Iran Nuclear Agreement
Kenneth Katzman
Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs
Paul K. Kerr
Analyst in Nonproliferation
September 29, 2015
Congressional Research Service
7-5700
www.crs.gov
R43333


Iran Nuclear Agreement

Summary
On July 14, 2015, Iran and the six powers that have negotiated with Iran about its nuclear
program since 2006 (the United States, the United Kingdom, France, Russia, China, and
Germany—collectively known as the P5+1) finalized a Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action,
(JCPOA) that attempts to ensure that Iran’s nuclear program can be used for purely peaceful
purposes, in exchange for a broad suspension of U.S. sanctions and a lifting of those sanctions
imposed by the European Union (EU) and the United Nations. The JCPOA largely reflects what
was agreed in an April 2, 2015, framework for the accord, and those issues that were left open in
the framework agreement were clarified and specified in the JCPOA. The agreement, if it enters
into force following review by the U.S. Congress and Iran’s political system, will replace a Joint
Plan of Action (JPA) interim nuclear accord in operation since January 2014.
The Administration and the other P5+1 governments assert that the JCPOA represents the most
effective means to ensure that Iran cannot obtain a nuclear weapon, and that all U.S. options to
prevent Iran from developing a nuclear weapon remain available even after the key nuclear
restrictions of the JCPOA expire. The Administration further asserts that the JCPOA contains
provisions for U.N. sanctions to be reimposed if Iran is found not in compliance with its
requirements, although the Administration and many experts acknowledge it is difficult to predict
the degree to which international governments might reimpose their sanctions in the event U.N.
sanctions are reimposed.
Critics of the agreement, including some U.S. allies in the Middle East, express concerns that the
accord requires the United States to give up its main source of leverage on Iran, which is the
extensive international sanctions regime. Some countries in the region, including Israel and the
Persian Gulf monarchies, have expressed concerns that an accord would give Iran additional
resources to extend its influence in the region. These and other critics note that the United States
has committed, in U.N. Security Council Resolution 2231 of July 20, 2015, which endorses the
JCPOA, to a lifting of a U.N. prohibition on arms sales to Iran or arms exports by Iran in five
years, and on Iran’s development of nuclear-capable ballistic missiles within eight years. These
provisions could set the stage for Iran to become a more powerful regional actor. Some U.S. allies
also are said to fear that the JCPOA could produce a broader U.S.-Iran rapprochement that could
cause the United States to decrease its support for regional allies or otherwise decline to act
against the objectionable aspects of Iran’s foreign policy. Some groups express concern that the
deal does not address Iranian human rights abuses or its holding of several Iranian-American
nationals on various charges. The Administration asserts that it is undertaking numerous
initiatives to counter Iran’s destabilizing activities in the Middle East.
Some supporters of the agreement argue that the accord could produce greater U.S.-Iran
cooperation against the threat to the region posed by the Islamic State organization’s seizure of
territory in Iraq and Syria. U.S. officials acknowledge that Iran and the United States have held
bilateral talks on the Islamic State and other regional issues such as the Syria conflict during the
negotiations of a comprehensive nuclear accord, but President Obama has said that the
Administration is “not counting on” a broader change in Iranian behavior.
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Iran Nuclear Agreement

Contents
Introduction ..................................................................................................................................... 1
Background on Iran’s Nuclear Program .......................................................................................... 2
IAEA Safeguards ....................................................................................................................... 3
Declared Iranian Nuclear Facilities ........................................................................................... 3
The Joint Plan of Action (JPA) ........................................................................................................ 5
Nuclear Program Provisions Under the JPA ............................................................................. 5
“Right to Enrichment” ........................................................................................................ 7
Sanctions Easing Under the JPA ............................................................................................... 7
The Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) ........................................................................ 8
Overview Timeline of Implementing the JCPOA ..................................................................... 9
Major Nuclear Provisions of the JCPOA .................................................................................. 9
Enrichment Program ......................................................................................................... 10
Arak Reactor ...................................................................................................................... 11
Other Provisions ................................................................................................................ 11
Sanctions Relief Under the JCPOA ........................................................................................ 15
Implications for Iran of the JCPOA Sanctions Relief ....................................................... 18
Selected Regional Reaction to the Agreement ........................................................................ 20
Gulf States ......................................................................................................................... 20
Israel.................................................................................................................................. 20
Implications for U.S.-Iran Relations ....................................................................................... 21
Formal Congressional Review ................................................................................................ 22

Tables

Table A-1. Summary of Timeline .................................................................................................. 23
Table A-2. JCPOA Commitments .................................................................................................. 24

Appendixes
Appendix A. Chart on the JCPOA ................................................................................................. 23
Appendix B. Nuclear Weapons Development ............................................................................... 28

Contacts
Author Contact Information .......................................................................................................... 29

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Introduction
Multilateral negotiations regarding Iran’s nuclear program date back to 2003 after the
International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) reported on the existence of clandestine nuclear
facilities at Natanz. In October of that year, Iran concluded an agreement with France, Germany,
and the United Kingdom that contained provisions designed to alleviate international concerns
regarding Iran’s uranium enrichment and heavy water reactor programs. Iran temporarily
suspended aspects of its nuclear program and signed an Additional Protocol to its IAEA
safeguards agreement, but also asserted its right to develop nuclear technology. In January 2006,
Tehran announced that it would resume research and development on its centrifuges at Natanz.
After that time, Iran held multiple rounds of talks with China, France, Germany, Russia, the
United Kingdom, and the United States (collectively known as the P5+1) which bore fruit after
the June 2013 election of Iranian President Hassan Rouhani. A November 24, 2013, Joint Plan of
Action (JPA; sometimes referred to in international documents as JPoA) set out an approach
toward reaching a long-term comprehensive solution to international concerns regarding Iran’s
nuclear program. The two sides began implementing the JPA on January 20, 2014. The P5+1 and
Iran reached a framework of a Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) on April 2, 2015,
and the JCPOA was finalized on July 14, 2015. The IAEA is still monitoring Iran’s compliance
with the JPA. The agency expects to “continue conducting JPA-related activities, including the
provision of monthly updates, until the date on which the JCPOA is implemented,” according to
an August IAEA report.1
As part of the diplomatic efforts cited above, the U.N. Security Council adopted several
resolutions, the most recent and sweeping of which (Resolution 1929) was adopted in June 2010.
These resolutions require Iran to cooperate fully with an ongoing IAEA investigation of its
nuclear activities, suspend its uranium enrichment program, suspend its construction of a heavy
water reactor and related projects, and ratify the Additional Protocol to its IAEA safeguards
agreement. Resolution 1929 also requires Tehran to refrain from “any activity related to ballistic
missiles capable of delivering nuclear weapons” and to comply with a modified provision (called
code 3.1) of Iran’s subsidiary arrangement to its IAEA safeguards agreement.2 Several of these
resolutions imposed economic and other sanctions on Iran.
In addition to concluding the JPA, Iran signed a joint statement with the IAEA on November 11,
2013, describing a “Framework for Cooperation.”3 According to the statement, Iran and the IAEA
agreed to “strengthen their cooperation and dialogue aimed at ensuring the exclusively peaceful
nature of Iran’s nuclear programme through the resolution of all outstanding issues that have not
already been resolved by the IAEA.” The agency has long sought to resolve some outstanding
questions regarding Tehran’s nuclear program, some of which concern possible Iranian research
on nuclear weapons development.

1 Verification and Monitoring in the Islamic Republic of Iran in light of United Nations Security Council Resolution
2231 (2015
), Report by the Director General, International Atomic Energy Agency, GOV/2015/53, August 14, 2015.
2 Iran is a party to the nuclear Non Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and has concluded a comprehensive safeguards
agreement with the IAEA. Such agreements are designed to enable the IAEA to detect the diversion of nuclear material
from peaceful purposes to nuclear weapons uses, as well as to detect undeclared nuclear activities and material. For
more information, see CRS Report R40094, Iran’s Nuclear Program: Tehran’s Compliance with International
Obligations
, by Paul K. Kerr.
3 Available at http://www.iaea.org/press/?p=4018.
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Background on Iran’s Nuclear Program4
Iran has nuclear programs that could potentially provide Tehran with the capability to produce
both weapons-grade highly enriched uranium (HEU) and plutonium—the two types of fissile
material used in nuclear weapons. (In addition to the production of weapons-grade nuclear
material, a nuclear weapons program requires other key elements, such as warhead design and
reliable delivery systems [see Appendix B].) Statements from the U.S. intelligence community
indicate that Iran has the technological and industrial capacity to produce nuclear weapons at
some point, but the U.S. government assesses that Tehran has not mastered all of the necessary
technologies for building a nuclear weapon.5
A November 2007 National Intelligence Estimate6 assessed that Iran “halted its nuclear weapons
program” in 2003.7 The 2007 estimate, and subsequent statements by the intelligence community,
also assessed that Tehran is keeping open the “option” to develop nuclear weapons.8 Under
Secretary of State for Political Affairs Wendy Sherman explained during an October 3, 2013,
Senate Foreign Relations Committee hearing that Iran would need as much as one year to
produce a nuclear weapon9 if the government made the decision to do so.10 Tehran would need
two to three months of this period to produce enough weapons-grade HEU for a nuclear
weapon.11
U.S. officials argue that the IAEA and/or U.S. intelligence would likely detect an Iranian attempt
to use its safeguarded facilities for producing weapons-grade HEU.12 The intelligence community
assesses that Iran, if it were to decide to do so, is more likely to produce weapons-grade HEU
covertly, Director Clapper stated in a March 2015 interview.13 But U.S. officials also express
confidence in the ability of U.S. intelligence to detect Iranian covert nuclear facilities.14 U.S.

4 For more information, see CRS Report RL34544, Iran’s Nuclear Program: Status, by Paul K. Kerr.
5 “Press Briefing by Senior Administration Officials on IAEA Report on Iran’s Nuclear Activities,” November 8, 2011.
6 “Iran: Nuclear Intentions and Capabilities,” National Intelligence Estimate, November 2007.
7 The estimate defined “nuclear weapons program” as “nuclear weapon design and weaponization work and covert
uranium conversion-related and uranium enrichment related work.”
8 See, for example, Director of National Intelligence James Clapper’s February 26, 2015, testimony before the Senate
Armed Services Committee (Statement for the Record, Worldwide Threat Assessment of the U.S. Intelligence
Community
, February 26, 2015).
9 This estimate assumes the necessary time to produce a sufficient amount of weapons-grade HEU and complete the
remaining steps necessary for an implosion-style nuclear explosive device suitable for explosive testing. (Conversation
with U.S. official, July 21, 2015.)
10 “Reversing Iran’s Nuclear Program,” Senate Foreign Relations Committee, October 3, 2013.
11 The White House. “Parameters for a Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action Regarding the Islamic Republic of Iran’s
Nuclear Program.” April 2, 2015.
12 “Hearing on Security Threats to the United States,” Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, March 12, 2013. Then-
IAEA Deputy Director General for Safeguards Herman Nackaerts stated in July 2013 that the IAEA “would know
within a week,” if Iran were to use its safeguarded facilities to produce weapons-grade HEU. (Barbara Slavin, “Tight
IAEA Inspection Regime Hampers Iran’s Nuclear Breakout,” Al-Monitor, July 22, 2013.)
13 PBS “Charlie Rose” Interview with James Clapper, Director of National Security, March 3, 2015.
14 “Senior Administration Official Holds A Background Briefing Previewing Iran P5+1 Talks,” November 6, 2013;
Colin H. Kahl, “Not Time to Attack Iran: Why War Should Be a Last Resort,” Foreign Affairs, January 17, 2012.
However, Director of National Intelligence Clapper stated in a February 2015 hearing that, although the United States
has “a reasonably capable intelligence capability,” IAEA safeguards would be an “important aspect of any sort of
agreement we might reach with the Iranians” (Worldwide Threat Assessment of the U.S. Intelligence Community,
February 26, 2015).
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officials have argued that Iran currently does not appear to have any nuclear facilities of which
the United States is unaware. For example, CIA Director John Brennan stated during a March
2015 interview that the United States has “a good understanding of what the Iranian nuclear
program entails.”15 Asked during a July 31 press briefing about possible Iranian undeclared
nuclear facilities, U.S. Secretary of Energy Ernest Moniz stated that “we feel pretty confident that
we know their current configuration.” President Obama has said that the goal for the JCPOA was
to increase the time needed for Iran to produce enough fissile material for one nuclear weapon to
between six months and one year, as well as to improve the international community’s ability to
detect such a scenario.16
IAEA Safeguards
The IAEA’s ability to inspect and monitor nuclear facilities, as well as to obtain information, in a
particular country pursuant to that government’s comprehensive safeguards agreement has been
limited to facilities and activities that have been declared by the government. Additional Protocols
to IAEA comprehensive safeguards agreements increase the agency’s ability to investigate
undeclared nuclear facilities and activities by increasing the IAEA’s authority to inspect certain
nuclear-related facilities and demand information from member states. Iran signed such a
protocol in December 2003 and agreed to implement the agreement pending ratification.
However, following the 2005 breakdown of the limited agreements with the European countries
to suspend uranium enrichment, Tehran stopped adhering to its Additional Protocol in 2006.17
Subsidiary arrangements to IAEA safeguards agreements describe the “technical and
administrative procedures for specifying how the provisions laid down in a safeguards agreement
are to be applied.”18 Code 3.1 of Iran’s subsidiary arrangement to its IAEA safeguards agreement
requires Tehran to provide design information for new nuclear facilities “as soon as the decision
to construct, or to authorize construction, of such a facility has been taken, whichever is earlier.”
Declared Iranian Nuclear Facilities19
Iran has not built any new nuclear facilities or expanded the existing ones since beginning
implementation of the JPA in January 2014. Iran operates a Russian-built nuclear power reactor,
for which Russia provides fuel until 2021. The JCPOA focuses on Iran’s enrichment program and
its heavy water reactor due to their potential for nuclear weapons material production, and all the
facilities discussed below are addressed in the JCPOA.
Iran has three gas centrifuge enrichment facilities (Natanz Fuel Enrichment Plant, Natanz Pilot
Fuel Enrichment Plant, and Fordow Fuel Enrichment Plant). Gas centrifuges enrich uranium by
spinning uranium hexafluoride gas at high speeds to increase the concentration of the uranium-

15 “Exclusive: CIA Director John Brennan Provides Insight into Agency Overhaul to Face Modern Threats,” Fox News
Sunday
, March 22, 2015.
16 “Exclusive: Full Text of Reuters Interview with Obama,” Reuters, March 2, 2015. Also see Deputy Secretary of State
Antony Blinken’s testimony before the House Committee on Foreign Affairs March 19, 2015.
17 Iran announced that it would stop implementing the protocol two days after the IAEA Board of governors adopted a
resolution in February 2006 which referred Iran’s noncompliance with its IAEA safeguards agreement to the U.N.
Security Council.
18 2001 IAEA Safeguards Glossary. Available at http://www-pub.iaea.org/books/IAEABooks/6570/IAEA-Safeguards-
Glossary-2001-Edition.
19 Unless otherwise noted, this section is based on CRS Report RL34544, Iran’s Nuclear Program: Status, by Paul K.
Kerr, and reports from IAEA Director-General Yukiya Amano to the IAEA Board of Governors: GOV/2013/27 (May
2013), GOV/2013/40 (August 2013), GOV/2013/56 (November 2013, and GOV/2015/34, (May 2015).
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235 isotope. Such centrifuges can produce low-enriched uranium (LEU), which can be used for
fuel in nuclear power reactors or research reactors, and weapons-grade highly enriched uranium
(HEU). LEU used in nuclear power reactors typically contains less than 5% uranium-235;
research reactor fuel can be made using 20% uranium-235; HEU used in nuclear weapons
typically contains about 90% uranium-235. Tehran argues that it is enriching uranium for use as
fuel in nuclear power reactors and nuclear research reactors.
Natanz Commercial-Scale Fuel Enrichment Plant. In this facility, Iran is using
first-generation centrifuges, called IR-1 centrifuges, to produce LEU containing
up to 5% uranium-235. As of November 2013, Iran had installed about 15,400 of
these centrifuges, approximately 8,800 of which are enriching uranium. Iran had
also installed about 1,000 centrifuges with a greater enrichment efficiency, called
IR-2m centrifuges, in the facility. The IR-2m centrifuges are not enriching
uranium.
Natanz Pilot Fuel Enrichment Plant. Iran had been using IR-1 centrifuges in
this facility to produce LEU containing approximately 20% uranium-235 until
halting this work pursuant to the JPA. Tehran’s production of LEU enriched to
the 20% level has caused concern because such production requires
approximately 90% of the effort necessary to produce weapons-grade HEU,
which, as noted, contains approximately 90% uranium-235.20 Iran is testing other
centrifuge models in this facility under IAEA supervision, but such work was
monitored by the IAEA, even before the JPA (see below) limited this testing.
Fordow Fuel Enrichment Plant. Iran was using IR-1 centrifuges in this facility
to produce LEU containing approximately 20% uranium-235 until the JPA took
effect. Iran has installed about 2,700 first-generation centrifuges, approximately
700 of which were enriching uranium.
Arak Heavy Water Reactor. Iran is constructing a heavy water-moderated
reactor at Arak, which, according to Tehran, is intended to produce radioisotopes
for medical use and to replace the Tehran Research Reactor. The JPA limits
further development of the facility. Heavy water production requires a separate
production plant, which Iran possesses. Prior to the JPA, Tehran notified the
IAEA that it had produced enough heavy water to commission the reactor. The
reactor is a proliferation concern because heavy water reactors produce spent fuel
containing plutonium better suited for nuclear weapons than plutonium produced
by light water-moderated reactors.21 If it were to be completed in its current
configuration, the reactor could produce enough plutonium for between one and
two nuclear weapons per year.22 However, plutonium must be separated from the
used fuel—a procedure called “reprocessing.” Iran has always maintained that it
would not engage in reprocessing.

20 Former IAEA Deputy Director General Olli Heinonen, “Dealing with a Nuclear Iran: Redlines and Deadlines,”
Center for Strategic and International Studies, February 6, 2013; U.S. Secretary of Energy Ernest Moniz, Senate
Committee on Armed Services, “Impacts of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JPCOA) on U.S. Interests and the
Military Balance in the Middle East,” July 29, 2015.
21 Both the Tehran Research Reactor and the Bushehr reactor are light-water reactors.
22 Kahl, May 14, 2015.
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The Joint Plan of Action (JPA)

The JPA, which began implementation on January 20, 2014, was intended to freeze most aspects
of Iran’s nuclear program and allow time to negotiate a comprehensive agreement. Iran has
enough uranium hexafluoride containing up to 5% uranium-235, which, if further enriched,
would yield enough weapons-grade HEU for as many as eight nuclear weapons.23 The total
amount of Iranian LEU containing 20% uranium-235 would, if it had been further enriched, have
been sufficient for a nuclear weapon. Since the JPA, Iran has either converted much of that
material for use as fuel in a research reactor located in Tehran (called the Tehran Research
Reactor), or prepared it for that purpose.24 Iran has diluted the rest of that stockpile so that it
contains no more than 5% uranium-235. Tehran’s uranium conversion facility is not set up to
reconvert the reactor fuel to uranium hexafluoride.25 According to a November 14, 2013, IAEA
report, Iran had generally stopped expanding its enrichment and heavy water reactor programs
during the negotiations leading up to the JPA.26
Nuclear Program Provisions Under the JPA27
Under the JPA, Iran agreed to refrain from “any further advances of its activities” at the Natanz
commercial-scale facility, Fordow facility, and Arak reactor. Tehran was also required to provide
the IAEA with additional information about its nuclear program, as well as access to some
nuclear-related facilities to which Iran’s IAEA safeguards agreement does not require access.
Centrifuge Limits. The JPA required Iran to refrain from feeding uranium
hexafluoride into its installed centrifuges that were not previously enriching
uranium, to replace existing centrifuges only with “centrifuges of the same type”
and to produce centrifuges only to replace damaged centrifuges. Tehran was to
refrain from installing additional centrifuges at the Natanz facility and pledged
not to construct additional enrichment facilities. At its pilot plant, Iran was not
allowed to accumulate enriched uranium. Iran was permitted to use its previously
operating centrifuges in the Natanz commercial facility and the Fordow facility
to produce enriched uranium containing as much as 5% uranium-235.
Level of Enrichment Limits. Under the JPA, Iran could only enrich uranium up
to 5% uranium-235. Tehran was also to dilute half of its stockpile of uranium
hexafluoride containing 20% uranium-235 to no more than 5% uranium-235. The

23 Colin Kahl, Deputy Assistant to the President and National Security Adviser to the Vice President, “Arms Control
Association Annual Meeting: Unprecedented Challenges for Nonproliferation and Disarmament,” May 14, 2015.
24 This process has generated scrap which contains LEU with 20% uranium-235. Iran also retains .6 kilograms of
uranium hexafluoride containing 20% uranium-235, which “had been used as reference material for mass
spectrometry” (Implementation of the NPT Safeguards Agreement and relevant provisions of Security Council
resolutions in the Islamic Republic of Iran
, Report of the Director General, International Atomic Energy Agency,
GOV/2015/34, May 29, 2015).
25 Nuclear Industry in Iran: An Overview on Iran’s Activities and Achievements in Nuclear Technology, Atomic Energy
Organization of Iran, 2012, p. 13. Also see GOV/2015/34.
26 Implementation of the NPT Safeguards Agreement and Relevant Provisions of Security Council Resolutions in the
Islamic Republic of Iran
, GOV/2013/56, November 14, 2013.
27 Unless otherwise noted, this section is based on the agreement text (available at http://eeas.europa.eu/statements/
docs/2013/131124_03_en.pdf), “Background Briefing by Senior Administration Officials on First Step Agreement on
Iran’s Nuclear Program,” November 24, 2013, and GOV/2013/56.
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rest of the uranium hexafluoride containing 20% uranium-235 was to be
converted to uranium oxide for use as fuel for the Tehran Research Reactor.28
Iran also pledged to refrain from building a line in its uranium conversion facility
for reconverting the uranium oxide back to uranium hexafluoride.
LEU Stockpile Limits. The JPA also required Iran, in effect, to freeze the
amount of stocks of enriched uranium hexafluoride containing up to 5%
uranium-235 by converting it to uranium oxide.29 The uranium dioxide is to be
set aside for research and development (R&D) on fuel for Iran’s Bushehr nuclear
power reactor.
Centrifuge R&D. According to the JPA, Iran continued its “current enrichment
R&D Practices” under IAEA safeguards, “which are not designed for
accumulation of the enriched uranium.” This provision prohibited Tehran from
producing enriched uranium hexafluoride containing more than 5% uranium-235
as part of an R&D program.
Additional Monitoring. The JPA provided for additional IAEA monitoring of
the enrichment facilities by allowing IAEA inspectors to access video records
from those facilities on a daily basis. Previously, inspectors reportedly accessed
such records (the video is not streamed in real time to the agency), but not on a
daily basis.30
Arak Reactor. Under the JPA, Iran pledged to refrain from commissioning the
reactor, transferring fuel or heavy water to the reactor site, testing and producing
additional reactor fuel, and installing remaining reactor components. The
agreement allowed Tehran to continue some construction at the reactor site and
also produce reactor components off-site that are not covered by the agreement.
Iran also agreed to refrain from reprocessing spent nuclear material and building
a reprocessing facility31 and to submit updated design information about the
reactor to the IAEA and agree upon a suitable safeguards plan for the reactor.
Additional Information. Iran was to provide the IAEA with other information
about its nuclear programs, such as plans for future nuclear facilities. Tehran is
required to provide some of this information by code 3.1 of Iran’s subsidiary
arrangement to its IAEA safeguards agreement. Iran has also provided IAEA
inspectors with “managed access” to its centrifuge assembly workshops,
centrifuge rotor production workshops, centrifuge storage facilities, and uranium
mines and mills.32

28 This material is unsuitable for further enrichment. Uranium hexafluoride is the form of uranium used as feedstock for
centrifuge enrichment.
29 Iran began operating a conversion plant for this purpose in July 2014.
30 Then-deputy National Security Adviser Anthony Blinken stated in a November 25, 2013, television interview that
such access would enable IAEA inspectors to detect Iranian efforts to produce weapons-grade HEU at its declared
enrichment facilities “almost instantaneously.” However, as noted, U.S. officials have previously expressed confidence
in the IAEA’s ability to detect such Iranian efforts; the extent to which the November 24, 2013, agreement improved
this ability is unclear.
31 There is no public official evidence that Iran has a reprocessing facility.
32 According to the IAEA, “managed access” to nuclear-related facilities is “arranged in such a way as ‘to prevent the
dissemination of proliferation sensitive information, to meet safety or physical protection requirements, or to protect
proprietary or commercially sensitive information. Such arrangements shall not preclude the Agency from conducting
activities necessary to provide credible assurance of the absence of undeclared nuclear material and activities at the
location in question.” (2001 IAEA Safeguards Glossary.)
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“Right to Enrichment”
The JPA acknowledged that Iran’s right to the peaceful use of nuclear energy under the nuclear
Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) will be part of a comprehensive solution, but shied away from
stating that enrichment is part of this right. It stipulated that an enrichment program in Iran would
have defined limits and transparency measures.33 The Obama Administration has not
acknowledged that Iran or any other country has the right to enrich uranium because the United
States argues that the NPT does not contain an explicit right to enrichment. A senior
Administration official explained on November 24, 2013, that “the United States has not
recognized a right to enrich for the Iranian government, nor do we intend to. The document does
not say anything about recognizing a right to enrich uranium.”34 Similarly, the JCPOA states that,
if the agreement is fully and successfully implemented, Iran will fully enjoy its right to nuclear
energy for peaceful purposes under the relevant articles of the NPT in line with its obligations
therein, and the Iranian nuclear program will be treated in the same manner as that of any other
non-nuclear-weapon state party to the NPT.
Sanctions Easing Under the JPA
The JPA provided for what the Administration terms “limited, temporary, targeted, and
reversible” sanctions relief for Iran.35 Almost all U.S. sanctions laws provide the President with
waiver authority, as well as the power to determine sanctions violations. Sanctions imposed only
by executive order can be eased by a superseding order.36 Its provisions include the following:
Access to Some Hard Currency. Iran has been able to repatriate $700 million
per month in hard currency from oil sales, and to access an additional $65 million
per month of its hard currency holdings abroad for tuition for Iranian students
abroad.
Oil Exports Capped. Iran’s oil exports have been required to remain at their
December 2013 level of about 1.1 million barrels per day (mbd). However, Iran’s
sales of oil products such as condensates are not specifically prohibited by the
JPA, making Iran’s practical level of sales during the JPA about 1.3 mbd. This is
a nearly 50% drop from 2011 levels of about 2.5 million barrels per day.
Resumption of Trade in Selected Sectors. Iran was permitted to resume sales of
petrochemicals and trading in gold and other precious metals, and to resume
transactions with foreign firms involved in Iran’s auto sector.

33 Tehran has long argued that it has the right to enrich uranium pursuant to the NPT, Article IV of which states, in part,
that nothing in the treaty “shall be interpreted as affecting the inalienable right of all the Parties to the Treaty to develop
research, production and use of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes without discrimination and in conformity” with
the NPT’s nonproliferation provisions. For example, Iran demanded in a 2012 proposal to the P5+1 that those countries
recognize and announce “Iran’s nuclear rights, particularly its enrichment activities, based on NPT Article IV.”
Available at http://www.armscontrol.org/factsheets/Iran_Nuclear_Proposals.
34 “Background Briefing By Senior Administration Officials On First Step Agreement On Iran’s Nuclear Program,”
November 24, 2013.
35 White House Office of the Press Secretary. “Fact Sheet: First Step Understandings Regarding the Islamic Republic of
Iran’s Nuclear Program.” November 23, 2013.
36 For information on the use of waivers and other authorities to implement the sanctions relief of the JPA, see CRS
Report R43311, Iran: U.S. Economic Sanctions and the Authority to Lift Restrictions, by Dianne E. Rennack, and CRS
Report RS20871, Iran Sanctions, by Kenneth Katzman.
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The Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA)
The JPA contained provisions that set the stage for a comprehensive nuclear agreement—a Joint
Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA). According to the JPA, Iran and the P5+1 “aim to
conclude negotiating and commence implementing” the second step of the comprehensive
solution “no more than one year after the adoption of this document” (by November 24, 2014).
As agreed in the JPA, the JCPOA would include a “mutually defined [Iranian] enrichment
programme with practical limits and transparency measures to ensure the peaceful nature of the
programme.” Specifically, the two sides were to reach agreement on permanent comprehensive
sanctions relief in exchange for restrictions on the “scope and level” of Iran’s enrichment
activities, the capacity and location of Iranian enrichment facilities, and the size and composition
of Tehran’s enriched uranium stocks “for a period to be agreed upon.” Tehran would be obligated
to “resolve concerns related to” the Arak reactor, refrain from reprocessing spent nuclear fuel or
constructing a facility “capable of reprocessing,” implement “agreed transparency measures and
enhanced monitoring,” and ratify and implement its Additional Protocol. “Following successful
implementation of the final step of the comprehensive solution for its full duration,” the JPA
stated, “the Iranian nuclear programme will be treated in the same manner as that of any non-
nuclear weapon state party to the NPT.” Iran’s IAEA safeguards obligations last for an indefinite
duration. Potential nuclear-related exports to Iran remain subject to the Nuclear Suppliers Group’s
export guidelines.37 Reiterating previous Iranian statements, the JPA also states that “Iran
reaffirms that under no circumstances will Iran ever seek or develop any nuclear weapons.”
P5+1–Iran negotiations on a comprehensive settlement began in February 2014 and made
progress, although insufficient to meet the July 20, 2014 and subsequent November 24, 2014,
deadlines for a JCPOA. On November 24, 2014, Iran and the P5+1 announced that they were
extending the talks—and all provisions of the JPA—with the intent of finalizing a detailed
agreement by June 30, 2015. The parties stated they would first attempt to reach an overarching
framework and roadmap for the agreement “within four months” and would conclude the
technical details of a comprehensive agreement by June 30, 2015. The framework accord was
agreed on April 2, 2015, in Lausanne, Switzerland.38 The parties strived to meet the June 30
deadline to finalize a JCPOA to meet a congressional requirement for a 30-day review period
under the Iran Nuclear Agreement Review Act (P.L. 114-17). However, because the JCPOA was
not finalized until July 14, 2015, a 60-day review period was triggered under that Act. The
provisions of the JPA remain in effect until the JCPOA is formally “adopted,” as discussed below.
On September 17, Secretary Kerry announced the appointment of Ambassador Stephen Mull as
Lead Coordinator for Iran Nuclear Implementation, stating that Mull is to “lead the interagency
effort to ensure that the nuclear steps Iran committed to in the JCPOA are fully implemented and
verified, and that we and our partners are taking reciprocal action on sanctions.” Mull is to report
directly to Kerry and Deputy Secretary of State Anthony Blinken. “Interagency coordination will
involve the Departments of State, Treasury, Energy, Homeland Security, Commerce, Justice, and

37 For information about the Nuclear Suppliers Group, see CRS Report RL33865, Arms Control and Nonproliferation:
A Catalog of Treaties and Agreements
, by Amy F. Woolf, Paul K. Kerr, and Mary Beth D. Nikitin.
38 The text of the framework accord is at The White House. “Parameters for a Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action
Regarding the Islamic Republic of Iran’s Nuclear Program.” April 2, 2015. U.S. Secretary of Energy Ernest Moniz
described this timeline as “very, very conservative” in an April 2015 interview (Michael Crowley, “Ernest Moniz: Iran
Deal Closes Enrichment Loophole,” Politico, April 7, 2015).
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Defense, as well as others in the intelligence and law enforcement communities,” Kerry
explained.39
Overview Timeline of Implementing the JCPOA
The JCPOA outlines specified steps that are to take place, as follows:
Finalization Day: July 14, 2015. Iran, China, France, Germany, the Russian
Federation, the United Kingdom and the United States, with the High
Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy
and Iran endorse the JCPOA. A U.N. Security Council Resolution to endorse the
JCPOA was submitted for adoption.
Adoption Day/New U.N. Security Council Resolution. The JCPOA formally
comes into effect 90 days after endorsement of JCPOA by U.N. Security Council,
or earlier by mutual consent. Resolution 2231, for that purpose, was adopted on
July 20, 2015. The Administration asserts that the 90 day time frame between the
adoption of Resolution 2231 and the entry into force of the JCPOA (October 18)
allows time for review of the JCPOA by Congress under the Iran Nuclear
Agreement Review Act (P.L. 114-7) and any other legislature of Iran or the other
P5+1 states.
Implementation Day. Upon IAEA-verified implementation by Iran of the
several stipulated nuclear related measures (ex. reducing centrifuges), the United
States, the U.N. and the EU will cease application of specific sanctions (see text
below). The U.N. Security Council will terminate the provisions of its resolutions
on Iran: 1696 (2006), 1737 (2006), 1747 (2007), 1803 (2008), 1835 (2008), 1929
(2010) and 2224 (2015).
Transition Day. Represents initial stages of Iran’s emergence from U.N. Security
Council scrutiny. Transition Day is eight years from Adoption Day—or upon
“Broader Conclusion” report from the IAEA Director General to the IAEA Board
of Governors and U.N. Security Council—whichever is earlier. As of Transition
Day, additional EU entities to be removed from sanctions, the United States is
required to remove from designation specified additional Iranian entities
subjected to sanctions. The Administration is also required to seek legislative
termination of sanctions that were suspended on Implementation Day.
UNSCR Termination Day. Ten years from Adoption Day. Provisions and
measures imposed in U.N. Security Council Resolution endorsing JCPOA would
terminate and the Security Council would not be involved in the Iran nuclear
issue.
Major Nuclear Provisions of the JCPOA
The JCPOA places constraints on Iran’s enrichment and heavy water reactor programs and
includes monitoring provisions designed to detect Iranian efforts to produce nuclear weapons
using either declared or covert facilities. The nuclear-related provisions of the agreement will,
according to the Obama Administration, extend the amount of time that Iran would need to

39 “Secretary of State John Kerry Appointment of Ambassador Stephen D. Mull as Lead Coordinator for Iran Nuclear
Implementation,” September 17, 2015.
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produce enough weapons-grade HEU for one nuclear weapon to a minimum of one year, for a
duration of at least 10 years.40 In addition to the restrictions on activities related to fissile material
production, the JCPOA indefinitely prohibits Iranian “activities which could contribute to the
design and development of a nuclear explosive device,” including research and diagnostic
activities. The nuclear provisions agreed in the JCPOA appear to be generally consistent with the
nuclear provisions of the April 2 framework accord.
Enrichment Program
The JCPOA sets out specific limitations on Iran’s enrichment of uranium for fixed durations. Iran
must be reported by the IAEA to have completed most of the tasks below before qualifying for
sanctions relief specified on Implementation Day. According to the JCPOA, expiration of the
JCPOA enrichment restrictions will be “followed by gradual evolution, at a reasonable pace” of
Iran’s enrichment program.
Centrifuge Limitation. Tehran is to use no more than 5,060 IR-1 centrifuges to
enrich uranium for 10 years, and to install only IR-1 centrifuges in the facility.
All excess centrifuges are to be used only as replacements for operating
centrifuges and equipment.
Level of Enrichment Limitation. Iran has agreed to refrain from producing
enriched uranium containing more than 3.67% uranium-235 for at least 15 years.
Facility Limitation. Iran has agreed to enrich uranium only at the Natanz
commercial-scale facility for 15 years and to refrain during that time from
building any new enrichment facilities.
LEU Stockpile Limitation. Iran has agreed to reduce its LEU stockpile to no
more than 300 kilograms of LEU containing 3.67% uranium-235 for a 15 year
period. Tehran has three options for disposing of the remaining portion of its
current LEU stockpile: diluting the material so that it contains the same levels of
uranium-235 found in natural uranium; selling the LEU to another country; or
selling it to an international LEU bank recently established by the IAEA.41 Iran’s
LEU containing between 5% and 20% uranium-235 is to be “fabricated into fuel
plates for the Tehran Research Reactor or transferred, based on a commercial
transaction, outside of Iran or diluted” so that it contains a maximum of 3.67%
uranium-235. Iran is to export LEU that cannot be fabricated into fuel for the
Tehran Research Reactor or dilute that LEU so that it contains a maximum of
3.67% uranium-235.
Fordow Conversion. Iran has agreed to convert its Fordow enrichment facility
into “a nuclear, physics, and technology centre.” For 15 years, Iran will maintain
no more than 1,044 IR-1 centrifuges at the facility, and will not conduct uranium
enrichment or related research and development (R&D) there. The facility, which

40 “Background Conference Call by Senior Administration Officials on Iran,” July 14, 2015. U.S. Secretary of Energy
Ernest Moniz described this timeline as “very, very conservative” in an April 2015 interview (Michael Crowley,
“Ernest Moniz: Iran Deal Closes Enrichment Loophole,” Politico, April 7, 2015). British Foreign and Commonwealth
Office official Tobias Ellwood echoed this statement in a July 20, 2015, statement to Parliament, explaining that, under
the JCPOA provisions, “Iran’s breakout period will be over 12 months for 10 years, and is not expected to fall to zero
afterwards.” (Iran: Nuclear Power: Written question – 6891. Answered by Mr. Tobias Ellwood on July 20, 2015.)
41 Russian Deputy Foreign Minister Sergey Ryabkov stated on August 14 that Iran will export this material to Russia
(“The Iran Nuclear Deal: Russia’s Interests and Prospects for Implementation,” Transcript of a Meeting with Russian
Deputy Foreign Minister Sergey Ryabkov, Center for Energy and Security Studies [CENESS], August 14, 2015).
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will not contain any nuclear material. 348 of the IR-1 centrifuges may be used to
produce stable isotopes for medical and industrial uses.42
Centrifuge Production. With regard to centrifuge manufacturing, Iran for 10
years is to use the excess IR-1 centrifuges from the Natanz and Fordow facilities
“for the replacement of failed or damaged machines.” Tehran may resume
producing IR-1 centrifuges if its stock of replacement centrifuges “falls to 500 or
below.” After eight years, Iran can begin to manufacture two types of advanced
centrifuges; after 10 years, Iran can produce complete versions of those
centrifuges and store them under IAEA monitoring “until they are needed for
final assembly.”
Centrifuge R&D. The JCPOA also contains detailed restrictions on centrifuge
R&D which last for at least 10 years. Moreover, Iran is to refrain for 10 years
from pursuing R&D on any technologies other than gas centrifuge enrichment.
Arak Reactor
Pursuant to provisions similar to those of the April 2 framework accord, Iran is to redesign and
rebuild the Arak reactor based on a design agreed to by the P5+1 so that it will not produce
weapons-grade plutonium. Iran is to export the spent fuel from this reactor and all other nuclear
reactors. Tehran is to render the Arak reactor’s original core inoperable. Iran will manage an
international project to redesign and construct the replacement reactor. Iran is required to begin,
but not complete, the redesign process to qualify for sanctions relief under the Implementation
Day stipulations of the JCPOA.
The JCPOA prohibits Iran from reprocessing spent reactor fuel, except to produce “radio-isotopes
for medical and peaceful industrial purposes.” The JCOA text states that Iran “does not intend” to
engage in reprocessing after the 15-year period expires. Furthermore, Tehran has also committed
to refrain from accumulating heavy water “beyond Iran’s needs;” Iran is to “sell any remaining
heavy water on the international market for 15 years.” According to the JCPOA, Iran is required
to refrain from building heavy water-moderated reactors for 15 years, and it pledges to refrain
from constructing any indefinitely.
Other Provisions
Verification
According to the JCPOA, the IAEA will monitor Iranian compliance with the provisions
concerning its enrichment program and the Arak program. The IAEA will increase its number of
inspectors in Iran and use modern verification technologies. Iran will also allow a “long-term
IAEA presence in Iran.” In addition, Tehran “has agreed to implement” the Additional Protocol to
its safeguards agreement.43 Iran is also to implement the modified code 3.1 of the subsidiary
arrangements to its IAEA safeguards agreement. It is worth noting that Iran’s IAEA safeguards

42 Ryabkov stated on August 14 that Russian and Iranian officials had met several times to discuss stable isotope
production, adding that the two sides would reach an agreement on the details of such production in “ several months”
(Ibid.).
43 Article 17 of the Model Additional Protocol says that a state may, before the Protocol enters into force, “declare that
it will apply this Protocol provisionally.”
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obligations last for an indefinite duration. Potential nuclear-related exports to Iran would remain
subject to the Nuclear Suppliers Group’s export guidelines.44
The JCPOA also describes other monitoring and inspections. For 15 years, the IAEA will monitor
the stored Iranian centrifuges and related infrastructure. During this time, Iran will also permit the
IAEA “daily access” to “relevant buildings” at the Natanz facilities. For 20 years, Tehran will
allow the agency to verify Iran’s inventory of certain centrifuge components and the
manufacturing facilities for such components. Additionally, Iran is to allow the IAEA to monitor
the country’s uranium mills for 25 years and to monitor Iran’s plant for producing heavy water.45
IAEA Director General Yukiya Amano told reporters on July 14, 2015, that the agency’s
“workload will increase” under the JCPOA. Amano intends to request additional resources from
the agency’s Board of Governors.46 On August 25, the Board of Governors authorized Amano “to
undertake the verification and monitoring” of Iran’s nuclear-related JCPOA commitments
“subject to the availability of funds and consistent with our standard safeguards practices.”47
The Obama Administration argues that these provisions will prevent Iran from developing a
nuclear weapon covertly. Secretary Kerry explained in a September 2, 2015, speech that Iran
“would have to come up with a complete ... and completely secret nuclear supply chain,” adding
that “our intelligence community and our Energy Department ... both agree Iran could never get
away with such a deception.”48
The JCPOA and UN Security Council Resolution 2231 contain a variety of reporting provisions
for the IAEA. For example, the resolution requests the agency’s Director General
to provide regular updates to the IAEA Board of Governors and, as appropriate, in
parallel to the Security Council on Iran’s implementation of its commitments under the
JCPOA and also to report to the IAEA Board of Governors and in parallel to the Security
Council at any time if the Director General has reasonable grounds to believe there is an
issue of concern directly affecting fulfilment of JCPOA commitments.
Access to Undeclared Sites. The JCPOA also describes arrangements for the IAEA to gain
access to Iranian sites other than those Tehran declares to the agency “if the IAEA has concerns
regarding undeclared nuclear materials or activities, or activities inconsistent with” the JCPOA. If
the IAEA has such concerns at one of these sites, the agency “will provide Iran the basis for such
concerns and request clarification.” The IAEA could request access to the site if Iran’s
explanation did not provide sufficient clarification. Tehran may respond to such a request by
proposing “alternative means of resolving the IAEA’s concerns.” If such means did not resolve
the IAEA’s concerns or the two sides did not “reach satisfactory arrangements ... within 14 days
of the IAEA’s original request for access,” Iran “would resolve the IAEA’s concerns through
necessary means agreed between Iran and the IAEA.” Tehran would make such a decision “in
consultation with the members of the Joint Commission” established by the JCPOA. If the two
sides cannot not reach agreement, the commission “would advise on the necessary means to
resolve the IAEA’s concerns” if at least a majority of the commission’s members agreed to do so.
The Joint Commission would have 7 days to reach a decision; “Iran would implement the

44 For information about the Nuclear Suppliers Group, see CRS Report RL33865, Arms Control and Nonproliferation:
A Catalog of Treaties and Agreements
, by Amy F. Woolf, Paul K. Kerr, and Mary Beth D. Nikitin.
45 This plant is currently not under IAEA safeguards.
46 “IAEA Director General Amano’s Remarks to the Press on Agreements with Iran,” July 14, 2015.
47 “IAEA Director General Yukiya Amano’s Statement to the Board of Governors,” September 7, 2015.
48 “Remarks on Nuclear Agreement With Iran,” September 2, 2015. For a detailed explanation, see Richard Nephew,
“How the Iran Deal Prevents a Covert Nuclear Weapons Program,” Arms Control Today, September 2015.
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necessary means within three additional days.” (The total time for the stipulated procedures
would be 24 days.
)
The JCPOA contains several provisions apparently designed to address Iranian concerns that
IAEA inspectors may try to obtain information unrelated to the country’s nuclear program. For
example, the IAEA may only request access to the types of facilities described above “for the sole
reason to verify the absence of undeclared nuclear materials and activities or activities
inconsistent with the JCPOA.” In addition, the agency would provide Iran with written “reasons
for access” and “make available relevant information.”
Procurement Channel. The U.N. Security Council resolution endorsing the JCPOA is to
establish a “procurement channel” for Iran’s nuclear program. The Joint Commission established
by the JCPOA will monitor and approve transfers made via the channel, which will be in effect
for 10 years. IAEA officials will have access to information about, and may participate in
meetings regarding such transfers when they are proposed.
The JCPOA also indicates that the IAEA will pursue drawing a “Broader Conclusion that all
nuclear material in Iran remains in peaceful activities” According to the IAEA, the agency can
draw such a conclusion for states with comprehensive safeguards agreements and additional
protocols in force. According to the IAEA,
The conclusion of the absence of undeclared nuclear material and activities is drawn
when the activities performed under an additional protocol have been completed, when
relevant questions and inconsistencies have been addressed, and when no indications
have been found by the IAEA that, in its judgement, would constitute a safeguards
concern.49
International Cooperation
The JCPOA discusses a variety of nuclear projects in Iran which would include other countries.
These include the Arak reactor project; research at the Fordow facility; other nuclear reactor
projects; nuclear medicine; nuclear safety; and the supply of nuclear fuel. This latter form of
cooperation is presumably designed to obviate the need for Iran to produce its own nuclear fuel.
Some, but not necessarily all, of the P5+1 countries, will participate in these projects. U.S.
sanctions laws prohibit the United States from engaging in most forms of nuclear cooperation
with Iran. Moreover, the United States does not have a civil nuclear cooperation agreement with
Iran, and Section 129b.(1) of the Atomic Energy Act (AEA) of 1954, as amended, forbids the
export of “nuclear materials and equipment or sensitive nuclear technology” to any country
designated as a state sponsor of terrorism.50 Section 129b.(3) allows the President to waive this
provision. Section 57b. (2) of the AEA allows for limited forms of nuclear cooperation related to
the “development or production of any special nuclear material outside of the United States”
without a nuclear cooperation agreement if that activity has been authorized by the Secretary of
Energy following a determination that it “will not be inimical to the interest of the United States.”
In addition to these forms of cooperation, the JCPOA envisions forms of technical cooperation

49 2001 IAEA Safeguards Glossary.
50 Section 129b. (2) of the AEA states that the prohibitions described in the previous section “shall not apply to exports,
reexports, transfers, or retransfers of radiation monitoring technologies, surveillance equipment, seals, cameras, tamper-
indication devices, nuclear detectors, monitoring systems, or equipment necessary to safely store, transport, or remove
hazardous materials ... except to the extent that such technologies, equipment, seals, cameras, devices, detectors, or
systems are available for use in the design or construction of nuclear reactors or nuclear weapons.” For more
information, seeCRS Report RS22937, Nuclear Cooperation with Other Countries: A Primer, by Paul K. Kerr and
Mary Beth D. Nikitin.
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between Iran and the IAEA.51 The Administration argues that international nuclear cooperation
will provide additional transparency into Iran’s nuclear program.52
Nuclear Weapons Research and Development
In addition to addressing Iran’s ability to produce fissile material, the JCPOA contains other
provisions that render Iran unable to produce a nuclear weapon. For example, the agreement
indefinitely prohibits specific activities “which could contribute to the design and development of
a nuclear explosive device.”53 Neither Iran’s comprehensive safeguards agreement nor its
additional protocol explicitly prohibit these activities. As noted, the U.S. government assesses that
Tehran has not mastered all of the necessary technologies for building a nuclear weapon. In
addition, for 15 years Iran is to refrain from “producing or acquiring plutonium or uranium metals
or their alloys” and “conducting R&D on plutonium or uranium (or their alloys) metallurgy, or
casting, forming, or machining plutonium or uranium metal.” Producing uranium or plutonium
metals is a key step in producing nuclear weapons.
Resolving Questions of Past Nuclear Research
Regarding the outstanding issues in the IAEA’s investigation of Iran’s nuclear program, the
JCPOA states that Tehran will “complete” a series of steps set out in an Iran-IAEA “Roadmap for
Clarification of Past and Present Outstanding Issues.” According to IAEA reports, the agency has
evidence that Iran may have conducted work relevant to nuclear weapons, such as research about
a nuclear payload for missiles. U.N. Security Council resolutions require Iran to resolve these
questions by providing full information to the IAEA, and the agency has held regular talks with
Iran to chart a path forward. But a May 2015 report from Amano to the agency’s Board of
Governors said that, although the IAEA could verify that there was no diversion of nuclear
material from Iran’s declared nuclear facilities, it could not conclude that no nuclear weapons-
related activity was taking place in the country, due to the lack of access to documentation,
material, and personnel.54
According to Amano, this road map “sets out a process, under the November 2013 Framework for
Cooperation, to enable the Agency, with the cooperation of Iran, to make an assessment of issues
relating to possible military dimensions to Iran’s nuclear programme.”55 Iran completed the first
step of this process by providing the IAEA on August 15 with the government’s “explanation in
writing and related documents ... for the clarification of past and present outstanding issues”

51 Implementing a provision of UN Security Council resolution 1737, the IAEA halted some technical cooperation with
Iran in 2007.
52 “Background Conference Call by Senior Administration Officials on Iran,” July 14, 2015.
53 Listed in Annex I of the JCPOA, these activities are designing, developing, acquiring, or using computer models to
simulate nuclear explosive devices; designing, developing, fabricating, acquiring, or using multi-point explosive
detonation systems suitable for a nuclear explosive device; designing, developing, fabricating, acquiring, or using
explosive diagnostic systems(streak cameras, framing cameras and flash x-ray cameras) suitable for the development of
a nuclear explosive device; and designing, developing, fabricating, acquiring, or using explosively driven neutron
sources or specialized materials for explosively driven neutron sources. Iran may conduct some of these activities for
non-nuclear purposes if Tehran receives permission from the Joint Commission established by the JCPOA. Such
permitted activities would be “subject to monitoring.”
54 Implementation of the NPT Safeguards Agreement and Relevant Provisions of Security Council Resolutions in the
Islamic Republic of Iran
, Report of the Director General, International Atomic Energy Agency, GOV/2015/34, May 29,
2015.
55 “IAEA Director General Amano’s Remarks to the Press on Agreements with Iran,” July 14, 2015.
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regarding the country’s nuclear program.56 The IAEA submitted questions on September 8 about
“ambiguities” regarding this information.57 The November 2013 framework specified measures to
address the outstanding questions. According to the road map, Amano is to present a report to the
IAEA Board of Governors by December 15, 2015, which contains the agency’s “final assessment
on the resolution” of the aforementioned outstanding issues.58 It is worth noting that the IAEA
will not be able to draw the “Broader Conclusion that all nuclear material in Iran remains in
peaceful activities” without addressing these issues. (See “Other Provisions” section.)
British Foreign and Commonwealth Office official Simon Gass stated on September 9, 2015, that
“I do not think that anybody believes that we will get a complete understanding of anything that
has ever been done in Iran, which was probably never going to happen, but I think we will get a
pretty good sense of what past activities have been undertaken.”59 The significance of resolving
these issues for ensuring that Iran’s current program is for purely peaceful purposes is unclear.
Former IAEA Deputy Director General Olli Heinonen argued during a July 2014 Senate hearing
that gaining full understanding of Iran’s past suspected nuclear weapons program is important for
determining that Iran is not reconstituting that program and also for determining the probability
that Iran will use a future centrifuge program to produce nuclear weapons.60 However, Jofi
Joseph, a former Obama Administration official whose portfolio included the Iranian nuclear
issue, agued this past April that
Some argue that it will be very difficult to identify future covert Iranian nuclear weapons
efforts without a detailed understanding of what happened before. I’m not so sure. It is
not clear if the individuals involved with the previous [nuclear weapons program] would
be the ones tapped again for a future covert program or whether a clear understanding of
their previous actions would help identify future efforts.61
Sanctions Relief Under the JCPOA
The easing of sanctions under the JCPOA is relatively consistent with the stipulations of the
framework accord. Under the JCPOA, the overwhelming bulk of sanctions relief occurs at
Implementation Day—the day when the IAEA certifies that Iran has completed those stipulated
core nuclear requirements listed in Annex V of the JCPOA (primarily reducing the size and scope
of its enrichment of uranium). According to the JCPOA, the following sanctions are to be eased:62
 On Implementation Day, many U.S., virtually all EU, and most U.N. sanctions
are to be lifted or suspended that Iran has taken certain key nuclear-related steps
that are U.N. Security Council Resolution 2231 of July 20 contains this
provision.
 The U.S. sanctions that are to be suspended are primarily those that sanction
foreign entities and countries for conducting specified transactions with Iran (so-
called “secondary sanctions”). U.S. sanctions that prohibit U.S. firms from

56“ IAEA Receives Information from Iran under Road-Map Agreement,” August 15, 2015.
57 IAEA Statement on Iran, September 9, 2015.
58 “Road-map for the Clarification of Past and Present Outstanding Issues Regarding Iran’s Nuclear Program,” July 14,
2015.
59 “Oral Evidence: Foreign Policy Developments,” HC 381, September 9, 2015.
60 Iran: Status of the P-5+1, Panel 2, Senate Committee on Foreign Relations Hearing, July 29, 2014.
61 “Jofi Joseph on the Iran Deal,” Arms Control Wonk, April 7, 2015. Available at http://lewis.armscontrolwonk.com/
archive/7623/jofi-joseph-on-the-iran-deal.
62 http://www.politico.com/story/2015/07/full-text-iran-deal-120080.html.
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conducting most transactions with Iran are not being suspended. However, the
JCPOA does commit the United States to a slight modification in the U.S. “trade
ban” with Iran (Executive Order 12959 of May 1995) to permit: licensing the
sale to Iran of commercial aircraft, and the importation of Iranian luxury goods
such as carpets, caviar, and some fruits and nuts.63
 The U.S. sanctions to be suspended are mostly those imposed since U.N. Security
Council Resolution 1929 was enacted in June 2010.64 That resolution identified
Iran’s energy sector as a potential contributor to Iran’s “proliferation-sensitive
nuclear activities.”65
Type of Sanctions to Be Removed or Suspended. The sanctions relief on
Implementation Day includes lifting or suspension of U.S. sanctions on foreign
firms involved in Iran’s:66 (1) energy sector, including those that penalize Iran’s
exportation of oil and sanction foreign sales to Iran of gasoline and energy sector
equipment, and which limit foreign investment in Iran’s energy sector; (2) U.S.
sanctions on foreign banks that conduct transactions with Iranian banks; (3) U.S.
sanctions on Iran’s auto sector and trading in the rial. The United States is to
revoke the designations made under various Executive Orders of numerous
specified Iranian economic entities and personalities (listed in Attachment III of
Annex II of the JCPOA), including the National Iranian Oil Company (NIOC),
various Iranian banks, and many energy and shipping-related institutions. That
step would enable foreign companies to resume transactions with those Iranian
entities without risking being penalized by the United States.
U.S. Laws to Be Waived and Executive Orders to Terminated. The
suspension of U.S. sanctions as required under the JCPOA will necessitate:
exercising presidential authority to waive sanctions mandated by the core
operative provisions of the Iran Sanctions Act (P.L. 104-172 as amended);67
Section 1245(d)(1) of the National Defense Authorization Act for FY2012 (P.L.
112-81); the Iran Threat Reduction and Syria Human Rights Act (P.L. 112-158);
the Iran Freedom and Counter-Proliferation Act (Subtitle D of P.L. 112-239); and
the Comprehensive Iran Sanctions, Accountability, and Divestment Act of 2010
(CISADA, P.L. 111-195). The statutory basis for the sanctions would remain
unchanged by the agreement. Implementing the U.S. commitment will also
require terminating the provisions of the following Executive Orders: 13574,
13590, 13622, 13645, and Sections 5-7 and 15 of Executive Order 13628. For
information on the exact provisions of the Executive Orders and the laws
referenced above, see CRS Report RS20871, Iran Sanctions and CRS Report
R43311, Iran: U.S. Economic Sanctions and the Authority to Lift Restrictions.

63 The U.S. importation of these luxury goods was permitted during 2000-2010, under a modification to the Executive
Order 12959 that imposed a ban on U.S. trade with Iran.
64 The exact U.S. sanctions laws whose provisions might be waived are discussed in: CRS Report RS20871, Iran
Sanctions
, by Kenneth Katzman, and CRS Report R43311, Iran: U.S. Economic Sanctions and the Authority to Lift
Restrictions
, by Dianne E. Rennack.
65 The text of the Resolution is at https://www.iaea.org/sites/default/files/unsc_res1929-2010.pdf.
66 http://iranmatters.belfercenter.org/blog/translation-iranian-factsheet-nuclear-negotiations; and author conversations
with a wide range of Administration officials, think tank, and other experts, in Washington, DC. 2015.
67 The provision of the Iran Sanctions Act that triggers sanctions on foreign entities that sell WMD-related technology
or “destabilizing numbers and types” of advanced conventional weaponry to Iran are not being suspended under the
JCPOA.
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Request for Congress to Lift Sanctions Outright. The JCPOA requires the U.S.
Administration, within eight years (“Transition Day”), to request that Congress
lift virtually all of the sanctions that will be suspended under the JCPOA. The
JCPOA requires all U.N. sanctions to terminate after 10 years of adoption of the
JCPOA. Under the JCPOA, the eight year mark after JCPOA adoption is known
as the Transition Day and the 10-year mark is known as the Termination Day.
EU Lifting of Sanctions on Implementation Day. The EU sanctions to be lifted
include (1) the EU ban on purchases of oil and gas from Iran; (2) the ban on
Iran’s use of the SWIFT electronic payments system that enables Iran to move
funds from abroad to its Central Bank or its commercial banks; and (3) the lifting
of EU sanctions (assets freezes/visa bans) on entities listed in Annex II,
Attachment 1. This attachment does not include one controversial personality –
IRGC-Qods Force Commander Qasem Soleimani. EU nuclear-related sanctions
on him are to remain until Transition Day, although he will remain sanctioned
under EU decisions on Syria and on terrorism. U.S. sanctions on Soleimani will
remain, including secondary sanctions on entities that deal with him.
U.S. Sanctions to Remain in Place. Other U.S. sanctions that are not required to
be suspended in accordance with the JCPOA are mostly those sanctioning Iran’s
support for terrorism, its human rights abuses, and worldwide arms and WMD-
related technology to Iran. The specific Executive Orders and statutory
provisions that will not be suspended include (1) E.O. 13224 sanctioning
terrorism entities (not specific to Iran); (2) the Iran-Iraq Arms Non-Proliferation
Act that sanctions foreign firms that sell arms and weapons of mass destruction-
related technology to Iran; (3) the Iran-North Korea-Syria Non-Proliferation Act
(INKSNA);68 and (4) the Executive Orders and the provisions of CISADA and
the Iran Threat Reduction and Syria Human Rights Act that pertain to human
rights or democratic change in Iran. Iran also will be remaining on the “terrorism
list” and all sanctions triggered by that designation will remain in place, at least
for now. The United States has not pledged in the JCPOA to remove or to
reconsider Iran’s designation as a state sponsor of terrorism. That designation
triggers numerous U.S. sanctions, including a ban on any U.S. foreign aid to Iran
and on U.S. exportation to Iran of controlled goods and services, and a
prohibition on U.S. support for international lending to Iran.
U.N. Sanctions on Arms Sales and Ballistic Missiles to Be Terminated After
Several Years. One issue that arose during final negotiations on the JCPOA was
the suspension of U.N. sanctions on Iran’s development of nuclear-capable
ballistic missiles and on Iran’s importation or exportation of conventional
weaponry. The April 2 framework accord indicated that these sanctions would
remain in place in the JCPOA. However, as subsequently negotiated, the ban on
Iran’s development of nuclear-capable ballistic missiles is to be lifted within
eight years of the JCPOA and the ban on conventional arms sales to Iran and on
Iran’s exportation of arms are to be lifted within five years,69 as stipulated in
Resolution 2231. However, as noted, U.S. sanctions on foreign entities that assist

68 The JCPOA does commit the United States to terminate sanctions with respect to some entities designated for
sanctions under INKSNA.
69 http://www.scribd.com/doc/271711382/Iran-Deal-Draft-UNSC-Resolution-as-Uploaded-by-Inner-City-Press.
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Iran with such programs will remain in place, as will specific U.N. Security
Council Resolutions that prohibit weapons shipments to Lebanon and to Yemen.
Ban on Reimposing those Sanctions that are Lifted or Suspended. The
JCPOA contains language requiring that the parties to the agreement not
reimpose the sanctions that will be suspended, as long as Iran is complying. The
agreement states that if U.S. sanctions are reimposed (other than through
reimposition on the grounds of Iranian noncompliance), Iran would not be bound
by its nuclear commitments. An Iranian letter to the President of the U.N.
Security Council, dated July 20, interprets the provision to bar the reimposition
of those sanctions that are being suspended under “non-nuclear” justifications
such as Iranian support for terrorism or armed factions in the Middle East, or for
human rights violations. Iran interprets reimposition to be those sanctions that
target the same sectors of Iran’s economy on which sanctions are being lifted or
suspended (energy, financial, auto, shipping). However, there does not appear to
be a prohibition on enacting further U.S. sanctions (other than those being
suspended under the JCPOA) on arms sales to Iran, human rights violations and
Iranian support for terrorism or armed factions in the region.
Automatic Reimposition of Sanctions (“Snap-Back”)
The JCPOA (paragraph 36 and 37) contains a mechanism for the “snap back” of U.N. sanctions if
Iran does not satisfactorily resolve a compliance dispute. According to the JCPOA, the United
States (or any veto-wielding member of the U.N. Security Council) would be able to block a U.N.
Security Council resolution that would continue the lifting of U.N. sanctions despite Iran’s refusal
to resolve the dispute. In that case, “... the provisions of the old U.N. Security Council resolutions
would be reimposed, unless the U.N. Security Council decides otherwise.” These provisions are
included in U.N. Security Council Resolution 2231.70 The total time for this “dispute resolution”
mechanism – between the time of the complaint of Iranian non-compliance and the reimposition
of U.N. sanctions, is 65 days.

A related question is whether the effect of sanctions currently realized could ever be reconstituted
if U.N. sanctions are lifted but U.S. sanctions are reimposed. The effect of all sanctions has
depended on the substantial degree of international compliance and cooperation with the
sanctions regime that has taken place since 2010. A wide range of countries depend on energy and
other trade with Iran and might be reluctant to resume cooperating with reimposed U.S. sanctions
unless Iran commits egregious violations of its commitments. Countries that do not wish to
reimpose their sanctions on Iran could argue that, because U.N. Security Council sanctions are
lifted, they are no longer bound to cooperate with U.S. sanctions.
Implications for Iran of the JCPOA Sanctions Relief
The suspension of sanctions on Implementation Day would likely have significant implications
for Iran’s economy, including the following:
Crude Oil Exports. Iran will be able to export crude oil without restriction.
Iranian energy officials estimate that Iran could double its oil exports from the
1.1 mbd level of the JPA period within about six months. Significant quantities of
Iranian oil will likely hit the market immediately after sanctions suspension

70 http://www.scribd.com/doc/271711382/Iran-Deal-Draft-UNSC-Resolution-as-Uploaded-by-Inner-City-Press.
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because Iran reportedly has about 30 million - 50 million barrels of oil stored,
and therefore available for immediate release onto the market.
Access to Restricted Foreign Exchange Reserves. Upon the suspension or
lifting of sanctions on Implementation Day, Iran will have access to about $120
billion in foreign exchange assets currency that it has been unable to repatriate to
its Central Bank. However, according to Treasury Secretary Jacob Lew in
testimony on the JCPOA in late July, about $65 billion of those funds are
obligated. About $20 billion is owed to China for infrastructure projects
performed in Iran by Chinese firms. About $45 billion is owed to cover loans to
Iranian energy companies and other Iranian firms. The Department of the
Treasury says that only about $56 billion would be available for Iran to use at its
discretion, after these obligations are paid. The funds consist of some assets
deposited before restrictions on the movement of the funds was imposed in
February 2013 (Iran Threat Reduction Act), but the bulk of the assets are oil sales
proceeds deposited since that restriction went into effect.
 According to the Department of the Treasury, Iran’s foreign exchange reserves
are held by many banks around the world, and particularly in those of Iran’s five
remain oil customers: China, India, South Korea, Japan, and Turkey.71 Some
funds might be held in EU banks as well. Other banks said to hold Iranian foreign
exchange funds are, according to a determination of waiver provided to Congress
on June 17, 2015, in Oman, Switzerland, and South Africa.72 And, banks in the
United Arab Emirates, a major trading partner of Iran, might hold some of the
monies as well.
Post-Sanctions Economic Growth. Economists estimate that Iran’s economy
could grow as much as 7% after sanctions are suspended.73 Iran’s energy sector,
automotive production sector, and other industrial sectors are likely to rebound
strongly as importation of parts becomes easier to finance. Some assert that Iran
will use the additional economic resources generated by the deal to enhance its
regional position. The Administration acknowledges Iran might steer some extra
funding to regional allies but argues that Iran will use the great bulk of the
additional funds to invest in its domestic economy which has been starved by
sanctions for several years.
Commercial Aircraft Sales. Iran is likely to seek to purchase significant
quantities of commercial aircraft because of the advanced age of most of the
aircraft used by its airlines. The deal commits the United States to license
commercial aircraft sales to Iran, including U.S.-made aircraft. If such sales are
consummated, U.S.-Iran trade in dollars, which has been highly limited by
sanctions for many years, could expand significantly. The importation to the
United State of U.S. luxury goods is likely not to boost bilateral trade
significantly because of the low-volume and low dollar-figure nature of these
imports by U.S. buyers.

71 Author conversations with diplomats from East Asia. 2014-15.
72 Assistant Secretary of State for Legislative Affairs Julia Frifield. Letter to Senator Bob Corker, Chairman Senate
Committee on Foreign Relations. June 17, 2015. Enclosure to letter: Department of State. Determination and
Certification pursuant to the National Defense Authorization Act of FY2012. Undated.
73 http://www.businessinsider.com/baml-chart-on-irans-economy-2015-7.
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Selected Regional Reaction to the Agreement
The JCPOA could have profound implications for the Middle East, and particularly for Israel and
for the states of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC: Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, UAE,
Qatar, and Oman). On the one hand, an Iran nuclear agreement that removes the threat of a
nuclear-armed Iran has the potential to lower regional tensions. On the other hand, the sanctions
relief of the JCPOA will presumably increase the economic resources available to Iran to promote
its interests in the region, many of which, such as the maintenance in office of Syrian President
Bashar Al Assad, are inimical to the stated interests of the United States and its allies. These
issues are discussed in greater depth in: CRS Report R44142, Iran Nuclear Agreement: Selected
Issues for Congress
, coordinated by Kenneth Katzman and Paul K. Kerr
Gulf States
The GCC states have publicly accepted the JCPOA but express concern that the deal could lead
Iran to expand its regional influence, in part because Iran will have more funds to provide to its
regional allies. Some GCC leaders have publicly associated their concerns about the agreement
with criticisms of U.S. reticence to act militarily to try to oust Assad, the U.S. pullout of all troops
from Iraq in 2011, and U.S. assertions that it will not deploy ground combat troops to battle the
Islamic State organization in Iraq or Syria. The GCC leaders assert that Iran is pursuing a
sectarian agenda aimed at empowering Shiite Muslims in the region at the expense of Sunnis.
In an apparent attempt to assuage GCC concerns about U.S resolve and the tentative accord with
Iran, President Obama met with GCC leaders at Camp David during May 13-14, 2015. The
meeting resulted in statements of additional U.S. support for the security of the GCC states, and
the leaders and deputy leaders who attended the meetings reportedly expressed substantial
satisfaction with the results. There reportedly was further discussion of joint U.S.-GCC steps to
counter Iran’s destabilizing regional activities during a White House meeting on September 4,
2015, between President Obama and Saudi Arabia’s King Salman. For additional information on
the U.S.-GCC summit and its results, see CRS Report RL32048, Iran, Gulf Security, and U.S.
Policy, by Kenneth Katzman.
Some regional governments and factions generally friendly to Tehran, such Syria and Lebanon’s
Hezbollah, welcomed the accord, at least in part because sanctions relief could provide Tehran
with additional resources to help those governments battle Sunni-led rebellions. One threat
common to Iraq, Syria, Iran, and to the Gulf states is the threat posed by the Islamic State
organization that has captured substantial territory in both Iraq and Syria.
Israel
Israel’s leaders routinely assert that their country is uniquely threatened by the possibility that
Iran might eventually obtain nuclear weapons, despite limitations and safeguards in any
comprehensive accord. Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu, including in a speech to a
joint session of Congress on March 3, 2015, has repeatedly warned of the alleged perils of a deal
that would in any way ease the international sanctions regime against Iran and accept Iran’s
retention of enriched uranium or of infrastructure potentially usable for the generation of fissile
material. Netanyahu stated, the day the JCPOA was announced, that the deal is a “historic
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mistake” and that Israel would “not be bound” by the accord.74 His critical view of the deal is
widely shared across the Israeli political spectrum.
Some Israeli commentators called on Netanyahu to refrain from all-out efforts to thwart
congressional acceptance of the deal given their skepticism about his ability to decisively
influence the process and worries they assert about possible damage or missed opportunities
relating to strategic arrangements with the United States.75 Before the JCPOA was announced,
Israel and the United States reportedly began preliminary consultations on an aid and arms sales
package to assuage Israeli concerns regarding the deal and address “qualitative military edge”
requirements regarding newly considered U.S. arms sales to Gulf Arab states.76 In its effort to
build congressional support for the Iran deal, the Administration sent letters to several Members
of Congress stipulating ongoing or planned steps to help Israel defend itself and counter Iran’s
destabilizing regional influence.
Implications for U.S.-Iran Relations77
There is debate over whether the JCPOA will alter the broader U.S.-Iran relationship. Iran and the
United States have been mostly at odds since the February 1979 Islamic revolution, and came into
limited naval conflict during the 1980-1988 Iran-Iraq War, when U.S. forces defended the GCC
states from attack by Iran. In 1984, the United States placed Iran on its list of “state sponsors of
terrorism” and has accused Iran of numerous acts of terrorism against the United States and its
interests. Iran is holding four dual U.S.-Iran nationals in Iran on charges that U.S. officials say
have no merit, but this issue was not part of the JCPOA.
Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamene’i, who reportedly is concerned that the nuclear
deal could increase U.S. cultural, political, social, and economic influence in Iran, has asserted
several times since the JCPOA was finalized that the deal will not be accompanied by a
breakthrough in U.S.-Iran relations or any change in Iran’s regional policies. The United States
has publicly asserted that the nuclear negotiations centered only on that issue, and does not seek
to resolve all the issues in U.S.-Iran relations. However, in interviews after the April 2 framework
deal was announced, President Obama stated that he hopes that a finalized deal “ushers in a new
era in U.S.-Iran relations.”78 A September 27, 2013, phone call President Obama placed to
Rouhani represented the first direct contact between presidents of the two countries since the
1979 Islamic revolution.
A nuclear deal could build on the growing, tacit cooperation between the United States and Iran
on several regional issues. U.S. diplomats negotiated with Iranian officials to form the post-
Taliban government in Afghanistan in late 2001, and Iran and the United States have tacitly
cooperated in the formation of virtually all post-Saddam governments in Iraq. U.S. officials

74 CRS Report RL33476, Israel: Background and U.S. Relations, by Jim Zanotti.
75 See, e.g., Ben Caspit (translated from Hebrew), Netanyahu threatens to ‘kill himself’ in order to stop Iran deal,” Al-
Monitor Israel Pulse
, July 15, 2015; Yossi Verter, “Netanyahu lost his Iran bet, but his next gamble may be
disastrous,” haaretz.com, July 15, 2015.
76 The sources for this paragraph are Amos Harel, “Washington, Jerusalem discussing massive compensation for
Iranian nuclear deal,” haaretz.com, May 20, 2015; and Leslie Susser, “The Challenge: Getting the US Back in Israel’s
Corner,” Jerusalem Report, May 18, 2015. On May 19, 2015, the Defense Security Cooperation Agency published a
notification of a proposed U.S. sale to Israel of $1.879 billion worth of munitions and associated parts.
77 For detail on U.S.-Iran relations, see CRS Report RL32048, Iran, Gulf Security, and U.S. Policy, by Kenneth
Katzman.
78 Roger Cohen. “U.S. Embassy, Tehran.” New York Times, op-ed. April 8, 2015.
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acknowledge that bilateral meetings on the comprehensive accord have discussed the threat posed
by the Islamic State organization, the situation in Bahrain, and the fate of three American
nationals confirmed or believed held by Iran. On Iraq, the United States and Iran are indirectly
cooperating to support the Shiite-dominated government of Prime Minister Haydar Al Abbadi
against Islamic State forces. On Syria, Iran continues to support the government of President Al
Assad, although some U.S. diplomats are said to perceive that Iran might yet be persuaded to help
move Assad aside.
A possible hindrance to any post-nuclear agreement U.S.-Iran rapprochement will be remaining
U.S. sanctions and issues unrelated to nuclear issues. U.S. officials have stressed that no sanctions
that address long-standing U.S. concerns about Iran’s use of terrorism or its human rights abuses
will be eased as part of a nuclear deal with Iran. U.S. officials also maintain that a nuclear deal
will not cause the United States to cease its public criticism of Iran’s human rights practices and
its detention of U.S. citizens.
Formal Congressional Review
Legislation providing for congressional review was enacted as the Iran Nuclear Agreement
Review Act of 2015 (P.L. 114-17). Because the agreement was reached after July 10, the
congressional review period is 60 days from the date of submission to Congress, which is to be
within five days of finalization of the accord. The transmission of all required materials,
according to the Administration, took place on July 19, 2015. No statutory sanctions can be
waived during the review period which, according to the stipulated timetable, is to conclude on
September 17. If a congressional resolution of disapproval is passed by both chambers, President
Obama could not waive sanctions for another 12 days during which he would presumably
exercise his threat, stated on July 14, to veto a resolution of disapproval. Congress would then
have 10 days to try to override the veto, during which sanctions could not be waived. So, the
maximum period during which statutory sanctions could not be waived is 82 days after receipt of
the agreement. Joint resolutions of disapproval have been introduced in each chamber: H.J.Res.
64 in the House, and S.Amdt. 2640 to H.J.Res. 61 in the Senate. The JCPOA does not provide for
any sanctions relief earlier than 90 days from the July 20, 2015, adoption of U.N. Security
Council Resolution 2231 – which is calculated as October 19. For other provisions of that law,
please see CRS Report RS20871, Iran Sanctions, by Kenneth Katzman.
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Appendix A. Chart on the JCPOA79
Table A-1. Summary of Timeline
IMPLEMENTATION
COMPONENTS
DATE/EXPECTED
Finalization Day
 Date on which JCPOA announced.
July 14, 2015
 Joint Commission established comprised of representatives of
Iran and the P5+1, with the EU High Representative.
 Coordination led by EU High Representative.
 Meet on quarterly basis or at request of any JCPOA
participant.
 Decision and work subject to U.N. rules of confidentiality.
 Among other things, in charge of dispute resolution and
establishing procurement channel.
JCPOA submitted to
 P5+1 wil “promptly” send JCPOA to U.N. Security Council
Resolution 2231
U.N. Security Council
(UNSC) for review and adoption “without delay.”
submitted on July 15
and adopted on
Monday, July 20, 2015
Adoption Day
 90 days (or earlier if agreed by P5+1 and Iran) after
Expected mid-
endorsement of JCPOA by the UNSC. From this date,
October 2015
participants start making preparations for implementing
commitments.
 EU to adopt regulation terminating nuclear-related sanctions
with effect from Implementation Day.
 U.S. President to issue sanctions waivers to take effect on
Implementation Day.
 Iran to prepare nuclear related commitments and notify IAEA
that it wil apply Additional Protocol provisionally with effect
from Implementation Day.
Implementation Day
 Simultaneously with IAEA report verifying implementation by
Not tied to any date,
Iran of the nuclear-related measures, U.N. sanctions
but expected to
terminate, EU sanctions terminate (in some cases only
occur within 4-6
suspended), U.S. “ceases” application of nuclear related
months from
sanctions.
Adoption Day.
Roughly in the first
half of 2016.
Transition Day
 8 years after Adoption Day or the date when IAEA submits a
Expected mid-
report that all nuclear material in Iran remains in peaceful
October 2023
activities (whichever is earlier). EU terminates remaining
sanctions. U.S. terminates or modifies remaining sanctions.
Iran ratifies Additional Protocol.
U.N. Security Council
 10 years from Adoption Day, the UNSC resolution endorsing
Expected mid-
Resolution Termination
JCPOA terminates—provided no U.N. sanctions have been
October 2025
Day
reimposed. UNSC “would no longer be seized of the Iran
nuclear issue.”

79 Appendix prepared by Christopher Mann, Research Assistant, CRS; adapted from European Council on
Foreign Relations.79
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Table A-2. JCPOA Commitments
COMMITMENTS
COMPONENTS
TIMEFRAME
U.N. Security
 U.S. Congress wil be faced with a UNSC Resolution endorsing
Resolution 2231
Council Resolution
JCPOA before casting votes on the deal
adopted on July 20,
endorsing the
2015.
JCPOA
Comes into force
within 90 days.
Nuclear-Related: to be Carried Out by Iran
Iran-IAEA Roadmap
 Pursuant to Roadmap agreed between Iran and IAEA on 20 July
Iran submits written
on Possible Military
2015 (confidential document).
answers by August
Dimension (PMD)

15, 2015.
Iran wil provide IAEA explanation on outstanding issues.

IAEA has one-month
There wil be technical and political meetings.
review.
 Arrangements in place regarding the issue of Parchin (there has
IAEA resolves
been previous access to this military site).
remaining PMD
 All steps in Roadmap must be fulfil ed before Implementation
issues/questions by
date.
October 15, 2015.
IAEA presents report
on PMD by
December 15, 2015.
Enrichment only at
 For 10 years: centrifuges reduced to 5,060 IR-1. Excess
Implementation Day
Natanz—preventing
centrifuges stored under IAEA monitoring.
“uranium path to

weaponization”
For 15 years: level of uranium enrichment capped at 3.67%.
 For 15 years: Natanz is Iran’s only enrichment facility.
 Between years 11-15: Iran can replace IR-1 centrifuges at Natanz
with more advanced ones.
Enriched Uranium
 For 15 years: stockpile kept under 300 kg up to 3.67% enriched
Implementation Day
Stockpile—
uranium hexafluoride (UF6) or the equivalent in other chemical
preventing “uranium
forms (this is a 98% reduction from existing stockpiles).
path to

weaponization”
Excess sold based on international prices.
 Uranium oxide enriched 5-20% fabricated into fuel for Tehran
Research Reactor.
Fordow—“uranium
 Converted to research facility.
Implementation Day
path to

weaponization”
No more enrichment or R&D at this facility.
 1,044 IR-1 centrifuges in six cascades wil remain here, but cannot
enrich uranium.
Research &
 For 10 years: R&D with uranium wil only include IR-4, IR-5, IR-6
Implementation Day
Development
and IR-8 centrifuges.
 After 8 years: Iran starts manufacturing agreed numbers of IR-6
and IR-8 centrifuges without rotors.
 After 10 years: begin phasing out IR-1 centrifuges.
 Manufacture advanced centrifuge machines only for the purposes
specified with P5+1.
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COMMITMENTS
COMPONENTS
TIMEFRAME
Arak Heavy Water
 Iran wil redesign and rebuild reactor into lower power research
Implementation Day
Reactor—
reactor with P5+1 partnership.
Before
preventing

Implementation date,
“plutonium path to
Iran would take out the original core of the reactor; this wil
become unusable.
Iran and P5+1 agree
weaponization”

on joint venture.
Permanent: Iran wil not produce weapons grade plutonium.
 For 15 years: no heavy water reactors in Iran.
 Permanent: Iran ships out all spent fuel from Arak reactor.
Transparency—
 By October 15, 2015: Iran clears up questions about its alleged
Implementation Day
preventing “covert
past research on nuclear weapons (Possible Military Dimensions,
PMD measures by
path to
or PMD)
October 15, 2015.
weaponization”
 Permanently: Additional Protocol measures - Iran wil
provisionally apply this and eventually its parliament wil ratify it.
 Permanently: ful implementation of modified Code 3.1 of the
Subsidiary Arrangements to its Safeguards Agreement.
 For 20-25 years: IAEA has access to Iran’s supply chain for its
nuclear program and has continuous surveil ance of centrifuge
manufacturing and storage facilities.
 Procurement channel created for Iran’s purchase of nuclear
related equipment and material.
Access
 Requests for access to suspect sites wil be made in good faith by
Implementation Day
IAEA. Not aimed at interfering with Iranian military/national
security activities.
 IAEA provides Iran reasons for concerns regarding undeclared
nuclear materials or activities and request access to those
locations.
 Iran may propose to the IAEA alternative means of resolving the
IAEA’s concerns.
 If cannot agree within 14 days of original IAEA request, the Joint
Commission wil adjudicate and if needed decision made by
majority vote.
 Consultation with, and voting by Joint Commission must happen
within 7 days.
 Iran would implement decision within 3 days (total of 24 days
after original IAEA request).
Sanctions Relief to be Carried Out by P5+1
U.N.
 UNSCR Resolution 2231endorsing JCPOA goes into effect to
Implementation Day
terminate al previous resolutions targeting Iran’s nuclear
program - 1696 (2006), 1737 (2006), 1747 (2007), 1803 (2008),
1835 (2008), 1929 (2010) and 2224 (2015).
 Subject to snap-back under dispute resolution process (Preamble
to agreement, paragraphs 36 and 37)
 15 days for review by: Joint Commission assesses dispute. Time
for review can be extended by mutual consent.
 If unresolved, 15 days for review by Ministers of Foreign Affairs.
Any participant could refer the issue to the Ministers. Time for
review can be extended by mutual consent.
 If unresolved, 15 days for review by: Advisory Board (three
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COMMITMENTS
COMPONENTS
TIMEFRAME
members, one each appointed by the participants in the dispute
and a third independent member). Wil provide non-binding
decision.
 Joint Commission has 5 days to review decision of Advisory
Board. If no resolution and complaining party sees action as
“significant non-performance” - unresolved issue can be treated
as grounds to cease performing commitments in whole or part.
Complaining party wil notify UNSC.
 UNSC wil then votes on a resolution as to continuing lifting of
sanctions. If resolution not adopted by 30 days, old UNSC
resolution sanctions snap-back. China and Russia cannot veto.
Iran wil cease to perform its obligations if sanctions snap back.
 Sanctions snap-back not applicable with retroactive effect to
contracts signed between any party and Iran.
 After 5 years: U.N. sanctions on conventional weapons that were
linked to Iran’s nuclear activities terminate.
 After 8 years: U.N. sanctions on Iran’s missile program that were
linked to Iran’s nuclear activities terminate.
 U.S. and international sanctions on Iran’s conventional weapons
and missile capabilities remain.
USA
 Under easing of U.S. and EU sanctions, Iran wil be allowed access Implementation Day
to roughly $100 bil ion revenues frozen abroad in a special
escrow.
 Cease the application of economic sanctions against Iran’s oil and
banking sector allowing Iranian banks and companies to reconnect
with international systems (see CRS Report RS20871, Iran
Sanctions).
 Wil remove designation of certain entities and individuals
(Attachment III).
 Allows for license non-U.S. persons that are owned or control ed
by a U.S. person to engage in activities with Iran permitted under
JCPOA.
 Allows for the sale of commercial passenger aircraft to Iran.
 Allows for license for importing Iranian-origin carpets and
foodstuffs into U.S.
 U.S. takes appropriate measures to address laws at state or local
level preventing ful implementation of JCPOA—U.S. wil actively
encourage officials to adhere to JCPOA policy.
 8 years after Adoption date—if IAEA concludes that all nuclear
activity in Iran remains peaceful—U.S. wil seek legislative action
to terminate/modify nuclear related sanctions.
 U.S. sanctions on Iran targeting human rights, terrorism and
missile activities remain.
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COMMITMENTS
COMPONENTS
TIMEFRAME
EU
 Terminate all provisions of the EU Regulation related to Iran’s
Implementation Day
nuclear program.
 Includes: financial and banking transactions; transactions in Iranian
Rial; provision of U.S. banknotes to Iranian government; access to
SWIFT; insurance services; efforts to reduce Iran’s crude oil and
petrochemical product sales; investment; transactions with Iran's
energy and shipping sector; trade in gold and other precious
metals; trade with Iran’s automotive sector.
 Removes individuals and entities designated under sanctions
(Attachment 1)
 EU refrains from reintroducing sanctions terminated under
JCPOA (Iran views any reintroduction as grounds to cease
performing its commitments).
 Refrain from policy intended to adversely affect normalization of
economic relations with Iran.
 For 8 years after Implementation date: EU’s arms embargo and
restrictions on transfer of ballistic missiles remain.
Congressional
 60 days: Vote to approve or disapprove agreement.
Thursday, September
Review

17, 2015:
12 days: President has 12 days to veto.
congressional
 10 Days: Congress has 10 days to override presidential veto.
approval/disapproval
 Every 90 days after the review period, the Administration is
deadline.
required to certify Iran is ful y complying with the agreement. If
Tuesday, September
such certification is not made, Congress has the opportunity to
29, 2015: deadline for
enact a resolution snapping back U.S. statutory U.S. sanctions.
presidential veto.
Friday, October 9,
2015: congressional
deadline for
overriding
presidential veto.
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Appendix B. Nuclear Weapons Development80
An effective nuclear weapons capability has three major elements: producing fissile material in
sufficient quantity and quality for a nuclear explosive device; designing and weaponizing a
survivable nuclear warhead; and producing an effective means for delivering the weapon, such as
a ballistic missile.81 The U.S. government assesses that, although Iran could eventually produce
nuclear weapons, it has not yet decided to do so and has not mastered all of the necessary
technologies for building a nuclear weapon. Tehran had a nuclear weapons program but halted it
in 2003, according to U.S. government estimates.82
Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs Wendy Sherman explained during an October 3,
2013, Senate Foreign Relations Committee hearing that Iran would need as much as one year to
produce a nuclear weapon if the government made the decision to do so.83 This estimate takes
into account the amount of time that Iran would need to produce a sufficient amount of weapons-
grade highly enriched uranium (HEU), which is widely regarded as the most difficult task in
building nuclear weapons, as well as to develop the other components necessary for a nuclear
weapon. This estimate does not include the time that Iran would need to be able to render a
nuclear weapon deliverable by a ballistic missile. Then-Secretary of Defense Leon Panetta stated
in January 2012 that Iran would need “possibly ... one to two years in order to put [a nuclear
weapon] on a deliverable vehicle of some sort.”84
A senior intelligence official explained during a December 2007 press briefing that the
“acquisition of fissile material” was the “governing element in any timelines” regarding Iran’s
production of a “nuclear device.”85 However, the estimate articulated by Sherman assumes that
Iran would need two to three months to produce enough weapons-grade HEU for a nuclear
weapon.86 This estimate also apparently assumes that Iran would use its declared nuclear facilities
to produce fissile material for a weapon.87 The other assumptions behind the estimate are not
clear.88
Tehran would probably use covert enrichment facilities to produce fissile material for nuclear
weapons—a tactic that would require a longer period of time, according to testimony from

80 For more information about Iran’s ballistic missile program, see CRS Report R42849, Iran’s Ballistic Missile and
Space Launch Programs
, by Steven A. Hildreth.
81 For a more detailed discussion, see Office of Technology Assessment, Technologies Underlying Weapons of Mass
Destruction
(OTA-BP-ISC-115), December 1993.
82 A 2007 National Intelligence Estimate defined “nuclear weapons program” as “nuclear weapon design and
weaponization work and covert uranium conversion-related and uranium enrichment related work.”
83 “Reversing Iran’s Nuclear Program,” Hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, October 3, 2013.
84 Transcript of remarks by Secretary Panetta from CBS’s 60 Minutes interview, January 29, 2012.
85 “Unclassified Key Judgments of the National Intelligence Estimate: Iran: Nuclear Intentions and Capabilities,”
Background Briefing with Senior Intelligence Officials, December 3, 2007.
86 The White House. “Parameters for a Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action Regarding the Islamic Republic of Iran’s
Nuclear Program.” April 2, 2015.
87 It is worth noting that no country has ever used a centrifuge facility designed and built for low-enriched uranium
production to produce weapons-grade HEU. Therefore, Iran may need a trial-and-error period to determine the proper
modifications for its own centrifuge facilities, were Tehran to adapt them for such a purpose.
88 For a detailed discussion of the variables such estimates must take into account, see Iran’s Nuclear, Chemical, and
Biological Capabilities: A Net Assessment, International Institute for Strategic Studies, 2011, pp. 69-70 and William C.
Witt, Christina Walrond, David Albright, and Houston Wood, Iran’s Evolving Breakout Potential, Institute for Science
and International Security, October 8, 2012.
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Iran Nuclear Agreement

Director of National Intelligence James Clapper during an April 18, 2013, Senate Armed Services
Committee hearing. In his testimony to Congress in March 2013, Director Clapper said that
“Tehran has the scientific, technical, and industrial capacity to produce nuclear weapons. This
makes the central issue its political will to do so. Such a decision will reside with the supreme
leader, and at this point we don't know if he’ll eventually decide to build nuclear weapons.”89 As
noted in the body of this report, U.S. officials have argued that the International Atomic Energy
Agency would likely detect an Iranian attempt to use its safeguarded facilities to produce
weapons-grade HEU. They have also expressed confidence in the United States’ ability to detect
covert Iranian enrichment plants.

Author Contact Information

Kenneth Katzman
Paul K. Kerr
Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs
Analyst in Nonproliferation
kkatzman@crs.loc.gov, 7-7612
pkerr@crs.loc.gov, 7-8693


89 Senate Select Intelligence Committee Hearing on National Security Threats to the United States, March 12, 2013.
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