.R. 1 proposed additional reporting requirements surrounding foreign money or
foreign interference, and would have broadened and clarified FECA’s foreign
national provisions. In addition, on October 23, 2019, the House passed (227-
181) H.R. 4617 (Lofgren), the Stopping Harmful Interference in Elections for a
Lasting Democracy (SHIELD) Act. The SHIELD Act contained several subtitles,
including the Honest Ads Act (§111, Subtitle B of H.R. 4617).
 Following commissioner departures, the FEC lacked a policymaking quorum on
two separate occasions in 2019 and 2020. Collectively, the quorum loss spanned
most of the 116th Congress, preventing the agency from exercising some of its
core policy and enforcement functions. In December 2020, the Senate confirmed
three commissioners, restoring the agency to a full slate of six members for the
first time since 2017. Another CRS report provides additional detail.58
 Congress investigated al egations of prohibited foreign funds in U.S. campaigns
during House and Senate oversight concerning Russian interference during the
2016 elections;59 Special Counsel Robert Muel er’s investigation of foreign
interference;60 and related oversight in Congress.
115th Congress
As explained in the “What Has Changed” section of this report, the 115th Congress changed the
filing format for Senate political committees. The 115th Congress did not otherwise substantial y
alter campaign finance law. As with other recent Congresses, provisions in enacted appropriations
measures (including the electronic-filing provision) also affected campaign finance policy or law.
Congress also held related oversight hearings. Additional detail appears below.
 On February 7, 2017, the Committee on House Administration ordered H.R. 133
reported favorably. The bil would have terminated the presidential public
financing program. Remaining amounts in the Presidential Election Campaign
Fund (PECF) would be transferred to a pediatric research61 fund to which
previously eliminated party-convention funds were transferred under P.L. 113-94,
and to the general fund of the U.S. Treasury for deficit reduction. Additional
information appears in another CRS product.62

58 For additional information, see CRS Report R45160, Federal Election Commission: Membership and Policymaking
Quorum , In Brief, by R. Sam Garrett .
59 See, for example, U.S. Congress, Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, Russian Active Measures Campaigns and
Interference in the 2016 U.S. Election, Volum es I-V, 116th Cong., 2nd sess., 2020, S.Rept. 116-290.
60 See Special Counsel Robert F. Mueller, III, Report on the Investigation into Russian Interference in the 2016
Presidential Election, U.S. Department of Justice, 2 vols., Submitted pursuant to 28 C.F.R. §600.8(c), March 2019.
61 Health care research issues and details of the pediatric research fund are beyond the scope of this report.
62 See CRS Report R41604, Proposals to Eliminate Public Financing of Presidential Campaigns, by R. Sam Garrett.
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 Also on February 7, 2017, the Committee on House Administration ordered H.R.
634 reported favorably. The bil would have terminated the Election Assistance
Commission and transfer some election administration functions back to the
Federal Election Commission (FEC).
 In addition to providing appropriations for the Federal Election Commission, the
language contained in consolidated appropriations legislation enacted during the
115th Congress (see, for example, P.L. 115-31; P.L. 115-141) continued the
prohibition on requiring reporting certain political contributions or expenditures
as a condition of the government-contracting process, and on requiring campaign
finance disclosure to the Securities and Exchange Commission.63
 The Senate considered two FEC nominations, both for James E. “Trey” Trainor
III, during the 115th Congress.64 The nomination did not advance during the 115th
Congress (but did during the 116th Congress, as noted above).65
 The 115th Congress occasional y addressed issues related to campaign finance in
legislative or oversight hearings. In particular, these included attention to foreign
influence in U.S. elections and disclaimers in online communications.
The 114th Congress enacted no major changes to campaign finance law.
Foreign Money and Foreign Interference in U.S. Elections
Most recent legislative attention to foreign interference in U.S. elections concerns election
administration and voting rather than political campaigns. Foreign interference affecting
campaigns nonetheless remains a potential risk. Another CRS report provides additional
information.66
Two issues related to foreign interference in U.S. campaigns may be particularly relevant for
campaign finance policy. First, and the focus of more policy attention historical y, is prohibiting
foreign money that could impermissibly influence U.S. campaigns. Second, and a more recent
development, is the connection between foreign interference and campaign security. This section
provides brief additional discussion of both.
As noted in the previous discussion of the 116th Congress, legislation that passed the House (H.R.
1 and H.R. 4617) proposed amending FECA’s foreign national prohibition and related reporting
requirements. Also as noted previously, the 116th Congress investigated al egations of prohibited
foreign funds in U.S. campaigns during House and Senate oversight concerning Russian
interference during the 2016 elections;67 Special Counsel Robert Muel er’s investigation of
foreign interference;68 and related oversight in Congress.

63 See §735 and §635, respectively, P.L. 115-31.
64 See presidential nominations (PNs) 1024 and 1425, http://www.congress.gov, using the “nominations” option.
65 For additional discussion, see CRS Report R45160, Federal Election Commission: Membership and Policymaking
Quorum , In Brief, by R. Sam Garrett .
66 CRS Report R46146, Campaign and Election Security Policy: Overview and Recent Developments for Congress,
coordinated by R. Sam Garrett .
67 See, for example, U.S. Congress, Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, Russian Active Measures Campaigns and
Interference in the 2016 U.S. Election, Volum es I-V, 116th Cong., 2nd sess., 2020, S.Rept. 116-290.
68 See Special Counsel Robert F. Mueller, III, Report on the Investigation into Russian Interference in the 2016
Presidential Election, U.S. Department of Justice, 2 vols., Submitted pursuant to 28 C.F.R. §600.8(c), March 2019.
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Foreign Money
The possibility of foreign money affecting U.S. campaigns emerged as a component of some
congressional hearings and agency activity beginning in the summer and fal of 2016. FECA
prohibits foreign nationals from making contributions, or giving other things of value, or making
expenditures in U.S. federal, state, or local elections.69 Some Members of Congress and Federal
Election Commissioners have raised questions about whether prohibited foreign funds could have
influenced recent elections, whether additional legislative or regulatory safeguards are necessary
to protect future elections, or both. Some Members of Congress also raised the issue at various
oversight hearings.70
In September 2018, the FEC reported to congressional appropriators about the agency’s
enforcement of the FECA ban on foreign funds. Congress required the report in joint explanatory
language accompanying the FY2018 Financial Services and General Government portion of the
omnibus appropriations law (H.R. 1625; P.L. 115-141). The report summarized commission
processes for identifying possible foreign funds and enforcing the existing FECA ban; it did not
propose additional action.71
Foreign Interference and Campaign Operations
Political committees are responsible for their own operations, including security. More general y,
no federal agency has specific responsibility for coordinating security preparations for political
campaigns or other political committees.72 Federal law enforcement agencies, particularly the
Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), can and do receive reports of, and investigate, suspected
criminal activity. In preparation for the 2020 elections, the FBI also established a “Protected
Voices” program that provides political campaigns,73 private companies, and individuals with
information about how to guard against and respond to cyberattacks and foreign influence
campaigns. In addition, the Department of Homeland Security’s (DHS’s) Cybersecurity and
Infrastructure Security Agency (CISA), the FBI, and the Office of the Director of National

69 52 U.S.C. §30121(a)(1). For additional discussion, see CRS In Focus IF10697, Foreign Money and U.S. Campaign
Finance Policy, by R. Sam Garrett ; and CRS Legal Sidebar WSLG1857, Foreign Money and U.S. Elections, by L.
Paige Whitaker.
70 For example, a June 26, 2018, Judiciary Committee, Subcommittee on Crime and T errorism, hearing included
discussions of at least two bills (S. 1989; S. 2939) that addressed potential foreign influence in U.S. elections, in
addition to other topics.
71 See Federal Election Commission, “FEC Report to the Committees on Appropriations on Enforcing the Foreign
National Prohibition,” September 18, 2018, https://www.fec.gov/resources/cms-content/documents/
Foreign_National_Report_To_Congress.pdf. Democratic Commissioner Ellen Weintraub wrote to congressional
appropriators offering alternative views about the report. See Letter from Ellen L. Weintraub, Vice Chair, Federal
Election Commission, to Congressional Appropriations Co mmittees, September 28, 2018, https://www.fec.gov/
documents/896/2018-09-28-ELW-Approps-Committees-reply.pdf.
72 T he Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency (CISA) offers assistance to campaigns on a voluntary basis.
For additional background, see, for example, testimony of Matthew Masterson, Senior Cybersecurity Advisor,
Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency, U.S. Department of Homeland Security, in U.S. Congress, House
Committee on the Judiciary, Securing Am erica’s Elections Part II: Oversight of Governm ent Agencies, hearing, 116th
Cong., 1st sess., October 22, 2019, p. 6, at https://docs.house.gov/meetings/JU/JU00/20191022/110106/HHRG-116-
JU00-Wstate-MastersonM-20191022.pdf.
73 T he program also appears to provide services to political parties, and perhaps to other political committees (e.g.,
political action committees).
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Intel igence (ODNI) jointly briefed some 2020 federal political campaigns on security threats and
best practices.74
In addition, following 2016 election-cycle interference, corporations and other entities sought to
provide free or reduced-cost advisory services to campaigns on cybersecurity matters.
 In 2018, the FEC determined that the FECA ban on corporate contributions does
not prohibit campaigns from accepting certain information technology (IT)
services, at least in some circumstances. In particular, in August 2018, Microsoft
asked the FEC whether it could provide free enhanced security services to
“election-sensitive users” of its Office 365 email service, and other services
without making a prohibited corporate in-kind contribution. In its request,
Microsoft stated that these security services would be available to federal, state,
and local campaigns, as wel as parties, vendors, and “think-tank” organizations
involved in campaigns. The commission determined that Microsoft’s proposal
was permissible because the company “would be providing [enhanced security]
services based on commercial and not political considerations, in the ordinary
course of its business, and not merely for promotional consideration or to
generate goodwil .”75
 In 2019, citing the “demonstrated, currently enhanced threat of foreign
cyberattacks against party and candidate committees,” the FEC granted
permission for Defending Digital Campaigns, a 501(c)(4) organization, to offer
reduced-cost cybersecurity advisory services to political committees.76 In a
separate 2019 opinion, the FEC granted permission for reduced-fee services for
campaigns responding to phishing attacks.77
FEC Advisory Opinions on Funding for Certain Candidate Security
and Child Care Expenses
FECA prohibits “personal use” of campaign funds. In practice, this means that campaigns may
not use funds to pay for expenses that would exist without the campaign (the “irrespective test”).
Recently, through advisory opinions (AOs), the FEC has permitted using campaign funds for two
instances that might otherwise be considered prohibited personal use. These are (1) using
campaign funds for certain security expenses; and (2) using campaign funds for certain child care
expenses.
 After the June 14, 2017, attack78 on several Members of Congress, staff, and U.S.
Capitol Police officers in Alexandria, VA, House Sergeant at Arms Paul Irving

74 See above-cited testimony from CISA Senior Cybersecurity Advisor (and former EAC Commissioner) Matthew
Masterson, at October 22, 2019, House Judiciary Committee oversight hearing, Security Am erica’s Elections Part II:
Oversight of Governm ent Agencies. As of this writing, the hearing record does not appear to have been published.
Video and written materials are available on the committee website, https://judiciary.house.gov/legislation/hearings/
securing-america-s-elections-part -ii-oversight -government-agencies.
75 T he approved version is AO 2018-11, p. 3, https://www.fec.gov/files/legal/aos/2018-11/2018-11.pdf. Members of
Congress should consult with a campaign attorney, the FEC, or both regarding individual compliance guidance.
76 See the approved version of AO 2018-12, p. 1, https://www.fec.gov/files/legal/aos/2018-12/2018-12.pdf.
77 See the approved version of AO 2019-12, https://www.fec.gov/files/legal/aos/2019-12/2019-12.pdf.
78 For additional discussion, see CRS Insight IN10719, Violence Against Members of Congress and Their Staff: A Brief
Overview, by R. Eric Petersen (available to congressional clients upon request); and CRS Report R41609, Violence
Against Mem bers of Congress and Their Staff: Selected Exa m ples and Congressional Responses, by R. Eric Petersen
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wrote to the FEC requesting guidance about the permissibility of using campaign
funds to pay for residential security systems.79 The FEC treated the letter as an
AO request. On July 13, 2017, citing similar previous requests and specific threat
information and recommendations from the Capitol Police and Sergeant at Arms,
the FEC approved the request. As a result, Members of Congress may use
campaign funds for instal ing, upgrading, or monitoring residential security
systems in circumstances similar to those addressed in the AO. These systems
must be “non-structural” and may not be primarily intended to increase the
home’s value.80 Similarly, the commission also approved a December 2020
advisory opinion request from a Member of Congress. The AO granted
permission to use campaign funds to instal a home security system, based on
consultations with the House Sergeant at Arms.81 Media reports suggest that
requests to using campaign funds for security purposes wil be a recurring issue
in light of recent threats against Members of Congress.82
 In May 2018, the FEC granted New York congressional candidate Liuba Grechen
Shirley’s request to use campaign funds to pay for certain child care expenses.83
The commission based its decision on a related 1995 AO request (1995-42) and
the agency’s determination that the child care the candidate required resulted
directly from her candidacy. Several Members of Congress urged the FEC to
grant the request. Provisions in H.R. 1, which passed the House in the 116th
Congress, would have permitted candidate committee spending on child care,
elder care, and health insurance premiums.84
Regulation and Enforcement by the FEC or Through Other Areas of
Policy and Law
 In recent Congresses, FEC enforcement and transparency issues attracted
attention in Congress and beyond. Legislation to restructure the agency has been
introduced in several recent Congresses. (Additional information appears in other
CRS products.)85 In the 116th Congress, provisions in the House-passed version
of H.R. 1 would have reduced the number of commissioners from six to five and
enhanced powers of the agency’s chairperson.

and Jennifer E. Manning.
79 Letter from Paul D. Irving, Sergeant at Arms, U.S. House of Representatives, to Steven T . Walther, Chairman,
Federal Election Commission, June 21, 2017. T he letter is attached to July 13, 2017, open-meeting Agenda Document
No. 17-29-A, https://www.fec.gov/updates/july-13-2017-open-meeting/.
80 T he approved version is July 13, 2017, open-meeting Agenda Document No. 17-32-D, https://www.fec.gov/updates/
july-13-2017-open-meeting/. Members of Congress should consult with a campaign attorney, the FEC, or both
regarding individual compliance guidance.
81 See AO 2020-06. Other AOs, cited in 2020-06, provide related discussion.
82 See, for example, Kenneth P. Doyle, “Campaign Cash for Lawmaker Bodyguards at Center of GOP’s Request,”
Bloomberg Government online, February 1, 2021.
83 AO 2018-06.
84 See T itle V, Subtitle D.
85 For additional discussion of the FEC, see CRS Report R44318, The Federal Election Commission: Overview and
Selected Issues for Congress, by R. Sam Garrett ; and CRS Report R44319, The Federal Election Com m ission:
Enforcem ent Process and Selected Issues for Congress, by R. Sam Garrett .
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 In recent Congresses, both chambers have expressed interest in FEC enforcement
processes and powers. For example, in the 116th Congress, the Committee on
House Administration received written testimony for a September 2019 hearing
to oversee the agency, although the hearing itself was postponed.86
 The FEC has civil responsibility for enforcing FECA. The Department of Justice
(DOJ) enforces the act’s criminal provisions, and the FEC may refer suspected
criminal violations to DOJ.87 Throughout its history, FEC enforcement has been
controversial, partial y because the commission’s six-member structure as
established in FECA sometimes produces stalemates in enforcement actions.88
Some have argued that DOJ should pursue more vigorous enforcement of
campaign finance law, both on its own authority and in lieu of FEC action.
 Some Members of Congress have proposed requiring companies to provide
additional information to shareholders if the companies choose to make
electioneering communications or independent expenditures. These proposals are
sometimes referred to as “shareholder protection” measures, although the extent
to which they would benefit shareholders or companies is subject to debate. In
2013, the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) dropped plans to consider
additional corporate disclosure of political spending, although some advocates
continue to urge the agency to consider the topic.89 Since then, some advocates of
additional campaign finance regulation have continued to urge the SEC to take
regulatory action to require campaign-related disclosure. As noted previously,
Congress has prohibited requiring additional disclosure to the SEC, through some
recent appropriations measures, including during the 116th Congress. Other
legislation has proposed repealing the prohibition.
 In July 2010, citing Citizens United, the SEC issued new “pay-to-play” rules—
which are otherwise beyond the scope of this report—to prohibit investment
advisers from seeking business from municipalities if the adviser made political
contributions to elected officials responsible for awarding contracts for advisory
services.90 Although the rules appeared not to be targeted to federal candidates,

86 Written testimony submitted for the hearing, scheduled for September 25, 2019 , is available at
https://docs.house.gov/Committee/Calendar/ByEvent.aspx?EventID=109983. Previous versions of this CRS report
provide examples of other hearings dating to 2011.
87 52 U.S.C. §30109.
88 For additional discussion of the agency’s structure and powers, see CRS Report RS22780, The Federal Election
Com m ission (FEC) With Fewer than Four Mem bers: Overview of Policy Im plications, by R. Sam Garrett .
89 In 2012, the SEC’s contribution to the Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs (OIRA) “Unified Agenda”
(formally the Unified Agenda of Regulatory and Deregulatory Actions) indicated that the agency was considering
developing a rule requiring disclosure of certain corporate political spending. T he version of the Unified Agenda
published in the fall of 2013 explained that the SEC was “withdrawing” the proposal but that future action was
possible. On the Unified Agenda, see http://www.reginfo.gov/public/do/eAgendaMain. For brief additional discussion
of the proposed rule, see, for example, Kenneth P. Doyle, “Disclosure of Corporate Political Spending Le ft Off SEC
Agenda for New Regulations,” Daily Report for Executives, December 3, 2013, p. A-1. See also Yin Wilczek,
“Proponents File More T han 100 Proposals Calling for Political Spending T ransparency,” Daily Report for Executives,
April 14, 2015, p. EE-9.
90 See Securities and Exchange Commission, “Political Contributions by Certain Investment Advisers,” 75 Federal
Register 41018-41071, July 14, 2010. See also Municipal Securities Rulemaking Board (MSRB) Rule G-37, Political
Contributions and Prohibitions on Municipal Securities Business and Municipal Advisory Business, http://msrb.org/
Rules-and-Interpretations/MSRB-Rules/General/Rule-G-37.aspx.
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they can implicate state-level officeholders seeking federal office. This includes,
for example, governors running for President.91
 During the spring of 2011, media reports indicated that the Obama
Administration was considering a draft executive order to require additional
disclosure of government contractors’ political spending.92 Although the
executive order was never issued, the topic continued to garner attention. The
House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform and Committee on
Smal Business held a joint hearing on the topic on May 12, 2011. Through
subsequent appropriations bil s, including those enacted during the 116th
Congress, the House and Senate also prohibited requiring additional contractor
disclosure.
Politically Active Tax-Exempt Organizations and Internal Revenue
Service Disclosure Issues
Political y active tax-exempt organizations, regulated primarily by the Internal Revenue Code
(IRC), have been engaged in campaign activity since at least the early 2000s. Some suggest that
Citizens United provided clearer permission for incorporated 501(c)(4) social welfare groups and
501(c)(6) trade associations to make electioneering communications and independent
expenditures. Unions, 501(c)(5)s, have long participated in campaigns, but Citizens United has
been interpreted to permit labor organizations to use their treasury funds, like corporations, to
make ECs and IEs. Amid increased interest in, and activity by, these 501(c) groups post-2010,
controversy has emerged about how or whether their involvement in federal elections should be
regulated. Currently, because 501(c) organizations are not political committees as defined in
FECA, they do not fal under FEC or FECA requirements unless they make ECs or IEs.93
Nonetheless, many such groups engage in activity that might influence campaigns. Various
issues, briefly noted below, concerning political y active tax-exempt organizations’ influence on
federal campaigns remain topics of debate. Other CRS products that focus on tax law provide
additional detail, much of which is beyond the scope of this report.94
 During the Obama Administration, the Internal Revenue Service (IRS)
announced but subsequently withdrew a rulemaking proposal to require
additional disclosure about political y active tax-exempt organizations’ political
spending.95 The issue remained unresolved for the remainder of the Obama
Administration.

91 See, for example, Jake Bernstein, “How an Obscure Federal Rule Could Be Shaking Up Presidential Politics,”
ProPublica, August 28, 2012, http://www.propublica.org/article/how-an-obscure-federal-rule-could-be-shaking-up-
presidential-politics; and Kenneth P. Doyle, “ Judges Skeptical of Challenge to SEC Rule on Political Money From
Investment Advisers,” Daily Report for Executives, March 24, 2015, pp. A-6. T his report does not include a detailed
discussion of this topic, including subsequent updates unless they appear to substantially affect federal campaign
finance policy.
92 See, for example, Kenneth P. Doyle, “Anticipated Obama Order Would Require Disclosure of Contractors’ Political
Money,” Daily Report for Executives, April 21, 2011, pp. A-6.
93 If the groups had an affiliated super PAC, the super PAC would report to the FEC as a political committee.
94 See, for example, CRS In Focus IF11005, Donor Disclosure: 501(c) Groups and Campaign Spending , by R. Sam
Garrett .
95 For historical discussion, see, for example, Diane Freda, “IRS Plans for Broadening Political Activity Rules T rigger
Stern Warning From Hatch,” Daily Report for Executives, April 14, 2015, p. G-7.
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 In May 2020, the Internal Revenue Service and the Treasury Department issued
rules that permitted certain political y active tax-exempt organizations (e.g.,
501(c)(4)s) to withhold information identifying donors from their annual
information returns (schedule B of IRS form 990).96 Previously, although this
donor information was not made public, filers general y had to report it to the
IRS. Proponents of more campaign finance reporting requirements general y
oppose the IRS rule change, arguing that the information is one of the few
sources of donor information for money that sometimes ultimately affects
campaigns, even if the reports are not publicly available. Those favoring less
regulation general y contend that the reports were burdensome and of limited
value for campaign finance disclosure and enforcement, especial y since they are
filed with the IRS rather than the FEC.97 Under the 2020 rules, the organizations
must maintain donor information in case the IRS requests it.
Selected Recent Litigation About Donor Disclosure in Independent
Spending
One of the most controversial elements of campaign finance disclosure concerns identifying
donors to organizations that make electioneering communications and independent expenditures.
Amid recent litigation, donor disclosure requirements can vary depending on whether a group
chooses to make ECs versus IEs. This section provides brief context about policy issues and
debates that took root in recent, selected litigation, but does not address the litigation in detail or
provide legal analysis. In brief, currently, it appears that greater donor disclosure is required in IE
reports than in EC reports.
 FECA requires that those giving more than $200 “for the purpose of furthering”
IEs must be identified in political committees’ disclosure reports filed with the
FEC.98 By contrast, the “purpose of furthering” language does not appear in the
portion of FECA covering ECs. Nonetheless, FEC regulations implementing
FECA also use the “purpose of furthering” language as a threshold for identifying
donors to corporations or unions making ECs.99 In practice, this meant that,
before recent litigation noted below, the FEC applied similar donor disclosure
requirements to both ECs and IEs.
 Some contend that the EC regulations improperly permit those contributing to
ECs to avoid disclosure by making unrestricted contributions (i.e., not “for the
purpose of furthering” ECs).100 On the basis of that argument and others, then-
Representative Van Hollen sued the FEC in 2011. A series of federal district and
appel ate court rulings occurred thereafter. In January 2016, the U.S. Court of

96 See Department of the Treasury, Internal Revenue Service, “Guidance Under Section 6033 Regarding the Reporting
Requirements of Exempt Organizations,” 85 Federal Register 31959, May 28, 2020. See also CRS In Focus IF11005,
Donor Disclosure: 501(c) Groups and Cam paign Spending, by R. Sam Garrett .
97 See discussion of comments submitted in response to the proposed 2020 rules, and IRS responses, in Department of
the T reasury, Internal Revenue Service, “Guidance Under Section 6033 Regarding the Reporting Requirements of
Exempt Organizations,” 85 Federal Register 31959, May 28, 2020.
98 52 U.S.C. §30104(c)(2)(C).
99 11 C.F.R. §104.20(c)(9).
100 T he same argument is made concerning IE disclosure, although the absence of the “purpose of furthering” language
is unique to EC provisions in FECA.
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Appeals for the D.C. Circuit upheld the FEC rules.101 There have been no major
subsequent developments. As such, those making ECs may continue omitting
donor information from EC reports in some cases.102
 Another recent case, CREW v. FEC, considered the “purpose of furthering”
donor-disclosure standard for IEs rather than ECs.103 In November 2012, Citizens
for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington (CREW), which identifies itself as a
“watchdog” group, filed a complaint with the FEC, al eging, among other things,
that 501(c)(4) group Crossroads GPS failed to disclose its donors as required
under FECA and agency regulations. In November 2015, FEC commissioners
deadlocked on whether Crossroads GPS had violated commission regulations and
FECA (Matter Under Review 6696). CREW then sued the commission in federal
district court for, among other things, al egedly failing to enforce disclosure
requirements. In August 2018, the U.S. District Court for the District of
Columbia ruled in CREW’s favor. After the court ruling took effect on September
18, 2018, certain groups that previously did not disclose some of their donors to
the FEC in IE reports were required do so. In August 2020, the U.S. Circuit Court
of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit upheld the district court ruling that invalidated the
relevant portion of the FEC’s IE rules.104 A future rulemaking providing
additional clarification is possible.
The policy implications from cases such as these are important primarily for ongoing debates in
Congress and beyond about how and when donors’ identities are reported to the FEC and,
therefore, to the public. As noted above, those requirements have varied most recently with
developments in litigation, rulemaking, or both. Congress has considered various legislation to
make disclosure requirements more uniform (e.g., in versions of the DISCLOSE Act) across
different kinds of political advertising.
Federal Communications Commission Rules on Political
Advertising Disclosure
Campaign finance law general y addresses only advertising that mentions political candidates or
elections. In particular, some legislation focused on political advertising (such as the Honest Ads
Act, discussed previously) primarily proposes amending FECA, but also draws on or proposes
amendments to concepts addressed in telecommunications law or regulation. Another CRS report
provides additional detail on the latter.105

101 For additional discussion, CRS Report R43719, Campaign Finance: Constitutionality of Limits on Contributions
and Expenditures, by L. Paige Whitaker.
102 For additional discussion, see CRS In Focus IF11398, Campaign Finance Law: Disclosure and Disclaimer
Requirem ents for Political Cam paign Advertising , by L. Paige Whitaker.
103 For additional discussion, see CRS In Focus IF11005, Donor Disclosure: 501(c) Groups and Campaign Spending ,
by R. Sam Garrett ; and CRS Report R45320, Cam paign Finance Law: An Analysis of Key Issues, Recent
Developm ents, and Constitutional Consideratio ns for Legislation, by L. Paige Whitaker.
104 For additional discussion, see also Zainab Smith, Appeals Court Affirms Invalidation of Disclosure Rule in
Crossroads GPS v. CREW (18-5261), Federal Election Commission, Record newsletter, Washington, DC, August 26,
2020, https://www.fec.gov/updates/appeals-court -affirms-invalidation-disclosure-rule-crossroads-gps-v-crew-18-5261/.
105 See CRS Report R46516, Identifying TV Political and Issue Ad Sponsors in the Digital Age, by Dana A. Scherer.
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In BCRA, Congress required broadcasters to place information about political advertising prices
and purchases in a “political file” available for public inspection.106 Partial y in response to
Citizens United, in 2011 the FCC revisited rulemaking proceedings the agency began in 2007 to
consider whether broadcasters should be required to make information from the political file
available on the internet rather than only through paper records at individual television stations.
On April 27, 2012, the FCC approved new rules to require television broadcasters affiliated with
the ABC, CBS, Fox, and NBC networks in the top 50 designated market areas (DMAs) to post
political file information on the commission’s website.107 These rules took effect on August 2,
2012. Stations outside the top 50 DMAs or unaffiliated with the top four networks were required
to comply as of July 2014.108 In February 2016, the FCC extended the online-disclosure
requirements to cable and satel ite operators and broadcast radio.109 In addition, in 2019 and 2020,
the FCC issued clarifications to political file rules concerning availability of information about
advertising that addresses certain policy or legislative issues.110
Revisiting Disclosure Requirements
Historical y, disclosure aimed at reducing the threat of real or apparent corruption has received
bipartisan support. In fact, disclosure typical y has been regarded as one of the least controversial
aspects of an otherwise often-contentious debate over the nation’s campaign finance policy.
Disclosure, then, could yield opportunities for cooperation among Members of both major parties
and across both chambers. On the other hand, some recent disclosure efforts have generated
controversy. Particularly since the 111th Congress consideration of the DISCLOSE Act
(provisions of which are included in recent versions of H.R. 1 in the 116th and 117th Congresses),
some lawmakers raised concerns about whether the legislation applied fairly to various kinds of
organizations (e.g., corporations versus unions), and how much information those airing
independent messages rather than making direct candidate contributions should be required to
report to the FEC.
Post-Citizens United legislative activity among those who favor additional disclosure has
general y emphasized the DISCLOSE Act, but, as noted elsewhere in this report, some have also
proposed reporting particular kinds of spending to agencies such as the IRS or the SEC. As noted
previously, litigation and FEC rulemakings in the past decade have also considered the
applicability of the “purpose of furthering” donor-disclosure standard for ECs and IEs.

106 T he relevant provision appears in §504 of BCRA (P.L. 107-155). Although BCRA primarily amended FECA (2
U.S.C. §431 et seq.), the “ political file” requirement amended the 1934 Communications Act. See 47 U.S.C. §315.
107 Federal Communications Commission, Second Report and Order, In the Matter of Standardized and Enhanced
Disclosure Requirements for T elevision Broadcast Licensee Public Interest Obligations, MM Docket No. 00 -168,
Washington, DC, April 27, 2012, http://transition.fcc.gov/Daily_Releases/Daily_Business/2012/db0427/FCC-12-
44A1.pdf. See also Federal Communications Commission, “ Standardized and Enhanced Disclosure Requirements for
T elevision Broadcast Licensee Public Interest Obligations,” 77 Federal Register 27631, May 11, 2012.
108 See ibid and Federal Communications Commission, “Media Bureau Reminds T elevision Broadcasters of July 1,
2014 Online Political File Deadline,” press release, April 4, 2014, http://transition.fcc.gov/Daily_Releases/
Daily_Business/2014/db0404/DA-14-464A1.pdf.
109 See Federal Communications Commission, “Expansion of Online Public File Obligations to Cable and Satellite T V
Operators and Broadcast and Satellite Radio Licensees,” 81 Federal Register 10105, February 29, 2016; and Federal
Communications Commission, “Expansion of Online Public File Obligations to Cable and Satellite T V Operators and
Broadcast and Satellite Radio Licensees,” 80 Federal Register 8031, February 13, 2015.
110 For additional discussion, see CRS Report R46516, Identifying TV Political and Issue Ad Sponsors in the Digital
Age, by Dana A. Scherer.
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Additional disclosure poses the advantage of making it easier to track the flow of political money.
Disclosure, however, does not guarantee complete information, nor does it necessarily guard
against al forms of potential corruption. For example, current requirements general y make it
possible to identify which people or organizations were involved in a political transaction. This
information promotes partial transparency, but does not, in and of itself, provide detailed
information about what motivates those transactions or, in some cases, where the funds in
question originated.111 Additional disclosure requirements from Congress, the FEC, or the IRS
could provide additional clarity.
Disclosure and Disclaimers in Online and Digital Communications
Disclosure and the related topic of disclaimers (referring to statements of attribution in political
advertising) in online advertising have been especial y prominent topics in recent years. In
particular, after the Citizens United decision, and reports of foreign interference in the 2016
elections using social media, renewed interest in online advertising appeared in Congress and at
the FEC.
In 2011, the FEC announced an Advanced Notice of Proposed Rulemaking (ANPRM) to receive
comments on whether it should update its rules concerning internet disclaimers, but the agency
did not advance new rules. In 2016, amid the increased online activity surrounding the 2016
election cycle, the FEC announced that it was reopening the comment period on the 2011
ANPRM. It again reopened the comment period in October 2017. Several Members of Congress
filed comments. On November 16, 2017, the FEC voted to draft revised internet-disclaimer rules
(a notice of proposed rulemaking) for paid advertising. The commission may consider adopting
those revised rules in the future.112
Congress has not enacted legislation focused specifical y on online campaign activity, although
elements of existing statute and FEC rules address internet communications. As noted elsewhere
in this report, Congress has considered legislation that proposes additional disclosure and
disclaimer requirements in online advertising. The Honest Ads Act, which originated in the 115th
Congress (2017-2018), has been the most prominent such legislation and has been introduced
both as stand-alone legislation and as a component of other bil s thereafter, including during the
117th Congress. In October 2017, the Honest Ads Act (H.R. 4077; S. 1989) was introduced to
amend the Federal Election Campaign Act (FECA; 52 U.S.C. §§30101-30145) to further regulate
some online ads. On October 24, 2018, the House Subcommittee on Information Technology,
Committee on Oversight and Government Reform, held a hearing that addressed disclaimers and
disclosures surrounding online political advertising general y. Honest Ads Act language was
reintroduced in the 116th Congress as a stand-alone measure ( H.R. 2592 [Kilmer]; S. 1356
[Klobuchar]) and was contained in H.R. 1 (For the People Act) and H.R. 4617 (SHIELD Act) text
that passed the House but did not advance in the Senate.113

111 Some refer to obscuring the original source of funds that eventually affect candidate campaigns as “dark money,”
although the term is unofficial.
112 For brief additional discussion, see CRS In Focus IF10758, Online Political Advertising: Disclaimers and Policy
Issues, by R. Sam Garrett .
113 H.R. 1612 and S. 2669 also contained Honest Ads Act provisions in the 116th Congress. Neither bill advanced
beyond introduction.
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Revisiting Contribution Limits
After Citizens United, one potential concern is how candidates wil be able to field competitive
campaigns amid unlimited expenditures from super PACs, 501(c) organizations, corporations, or
unions. One option for providing additional financial resources to candidates, parties, or both,
would be to raise or eliminate contribution limits. Particularly if contribution limits were
eliminated, corruption concerns that motivated FECA and BCRA could reemerge. As noted
previously, Congress raised limits for some contributions to political parties in 2014.
Another option, which Congress has occasional y considered in recent years, would be to raise or
eliminate current limits on coordinated party expenditures.114 Coordinated expenditures al ow
parties to buy goods or services on behalf of a campaign—in limited amounts—and to discuss
those expenditures with the campaign.115 In a post-Citizens United and post-McCutcheon
environment, additional party-coordinated expenditures could provide campaigns facing
increased outside advertising with additional resources to respond. Permitting parties to provide
additional coordinated expenditures may also strengthen parties as institutions by increasing their
relevance for candidates and the electorate. A potential drawback of this approach is that some
campaigns may feel compel ed to adopt party strategies at odds with the campaign’s wishes to
receive the benefits of coordinated expenditures.116 Those concerned with the influence of money
in politics may object to any attempt to increase contribution limits or coordinated party
expenditures, even if those limits were raised in an effort to respond to labor- or corporate-funded
advertising. Additional funding in some form, however, may be attractive to those who feel that
greater resources wil be necessary to compete in the modern era, or perhaps to those who support
increased contribution limits as a step toward campaign deregulation. A version of the FY2016
FSGG bil (S. 1910) reported in the Senate would have amended FECA to permit parties to make
unlimited coordinated expenditures on behalf of their candidates if the candidate did not control
or direct such spending. That provision, however, was not included in the FY2016 consolidated
appropriations law (P.L. 114-113; H.R. 2029).
Revisiting Coordination Requirements
Both before and after Citizens United, questions have persisted about whether unlimited
independent expenditures permit parties, PACs, and other groups to subsidize candidate
campaigns despite FECA’s contribution limits. Such concerns first emerged in the 1980s with
PAC spending. After Citizens United, the emergence of super PACs and increased activity by
501(c) organizations increased attention to a concept known as coordination. A product of FEC
regulations, coordination restrictions are designed to ensure that valuable goods or services—such
as polling or staff expertise—are not provided to campaigns in excess of federal contribution
limits. In practice, establishing coordination is difficult. Existing regulations require satisfying a

114 T his option would not provide campaigns with additional funding per se, but it could ease the financial burden on
campaigns for those purchases that parties make on the campaign’s behalf.
115 Coordinated party expenditures are subject to limits based on office sought, state, and voting-age population (VAP).
Exact amounts are determined by formula and updated annually by the FEC. For additional discussion, see CRS Report
RS22644, Coordinated Party Expenditures in Federal Elections: An Overview, by R. Sam Garrett and L. Paige
Whitaker; and CRS Report R41054, Cam paign Finance Policy After Citizens United v. Federal Election Com m ission:
Issues and Options for Congress, by R. Sam Garrett .
116 T he long-running debate about relationships between parties and candidates is well documented. For a brief
overview, see, for example, Marjorie Randon Hershey, Party Politics in Am erica, 12th ed., pp. 65-83; and Paul S.
Herrnson, Congressional Elections: Cam paigning at Hom e and in Washington, 4th ed., pp. 86-128.
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The State of Campaign Finance Policy: Recent Developments and Issues for Congress

complex three-part test examining conduct, communications, and payment.117 Some Members of
Congress and advocacy groups have proposed that Congress specify a more precise coordination
standard by enacting legislation.
Conclusion
Some elements of federal campaign finance policy have substantial y changed in recent years;
others have remained unchanged. Enactment of BCRA in 2002 marked the culmination of efforts
to limit soft money in federal elections and place additional regulations on political advertising
airing before elections. BCRA was an extension of efforts begun in the 1970s, with enactment of
FECA, to regulate and document the flow of money in federal elections. BCRA’s soft-money ban
and some other provisions remain in effect; but Citizens United, SpeechNow, and other litigation
since BCRA have reversed major elements of modern campaign finance law.
The changes discussed in this report suggest that the nation’s campaign finance policy may be a
continuing issue for Congress. Disclosure requirements, a hal mark of federal campaign finance
policy, remain unchanged, but the topic has taken on new controversy. Additional information
would be required to fully document the sources and rationales behind al political expenditures.
For some, such disclosure would improve transparency and discourage corruption. For others,
additional disclosure might be viewed with suspicion and as a potential sign of government
intrusion. Particularly in recent years, tension has also developed between competing perspectives
about whether disclosure limits potential corruption or stigmatizes those who might choose to
support unpopular candidates or groups.
Fundraising, spending, and reporting questions have been at the forefront of recent debates in
campaign finance policy, but they are not the only issues that may warrant attention. Even if no
legislative changes are made, additional regulation and litigation are likely, as is the constant
debate over the role of money in politics. Although some of the specifics are new, these themes
discussed throughout this report have been present in campaign finance policy for decades.

Author Information

R. Sam Garrett

Specialist in American National Government

117 On coordination and the three-part regulatory test for coordination, see, respectively 52 U.S.C. §30116 (previously
codified at 2 U.S.C. §441a(a)(7)(B)) and 11 C.F.R. §109.21. See also CRS Report R45320, Cam paign Finance Law:
An Analysis of Key Issues, Recent Developm ents, and Constitutional Considerations for Legislation , by L. Paige
Whitaker.
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Disclaimer
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under the direction of Congress. Information in a CRS Report should n ot be relied upon for purposes other
than public understanding of information that has been provided by CRS to Members of Congress in
connection with CRS’s institutional role. CRS Reports, as a work of the United States Government, are not
subject to copyright protection in the United States. Any CRS Report may be reproduced and distributed in
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