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Updated June 5, 2020
U.S. Strategy for Engagement in Central America: An Overview
Introduction
The Trump Administration initially maintained the strategy,
Instability in Central America is a pressing challenge for
but suspended most aid for the Northern Triangle in March
U.S. policy in the Western Hemisphere. Several nations—
2019—less than two years into the strategy’s on-the-ground
particularly El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras in the
implementation. Some Members of Congress objected to
“Northern Triangle” of Central America—are struggling
the Administration’s policy shift and introduced legislation
with widespread insecurity, fragile political and judicial
to continue providing U.S. foreign assistance to the region.
systems, and high levels of poverty and unemployment.
The decisions of the 116th Congress could play a crucial
role in determining the direction of U.S. policy in Central
The inability of Central American governments to address
America.
those challenges effectively has had far-reaching
implications for the United States. Criminal organizations
Funding
have used the Central American corridor for a range of
Since FY2016, Congress has appropriated nearly $3.1
illicit activities, including the trafficking of approximately
billion for the U.S. Strategy for Engagement in Central
53% of South American cocaine bound for the United
America (see Figure 2). Congress has divided
States in 2018. Central America also has surpassed Mexico
appropriations relatively evenly between bilateral assistance
as the largest source of irregular migration to the United
programs focused on good governance, economic growth,
States in recent years. In FY2019, U.S. authorities
and social welfare and Central America Regional Security
apprehended nearly 608,000 unauthorized migrants from
Initiative (CARSI) programs intended to prevent violence,
the Northern Triangle at the southwest border (see Figure
reform justice-sector institutions, and combat gangs and
1). More than 80% of those apprehended were
organized crime. U.S. agencies have allocated the vast
unaccompanied minors or families, many of whom were
majority of the aid to the Northern Triangle countries.
seeking asylum.
Figure 2. Appropriations for the U.S. Strategy for
Figure 1. U.S. Apprehensions of Northern Triangle
Engagement in Central America: FY2016-FY2021
Nationals at the Southwest Border: FY2011-FY2019
Sources: U.S. Department of State, Congressional Budget
Sources: U.S. Customs and Border Protection, “U.S. Border Patrol
Justifications for Foreign Operations, FY2018-FY2021; and the
Nationwide Apprehensions by Citizenship and Sector in FY2007-
explanatory statement accompanying P.L. 116-94.
FY2018”; and “U.S. Border Patrol Southwest Border Apprehensions
Note: Actual amounts for FY2017-FY2020 may be lower due to the
by Sector Fiscal Year 2019,” press release, November 14, 2019.
Administration’s decision to suspend and reprogram some aid.
In 2014, the Obama Administration determined that it was
Suspension of U.S. Assistance
in the national security interests of the United States to
The Trump Administration suspended most foreign aid to
work with Central American governments to promote
the Northern Triangle countries in March 2019 due to the
economic prosperity, improve security, and strengthen
continued northward flow of migrants and asylum-seekers
governance. It approved a new, whole-of-government U.S.
from the region. Although some Department of Homeland
Strategy for Engagement in Central America and, with
Security and Department of Justice programs continued, the
congressional support, more than doubled aid to the region.
aid suspension forced other U.S. agencies to begin closing
down projects and canceling planned activities. In
Honduras, for example, the total number of beneficiaries of
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U.S. Agency for International Development activities fell
Congress also could consider authorizing certain foreign
from 1.5 million in March 2019 to 700,000 in March 2020.
assistance activities in Central America to guide aid levels,
set priorities, and enhance oversight of U.S. policy in the
Over the course of 2019, the Trump Administration
region. Several such measures have been introduced in the
reprogrammed approximately $405 million of aid
116th Congress, including H.R. 2615—passed by the House
appropriated for the Northern Triangle to other foreign
in July 2019, H.R. 2836, H.R. 3524, S. 1445, and S. 1781.
policy priorities while negotiating a series of migration
agreements with Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador.
Regional Developments
Under a safe third country agreement (also known as an
According to a September 2019 U.S. Government
asylum cooperative agreement), for example, the United
Accountability Office (GAO) report, “limited information
States sent nearly 1,000 Hondurans and Salvadorans to
is available about how U.S. assistance [has] improved
Guatemala between November 2019 and March 2020,
prosperity, governance, and security in the Northern
requiring them to apply for protection there rather than in
Triangle.” GAO notes that U.S. agencies lack a
the United States. Guatemala suspended that agreement in
comprehensive monitoring and evaluation plan, and that
March 2020 due to the COVID-19 pandemic; similar
project-level assessments have found mixed results. In
agreements with Honduras and El Salvador have yet to
September 2019 congressional testimony, State Department
begin implementation.
officials asserted that U.S. foreign aid programs had been
“producing the results [they] were intended to produce”
In October 2019, after the migration agreements had been
with regard to security, governance, and economic
concluded, the Administration announced it would begin
development in the region. Nevertheless, the officials
restoring targeted aid to the region. As of April 2020, the
defended the Administration’s aid suspension by arguing
Administration has informed Congress of its intention to
that the number of Salvadoran, Guatemalan, and Honduran
release approximately $401 million (see Table 1). The
nationals apprehended at the U.S.-Mexico border is “the
Administration asserts that the funds are intended to deter
only metric that matters .”
migration, reintegrate repatriated migrants, and promote
U.S. security interests. Nevertheless, it appears as though
Although country-level indicators measure factors outside
some of the aid will continue to support more traditional
the control of the U.S. government, U.S. assistance can
development activities in the region, such as agriculture,
contribute to nationwide improvements over the longer
economic growth, education, good governance, and natural
term.
resource management.
The Northern Triangle economies have grown by an
Table 1. Targeted Aid for the Northern Triangle
average of 3.2% annually since 2014. The stable
(funds identified for release by the State Department, by
macroeconomic situation has not translated into better
appropriation year [millions of current U.S. dollars])
living conditions for many households, however, and the
U.N. Economic Commission for Latin America and the
FY17
FY18
FY19
FY20
Total
Caribbean forecasts that poverty will increase by at least
1.5 percentage points in the region in 2020 due to the
El Salvador
29.2
1.0
80.5
6.9
117.7
Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic.
Guatemala
26.3
2.7
62.0
25.0
116.1
Homicide rates in the region have fallen significantly
Honduras
33.7
5.0
88.1
-
126.9
since 2014. The Northern Triangle countries remain
Regional
-
-
21.8
18.5
40.3
among the most violent in the world, however, with
2019 homicide rates of 21.4 per 100,000 residents in
Total
89.3
8.8
252.5
50.4
400.9
Guatemala, 36.5 per 100,000 in El Salvador, and 44.7
Source: U.S. Department of State, “State Department and USAID
per 100,000 in Honduras, according to local violence
Migration Related Assistance Programming,” document provided to
observatories.
Congress, November 2019; and “Assistance to El Salvador,
Guatemala, and Honduras by Goal, Bureau, and Program,” document
Prosecutors in the Northern Triangle have made
provided to Congress, April 2020.
tentative progress combatting high-level corruption, but
Notes: Nearly $92 mil ion would be provided through foreign
may struggle to maintain their efforts without the
assistance accounts other than those through which Congress has
support of international anti-corruption commissions in
appropriated funding for the Central America strategy.
Guatemala and Honduras. The Northern Triangle also
has experienced democratic backsliding, with Freedom
FY2021 Appropriations and Authorizations
House reporting erosions in political rights and civil
liberties in all three countries since 2014.
The 116th Congress is now considering the Trump
Administration’s FY2021 budget request, which includes
Additional Analysis
nearly $377 million for the Central American region. The
For additional analysis, see CRS Report R44812, U.S.
Administration has not requested any foreign aid
Strategy for Engagement in Central America: Policy Issues
specifically for El Salvador, Guatemala, or Honduras, but
for Congress.
asserts that some of the regional aid could be allocated to
the Northern Triangle countries if they continue to take
action to stem migration to the United States.
Peter J. Meyer, Specialist in Latin American Affairs
IF10371
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U.S. Strategy for Engagement in Central America: An Overview
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