Palestinian Education and the Debate Over Textbooks

Palestinian Education and the Debate Over Textbooks

Order Code RL32886
CRS Report for Congress
Received through the CRS Web
Palestinian Education and
the Debate Over Textbooks
Updated March 7, 2006
Aaron D. Pina
Middle East Religion and Cultural Affairs Analyst
Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division
Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress

Palestinian Education and
the Debate Over Textbooks
Summary
Palestinian education reform is often seen as a key element in internal
Palestinian reform and the Palestinian-Israeli peace process. Many analysts
frequently have expressed concern that the Palestinian Authority (PA) education
curriculum incites a younger generation of Palestinians to reject Israel, Judaism, and
the achievement of peace in the region. Furthermore, some policymakers maintain
that Palestinian education reform is important not only for Israeli-Palestinian peace,
but also for broader U.S. interests in the region. From their perspective, a diverse,
balanced curriculum may serve as a benchmark toward greater peace,
democratization, and the development of a vibrant civil society in the Palestinian
Territories.
Concerns over PA textbooks often cite examples of anti-Jewish education
materials and a lack of reference to or positive acknowledgment of the state of Israel.
Overall, some analysts allege that PA textbooks spread a culture of violence, which
prizes martyrdom and jihad (or struggle) over peace and recognition of Israel. Others
contend that, although far from perfect, PA textbooks represent a step forward in the
evolution and design of a school curriculum for Palestinians that is essential to the
development of a national identity. These commentors assert that PA textbooks do
not incite Palestinians toward anti-Jewish violence or constitute a “war curriculum.”
The sweeping victory of Hamas in the Palestinian parliament in January 2006
raises new concerns over whether the Palestinian curriculum will be re-formulated
to present a more Islamist tone. Hamas, by virtue of winning 74 out of 132
parliamentary seats, may assume the ministries of education, culture, and religious
affairs. Many experts see this development as natural given Hamas’ track record of
social services, education, and Islamic focus.
Palestinian curriculum reform is an important element in the broader U.S. policy
of promoting Middle East democracy and governance reforms. The United States
Agency for International Development (USAID) and other U.S. government
programs, such as the State Department’s Middle East Partnership Initiative (MEPI),
help to fund education reform in the West Bank and Gaza. Also, U.S. contributions
to the U.N.’s Education, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) help
develop curriculum design programs for Palestinians. It remains unclear what lasting
impact curriculum reform will have in the Palestinian Territories and peace between
Palestinians and Israelis. Palestinian curriculum development, however, is relevant
to congressional concerns about the Palestinian-Israeli peace process, levels of U.S.
assistance to the Palestinians, U.N. reforms in the Palestinian Territories, and the
broader U.S. promotion of democracy in the Middle East. This report will be
updated as events warrant.

Contents
Overview . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Recent Developments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Background: Palestinian Education and National Identity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Allegations and Countervailing Themes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
Allegation 1: Negative Depictions of the “Other” in PA Textbooks . . . . . . . 7
Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
“Israel & Israelis” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8
“Jews” & “Judaism” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
“Zionist” & “Zionism” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
Allegation 2: Historical Inaccuracy in PA Textbooks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
“Historical Palestine” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
Contemporary Palestinian History . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
Allegation 3: Geography and Non-Recognition of Israel . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
Maps . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
Allegation 4: Palestinian Islamism and Inciting Violence . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
Islamic Themes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
Violence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14
Allegation 5: Limited Value Placed on Peace in Palestinian Textbooks . . . 15
Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
Peace and Civics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
Outlook . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16
Issues for Congress . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
Palestinian-Israeli Peace Process . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
U.S. Assistance to the West Bank and Gaza . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
U.N. Reform . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18
Promoting Reform in the Arab World . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19
Recent Legislation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19
List of Tables
Table 1. Palestine Ministry of Education Textbook Release Dates . . . . . . . . . . . 5
Table 2. Summary Findings on Negative Depiction of the “Other” . . . . . . . . . . . 8
Table 3. Summary Findings on Historical Inaccuracy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
Table 4. Summary Findings on Geography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
Table 5. Summary Findings on Islam and Violence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
Table 6. Summary Findings on Peace and Tolerance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15

Palestinian Education and
the Debate Over Textbooks
Overview
The January 2005 election of Mahmoud Abbas as President of the Palestine
Authority (PA), the election of Hamas into the Palestinian parliament in January
2006, and Israel’s unilateral withdrawal from the Gaza Strip have led many to
contend that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict has entered a new phase.1 These
developments, however, lead to different conclusions about this “new phase.” The
United States has pledged financial and technical assistance in support of the creation
of a Palestinian state alongside a secure Israel and in support of viable, democratic
institutions in the West Bank and Gaza. Though a Hamas-led PA may cause the U.S.
to curtail its assistance to the PA, some believe that humanitarian aid (including
education) to the Palestinians may continue.
Experts and policymakers often cite education as a key component in stabilizing
post-conflict settings, noting that the establishment of a strong, civic-minded
curriculum is often linked to tolerance, good citizenship, and mutual understanding.
The 1993 Declaration of Principles, which laid the foundation for the 1995 Oslo II
Agreement, specifically provides that:
Israel and the Palestinian Authority (PA) shall seek to foster mutual
understanding and tolerance and shall accordingly abstain from incitement,
including hostile propaganda against each other and shall take necessary
measures to prevent such incitement by any organizations, groups or individuals
within their jurisdiction.2
Opinion differs on the extent to which the Palestinian curriculum meets this
goal. Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon stated that “Palestinian education and
propaganda are more dangerous to Israel than Palestinian weapons.”3 Many analysts
and policymakers contend that major reforms in education must accompany progress
on the economic and political front, asserting that education is a key element in
inciting Palestinian violence toward Israelis. Yet, others claim that the Palestinian
1 For more on the challenges facing the Palestinian leadership, see CRS Report RL33269,
The Palestinian Elections, by Aaron D. Pina.
2 Oslo II Agreement, Article XII. Signed on September 28, 1995, Oslo II (or Taba) is the
primary Israeli-Palestinian interim agreement for the West Bank and Gaza Strip. The
Agreement deals with security arrangements, elections, civil affairs, legal matters, economic
relations, Israeli-Palestinian cooperation, and the release of prisoners.
3 “PM: PA Must End Anti-Israeli Propaganda Immediately,” Ha’aretz Daily Service,
November 18, 2004.

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curriculum is moving away from anti-Israeli and anti-Jewish incitement. These
observers maintain that PA textbooks conform to the highest international education
standards and present well-functioning, quality material that promotes democratic
values.
Some also emphasize the role international agencies play in Palestinian
education. The PA issues textbooks only in the West Bank and Gaza. Since 1950,
the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) has provided relief and
social services to Palestinian refugees.4 Serving Palestinians in the refugee camps
in the West Bank and Gaza, UNRWA also delivers refugee services in various “host”
countries (Jordan, Lebanon, and Syria), where sizeable Palestinian refugee
communities still temporarily reside. Generally, Palestinian students attend classes
within UNRWA schools, but are issued textbooks by the host nation, due to the
requirement that students take host-nation exams to continue their education and earn
diplomas, which are crucial for finding employment. Critics charge that UNRWA
indirectly supports an inciteful curriculum because host country textbooks are
typically hostile toward Israel. Others highlight the fact that UNRWA’s mandate,
which covers refugee and social services, places the organization in a difficult
position, as its mandate does not extend to issues like textbook content or curriculum
development.
This report reviews the nature and evolution of the Palestinian curriculum and
the challenges that an unresolved Palestinian national identity poses in constructing
a peaceful and tolerant education system. The analysis utilizes selected studies of
Palestinian textbooks and international standards used to assess national education
curricula. It briefly addresses the implications Palestinian education presents for the
Israeli-Palestinian peace process and the broader U.S. policy of promoting reform in
the Middle East.
Recent Developments
On January 25, 2006, Palestinians voted in a new parliament, and the Central
Elections Commission reported that more than 77% (980,000 out of roughly 1.2
million eligible voters) took part in the election poll. The election was overseen by
17,268 domestic observers, complimented by 900 credentialed international
monitors. Palestinians voted in 1,008 polling stations, and 132 seats were contested
by 728 candidates (414 in districts and 314 on party slates).
In the short time period following the recent Palestinian legislative elections,
Administration officials and some Members of Congress have warned the Hamas
leadership that the United States will no longer provide assistance to a Hamas-led PA
4 United Nations General Assembly Resolution 302 (IV) of December 8, 1949, recognized
the need to address the humanitarian needs of Palestinian refugees; UNGAR 302, paragraph
7 authorized the creation of UNRWA to facilitate temporarily the distribution of foodstuffs,
shelter, clothing, education, and medical treatment. See CRS Report RS21668, United
Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA), by
Rhoda Margesson.

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government unless Hamas changes its charter to recognize Israel’s right to exist and
renounces the use of violence. On January 30, 2006, representatives of the Quartet
(United States, European Union, United Nations, and Russia) conditioned future
foreign assistance to the PA on the future government’s commitment to nonviolence,
recognition of the state of Israel, and acceptance of previous agreements. If Hamas
should resist such changes, Congress and the Administration could potentially alter
or halt U.S. assistance to the Palestinians.
On November 8, 2005, the U.S. State Department released its annual Report on
Religious Freedom. The report noted that although the PA has taken several steps
to eliminate incitement in textbooks and teaching, there are reports that textbooks
still de-legitimize Israel’s historical connection to the land and that many teachers
still use inflammatory anti-Israel rhetoric in the classroom.
On September 1, 2005, the Palestine Curriculum Development Center (PCDC)
completed its overhaul of the Palestinian curriculum, which started in 2000. New
textbooks will be revised every year for three years beginning in 2006.
Background: Palestinian Education and National Identity5
The Israeli occupation and continuing Palestinian violence against Israeli
soldiers and civilians affect all spheres of Palestinian daily life, including education.
Palestinian control over their education system is a relatively new occurrence; for
over fifty years Palestinian education was externally overseen by multiple actors.
After the establishment of the state of Israel in 1948, Jordan annexed the West Bank,
and the Gaza Strip fell under Egyptian administration. Accordingly, the West Bank
followed a Jordanian education curriculum, and Gazan schools adhered to the
Egyptian education system, leaving Palestinians with little control over education
materials. From the 1967 Arab-Israeli War until the 1993 Declaration of Principles
(the formal element of the Oslo Accord), Israel retained overall control over
Palestinian education in the Occupied Territories, but maintained the Egyptian and
Jordanian curriculum with minimal changes.
In 1986, the Lutheran-Anglican private schools of Ramallah initiated the
development of the first Palestinian school curriculum, which formed the basis of
future Palestinian national education programs. The all-Palestinian curriculum
fulfilled Palestinian educators’ desires to design, supervise, and implement a national
curriculum aimed at representing Palestinian society. Beginning in 1987, the
curriculum saw widespread use during the first intifada (or uprising) and provided
a template for further Palestinian developments.6 In 1990, the Palestine Liberation
Organization (PLO) requested the assistance of the United Nations Education,
Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) in developing education strategies
to formulate a national curriculum. The PA, established in 1993, recognizing the
need for international assistance in education development, partnered with UNESCO
to sponsor a workshop, which led to the establishment of the Palestinian Curriculum
5 For additional information on Palestinian identity, see Rashid Khalidi, Palestinian Identity:
The Construction of Modern National Consciousness, 1997.
6 Lisa Taraki, The Palestinian Society in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, 1990.

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Development Center (PCDC) in 1994. The PCDC aimed to instill a Palestinian civic
identity alongside respect for Palestinian institutions of authority. In 1995, the
Palestinian Ministry of Education adopted the curriculum developed by the PCDC
and UNESCO.7
The director of the PCDC, Ibrahim Abu Lughod, placed an emphasis on several
aspects of Palestinian education reform, including changes in education practices,
standards, and textbooks. Many experts note that the Palestinian curriculum is
influenced by “progressive” educators who favor new subjects, like civics education,
human rights, and democracy.8 They see this as a welcome departure from
“traditional” Arab pedagogy, which stresses rote memorization and authoritarianism.
For others, the PA curriculum still perpetuates anti-Jewish and anti-Israeli sentiment
in its textbooks. Overall, as one observer notes, the PCDC’s attempt to reform
traditional Palestinian education stressed national themes of Palestinian identity and
respect for Palestinian authority and institutions, he states that:
In the 1990s, even before the construction of the Palestine National Authority
(PNA), an alternative education vision, concentrating on ideal citizenship and
democratic practices, arose within the Palestinian educational community.
Deeply critical of existing educational practices, advocates of the new vision
have provoked surprisingly little opposition and increasingly dominate public
discussions of education.9
The PCDC’s educational focus on citizenship, authority, and alternative
education practices reflects a common theme for many post-conflict areas. Bosnia-
Herzegovina, Northern Ireland, and South Africa often are cited as examples of post-
conflict settings where education curriculum played a positive role in the construction
of a national identity and the development of stable, democratic institutions.10
Some also note that, ultimately, Palestinian education reform is connected to
internal political and educational shifts within Palestinian society and that Palestinian
national identity, and the perception of that identity, undergird much of the textbook
debate. Many observers contend that textbooks issued by governments reflect the
official values policymakers wish to impart to its citizens and therefore maintain that
the Palestinian curriculum espouses a national culture of incitement. Others claim
that a “text book war” is being waged against the PA in an effort to undermine
attempts at unifying a Palestinian national identity. The 1993 Oslo Accord called for
7 For a more detailed description of Palestinian and Israeli education see Falk Pingel,
Contested Past, Disputed Present: Curriculum and Teaching in Israeli and Palestinian
Schools, 2003.
8 Progressive education specialists include Ibrahim Abu Lughod, a Palestinian political
scientist who taught in the United States; Nabil Sha’th, a PA negotiator and sponsor of
general education reform; Ali Jarbawi, a professor at Bir Zeit University (West Bank) who
focuses on human rights and democracy; and Maher Hashweh, an education specialist at Bir
Zeit University who developed critical thinking models for classroom instruction.
9 Nathan J. Brown, Palestinian Politics After the Oslo Accords, 2003.
10 UNESCO, United Nations Education, Scientific, and Cultural Organization’s Report on
Education in Emergency, Crisis and Reconstruction, 2004.

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the creation of a Palestinian Ministry of Education. Since that time, Palestinian
educators, and policymakers have grappled with the need to re-vamp Palestinian
education in the face of increased PA autonomy and control over Palestinian
educational affairs.
A 1994 PCDC questionnaire illustrates some of the challenges national identity
poses when attempting promote reforms in Palestinian education. Survey questions
asked Palestinian social science and history teachers about the type of Palestine to be
taught, “historic” Palestine or the Palestine likely to emerge from negotiations?
Other survey questions asked how Palestinians should view Israel — as an ordinary
neighbor, or as a state that has arisen to the partial detriment of Palestinians?11 Some
observers indicate that such responses reveal the political, contested nature of
education, and that the Palestinian education debate could bear real consequences for
the peace process.
Since 1999, the Palestinian Ministry of Education has released two complete
sets of textbooks per year. Although an entire national curriculum (grades 1-12) will
not be available until 2006, most analysts agree that there is a large enough body of
textbooks to analyze. Table 1 (below) outlines the phased release of PA textbooks.
The implementation of textbooks is phased over seven years because the PCDC
takes one to two years to study the impact new textbooks have upon students and
teachers.12
Table 1. Palestine Ministry of Education
Textbook Release Dates
Phase
Grade
Target completion date
1
Subjects syllabi (guidelines)
Completed - 1999
2
Textbooks for grades 1 and 6
Completed - 2000
3
Textbooks for grades 2 and 7
Completed - 2001
4
Textbooks for grades 3 and 8
Completed - 2002
5
Textbooks for grades 4 and 9
Completed - 2003
6
Textbooks for grades 5 and 10
Completed - 2004
7
Textbooks for grade 11
Completed - 2005
8
Textbooks for grade 12
Completed - 2006
Source: Palestine Ministry of Education and Higher Education, 2004.
11 Ibrahim Abu-Lughod, Palestinian Education: Historic, Current, and Future Needs, 1997.
12 Taken from the PCDC’s, Highlights of the Palestinian Experience in Curriculum
Development, May 2002. Online at [http://www.pcdc.edu.ps/clarificatiion_II.htm].

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Allegations and Countervailing Themes
Allegations concerning the Palestinian curriculum tend to be on one end of the
spectrum or the other. Statements that the PA curriculum incites students against
Israel and counter-claims which argue that the Palestinian curriculum is reform-
minded, are presented here in light of variable, comprehensive reports. Generally,
all reports rely on UNESCO’s Guidebook on Textbook Research and Textbook
Revision, which offers a base-line of intentions and goals to guide countries when
crafting a national education system. According to its charter, UNESCO, established
in 1945, contributes to peace and security by collaborating with member-states in
science, education, and the culture of ideas.13 Although UNESCO is widely
recognized as a leading source of Middle East curriculum and textbook development,
some claim that the organization lacks proper mechanisms to ensure adherence to its
standards. Others state that UNESCO has instituted a wide array of internal reforms,
which makes the agency a “success story” for wider U.N. reforms.14
This section surveys analyses of the Palestinian curriculum by three
organizations and one noted scholar. The sources were chosen for their experience
in international education and high degree of focus on Palestinian textbooks. Their
analytical reports highlight the prominent allegations, countervailing themes, and
challenges that exist within Palestinian education.
! The Center for Monitoring the Impact of Peace (CMIP). Established
in 1998, CMIP examines the content of school textbooks used in the
Middle East to determine whether children are being taught to accept
and recognize the right of the “other” (Israelis, Jews, Zionists) to
exist. Since 2001, the CMIP has overseen several studies of
Palestinian textbooks. Some suggest that the CMIP’s analysis is
overly critical and anti-Palestinian. Others assert that the CMIP’s
conclusions are an accurate reflection of PA textbooks.15
! Israeli/Palestine Center for Research and Information (IPCRI).
IPCRI, founded in Jerusalem in 1988, is the only joint
Palestinian-Israeli public policy organization devoted to developing
practical solutions for the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Beginning in
2003, IPCRI drafted a series of policy papers on Palestinian textbook
reform, partially supported by the USAID’s Middle East Regional
Cooperation Program (MERC). Many believe that IPCRI takes a
balanced, accurate approach in analyzing PA textbooks, although
13 UNESCO’s education budget for 2004-2005 is $300.42 million. Members annually pay
the equivalent of 22% of UNESCO’s budget. In 2004, the Administration pledged $71.49
million in support of UNESCO.
14 Nile Gardiner and Jennifer A. Marshall, “Advancing U.S. Interests at UNESCO,”
Heritage Foundation Executive Memorandum #919, April 5, 2004. Available online at
[http://www.heritage.org/Research/InternationalOrganizations/em919.cfm].
15 CMIP reports are available online at [http://www.edume.org/].

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some contend that IPCRI does not go far enough in its conclusions
in making policy recommendations.16
! The Georg Eckert Institute for International Textbook Research
Project on Israeli-Palestinian Textbooks. This Institute, established
in 1975, organizes international conferences, offers advice to
textbook publishers and authors, and writes opinions on various
aspects of international textbook research. Beginning in 2001, the
Institute began analyzing PA and Israeli textbooks. Although many
experts agree that the Institute’s analysis of PA textbooks are
objective, some contend that the Institute is biased, due to its close
affiliation with UNESCO.17
! Nathan J. Brown. A professor at the George Washington University,
Nathan J. Brown has authored several articles on Palestinian
education, as well as a book that covers the subject.18 Professor
Brown served as an advisor to the PA constitutional assembly and
the U.N. Development Program’s (UNDP) Arab governance
program. Many commentors support Professor Brown’s analysis of
PA textbooks, stating that his views are well informed and realistic.
Others believe that Dr. Brown’s analysis is overly sympathetic to
Palestinians.
Allegation 1: Negative Depictions of
the “Other” in PA Textbooks
Analysis. The Palestinian national curriculum frequently is criticized for what
is termed a denial of the “other” (Israel/Israelis, Zionism/Zionist, and Jews/Judaism).
Some observers note that the new textbooks “continue to make multiple references
to Judaism, Israel, Israelis, Jews, Zionism, and Zionists.”19 Others report a “lack of
adequate information about the “other” [in Palestinian textbooks] that is not
recognized and is stereotyped.”20 Overall, most observers agree that Palestinian
textbooks continue to omit crucial elements in their description of Israel, Judaism,
and Zionism. Yet, many also claim that, for the most part, when the “other” is
presented, a neutral tone is taken.
16 IPCRI reports available online at [http://www.ipcri.org].
17 Project details available online at [http://www.gei.de/english/projekte/israel.shtml].
18 Nathan J. Brown, Palestinian Politics After the Oslo Accords, 2003.
19 Israel/Palestine Center for Research and Information, Report II: Analysis and Evaluation
of the New Palestinian Curriculum, 2004.
20 Center for Monitoring the Impact of Peace, Jews, Israel, and Peace in the Palestinian
Authority Textbooks, 2004.

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Table 2. Summary Findings on
Negative Depiction of the “Other”
Project cited
Summary of project findings
Center for Monitoring the
— Jews, Judaism, and Israel are hardly mentioned in PA
Impact of Peace
textbooks.
— Zionism is presented as a colonial movement and as a danger
to Arabs.
Israeli/Palestine Center for
— PA textbooks make multiple, neutral references to Judaism,
Research and Information
Jews, Israel, and Zionism.
— Israelis and Jews are presented as occupiers, invaders, and
usurpers.
George Eckert Institute
— PA textbooks continue to omit crucial elements of the “other”.
— The country is depicted without reference to Israel and Israelis.
Acknowledgment of Israel is not expressly stated in PA textbooks.
Nathan J. Brown
— Most PA textbooks go to considerable lengths to avoid saying
anything about Israel at all and the few exceptions are not
pejorative.
— PA textbooks present the “other” in an awkward, reticent, and
inconsistent manner.
“Israel & Israelis”. Palestinian textbook references to “Israel” and “Israelis”
usually are drawn from official historical documents and excerpts from encyclopedias
(such as the Balfour Declaration, and the Encyclopedia of Jews, Judaism, and
Zionism). Many other textbook references to the “other” are taken from modern
Palestinian literature. According to one report, these depictions often “reflect pain,
suffering, and bitterness experienced by Palestinians as a result of the ongoing Israeli-
Arab conflict.”21 Most experts agree that a sovereign state of Israel is mentioned
inadequately in Palestinian textbooks, with Israel commonly associated with
historical events (such as the Oslo Accord) or ethnicity (as a Jewish state).22 One
study concluded that “calls for Israel’s destruction or anti-Jewish incitement likewise
do not occur.”23
Some note that “Israel” is implicitly referred to in non-specific terms such as
“the Land outside the Green Line [the 1967 cease-fire line],” “the land of 1948,” or
“the interior.” Towns with large Arab populations that lie within pre-1967 Israeli
territory are sometimes termed “Historical Palestine” in many PA textbooks. A
recent report claimed that “Palestine, not Israel, appears on all of the books’ maps,
21 Ibid.
22 Georg Eckert Institute for International Textbook Research, From Peace Making to Peace
Building: A Comparative Israeli-Palestinian Research Project on School Textbooks and
Curriculum Plans in the Subjects of History and Civics, 2003.
23 Ibid.

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and all the village, cities, and towns located in Israel are referred to by Arabic
names.”24
“Jews” & “Judaism”. There is broad consensus, among experts, that
Palestinian textbooks primarily make mention of “Jews” in a religious-historical
context. Palestinian textbook depictions of Jews typically place them among
“Peoples of the Book,” a mainstream Islamic concept that all followers of
monotheism are part of God’s chosen community. Yet, some report that Palestinian
textbooks contain little reference to the Jewish presence in ancient Palestine,
preferring instead to Arabize the past. These commentors claim that “the Jews are
further referred to, in a more detailed description, as opponents of the Prophet
Muhammad.”25 However, others state that “there are no overt references to Jews as
‘the evil enemy’ or as being ‘treacherous’.” 26
“Zionist” & “Zionism”. According to the reports reviewed, there is
agreement that Zionists and Zionism are portrayed in a negative light. At times,
Zionism, the late 19th century movement that established a Jewish homeland in the
region, is portrayed as a political movement. On other occasions, Zionism is attached
to Israeli civil-military action against Palestinians.27 Overall, most reports contend
that both Zionism and Zionists are linked with key historical developments in modern
Palestinian history. Textbooks frequently link Israeli settlement activity in the West
Bank and Gaza with Zionism. Some experts assert that Zionism and Zionists are
frequently mentioned as “aggressive, dangerous infiltrators.”28 One report notes that
the “the Jewish national movement [Zionism] is presented as a colonialist
movement.”29
Allegation 2: Historical Inaccuracy in PA Textbooks
Analysis. Most of the reports surveyed in this report maintain that the
Palestinian curriculum presents history and historical facts in a selective and
exclusive manner. Some contend that historical selectivity is indeed the intention of
Palestinian textbook authors, who aim at building a national identity. Experts
sometimes classify the Palestinian approach to history as “Palestinian history as a
history of constant threats.”30
24 Margot Dudkevitch, “PA Textbooks: Israel is Palestine,” The Jerusalem Post, July 22,
2004.
25 Israel/Palestine Center for Research and Information, op. cit.
26 Ibid.
27 The History of the Arab World, Grade 9 Textbook. “Zionist movement” (p. 73-74);
“Zionist plans Under the Ottomans” (p. 32); “Zionist infiltration” (p. 32).
28 Israel/Palestine Center for Research and Information, op. cit.
29 Center for Monitoring the Impact of Peace, op. cit.
30 Ibid.

CRS-10
Table 3. Summary Findings on Historical Inaccuracy
Project cited
Summary of project findings
Center for Monitoring
— PA textbook discussions of history are incomplete and
the Impact of Peace
biased
Israeli/Palestine Center
— Coverage and presentation of history and historical
for Research and
facts continues to be selective and exclusive in nature
Information
George Eckert Institute
— Historical facts in PA textbooks are not as problematic
as is the appraisal of those facts, which tends to victimize
Palestinians.
Nathan J. Brown
— A fairly coherent view of the past is presented that is
generally not based on any active or hostile denial of other
versions of history.
“Historical Palestine”. According to some, “Palestine” is used
interchangeably in historical and political contexts, the former context representing
Palestine in geo-historical terms, and the latter commonly referring to the future state
of Palestine.31 Often, “Palestine” is equated with “Homeland,” “National soil,” or
“Jerusalem.” Nathan Brown, however, takes a different perspective when analyzing
history units in the Palestinian national curriculum, stating that:
The focus on the eternal nature of Arab and Palestinian identity, in both ethnic
and geographic terms, is generally not based on any active or hostile denial of
other versions of history. Alternative versions are not refuted but merely
ignored; non-Arab populations generally receive almost no attention.32
Still, others argue that Palestinian history textbooks take a dogmatic and monolithic
approach to history, which represents Israel in a negative light.33 These commentors
allege that Palestinian “historical revisionism” is tantamount to a denial of a Jewish
presence in the region.
Contemporary Palestinian History. Many observers note that recent
Palestinian history is more contentious than older accounts due to the political nature
of historically-based issues such as the causes of the 1948-1949 Palestinian diaspora,
the 1967 and 1973 Arab-Israeli wars, and the causes of the 1987-1993 intifada.
IPCRI approaches the treatment of history in Palestinian textbooks with a note of
understanding, but also a caution:
It is understood that Palestine is in its formative stage of development regarding
understanding history (this is not a negative statement or any form of judgement -
it is descriptive). Therefore, there should not be any exaggerated expectations
31 Israel/Palestine Center for Research and Information, op. cit.
32 Nathan J. Brown, “Democracy, History, and the Contests Over the Palestinian
Curriculum,” Adam Institute Papers, 2001.
33 Center for Monitoring the Impact of Peace, op. cit.

CRS-11
regarding the willingness or ability of Palestinian textbooks to present alternative
views or other voices. However, Palestinian educators should be aware that the
Palestinian cause is significantly strengthened by not presenting a dogmatic
monolithic approach to history.34
Alternate viewpoints contend that PA textbook coverage of contemporary history
continues to disregard the Jewish and Israeli presence in the region. These reports
take note that contemporary historical themes in textbooks do not depict Israel as a
legitimate state. Instead, these analysts allege that PA textbook representations of
modern-day Israel are negative and inciteful.
Allegation 3: Geography and Non-Recognition of Israel
Analysis. The primary concern for many international education analysts is
that non-recognition of the state of Israel, particularly in maps, continues in PA
textbooks.35 Moreover, nearly all reports agree that geographic and cartographic
representations of the area contain little uniformity in Palestinian textbooks, and that
the precise geographic definition of “Palestine” remains confusing.36
Table 4. Summary Findings on Geography
Project cited
Summary of project findings
Center for
— The state of Israel does not appear in any textbook map.
Monitoring the
— “Palestine” is represented as the sovereign state in the
Impact of Peace
region, encompassing Israel’s territory in many cases.
Israeli/Palestine
— Textbook maps generally indicate regional themes (such
Center for Research
as the Middle East or Arab World).
and Information
— The most conspicuous phenomenon in these maps is the
absence of any reference on them to Israel (historically,
politically, or demographically).
George Eckert
— Political motivations account for the near total absence of
Institute
depictions of the state of Israel in maps.
— Palestinian textbook maps generally employ Arab names
in lieu of a final political solution to the conflict.
Nathan J. Brown
— Historical or topographical maps are widely used in order
to avoid drawing political boundaries.
— Israel is not represented (nor are Jordan, Syria, Lebanon,
and Egypt).
— Some maps clearly delineate the West Bank and Gaza but
do not explain what these indications signify.
34 Israel/Palestine Center for Research and Information, op. cit.
35 Center for Monitoring the Impact of Peace, op. cit. Also see comments by Israeli Foreign
Ambassador, Daniel Ayalon in “Strategic Challenges Facing Israel in the Middle East,” C-
SPAN, October 10, 2004.
36 Ibid.

CRS-12
Maps. Nearly all commentors on education curriculum note that PA textbook
maps are a primary concern. To date, Israel as a sovereign state within the pre-1967
cease-fire line does not appear on any maps, nor do any Israeli cities bear Jewish
names (Tel Aviv, Netanya, Ramat Gan, etc.).37
Generally, Palestinian textbook maps refer to the region as “Palestine,” with the
West Bank and Gaza Strip distinguished from Israel — which is not named. In many
cases, political maps contain no place names. Geographic, topographic,
demographic, and border maps often label the region as “historical Palestine” or
“Palestine.” Several regional and world maps continue to represent the West Bank
and Gaza Strip as distinguished from the rest of the area, yet the remaining land is not
labeled “Israel.”38 Brown contends that the absence of a demarcated Israel in
Palestinian textbooks represents unresolved political issues among Palestinians:
The failure to treat such pressing subjects, then, stemmed neither from political
hostility to Israel nor from renunciation of nationalist Palestinian claims but from
the desire not to move beyond a clear national consensus or the explicit policy
of the leadership. Such an attitude meant that there was no guidance on how to
teach Israel, Zionism, or the borders of Palestine. At some points, the texts
seemed based on recognition of the fluidity and uncertainty of the present.39
Nearly all agree that newer textbooks represent a modest improvement, with
decreasing instances of the entire region depicted as “Palestine”. Some studies
continue to state that textbooks ignore the geographic presence of the state of Israel.
Allegation 4: Palestinian Islamism and Inciting Violence
Analysis. Some commentors state that Palestinian textbooks manipulate the
Islamic faith in an effort to incite Palestinian schoolchildren to anti-Jewish violence.
Others argue that Palestinian religious education must inevitably cover Islamic
doctrine, history, practice, ethics, and tradition, which conveys conservative Islamic
values. However, the analytical reports cited agree that the religious component of
Palestinian textbooks may advocate exceptions for violence, such as martyrdom,
suggesting that these religiously sanctioned exceptions may lower a student’s
threshhold for engaging in anti-Israeli violent acts.
37 Ibid.
38 Israel/Palestine Center for Research and Information, op. cit.
39 Nathan J. Brown, op. cit.

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Table 5. Summary Findings on Islam and Violence
Project cited
Summary of project findings
Center for
— Latest issue of PA textbooks features only a few brief
Monitoring the
references to violence and jihad.
Impact of Peace
— Terrorist activity against Israel is not openly supported or
discussed. Individuals who were killed as a result of such
activity are referred to as martyrs.
Israeli/Palestine
— The concepts of jihad and martyrdom appear in a religious
Center for Research
context and does not target other religions.
and Information
— Within the current political context clear inferences can be
made by the pupils that texts are referring to Jihad against
Jews and the state of Israel.
George Eckert
— PA textbooks place a strong emphasis on political Islam.
Institute
— PA textbooks attempt to convey Islam as a non-violent
religion.
Nathan Brown
— The PA curriculum does not integrate religious education
into the larger curriculum, allowing religious education to exist
parallel to the national system.
— Religious textbooks do not espouse violence but are not
held to the same standards as the rest of PA textbooks.
Islamic Themes. The majority of Palestinian textbooks address Islam
through four topical blocks (or units), each consisting of several lessons.40 The
religious curriculum units sanctioned by the Palestinian Ministry of Education
include the following:
! Qu’ran and its Interpretation. Most Muslims believe that the
Qu’ran is the final prophetic message of God spoken to the Prophet
Muhammad in the early seventh century. Parallel to the Qu’ran is
the Hadith, or sayings of the Prophet Muhammad, which is a
collection of statements and traditions attributed to Muhammad by
his companions.
! Islamic doctrine. The Palestinian Ministry of Education notes Islam
is a cultural value in Palestinian society. As such, Palestinian
textbooks present key Islamic themes such as the foundations of
faith, Islamic creeds, and correct Islamic practices for students.
! Ethics, Thinking, and Education. These lessons instruct students
on Islamic rules of personal and communal conduct. Most of the
lessons include sections on personal cleanliness, hygiene, and family
relations.
40 Ibid.

CRS-14
! The Life of the Prophet. This unit provides students with
background on the life and works of Muhammad. Attention is given
to the childhood of the Prophet, early mission, establishment of the
first Islamic community, and relations with other co-religionists.
Violence. Observers studying the issue note that PA religious textbooks
discuss potentially violent themes such as “jihad,” “sacrifice,” and “martyrdom”.
However, many commentors emphasize that jihad is not one of the central themes
PA textbooks and that jihad and martyrdom are commonly referred to in historical
contexts.41 Reports generally agree the Palestinian Education Ministry does not
openly support acts of violence or terrorism in the name of religion. Some note,
however, that the Palestinian national curriculum “continues to embrace Palestinian
individuals who participate in such activity and were killed or imprisoned and define
such people as martyrs and prisoners-of-war, respectively.”42
The Palestinian Education Ministry appears to recognize the potential for PA
textbooks and schools contributing to anti-Jewish violence. Beginning in 2002, the
PA Education Ministry banned schoolchildren from participating in demonstrations
or any other activities related to violence. Furthermore, the Education Ministry
prohibits schools from hanging posters of “martyrs” killed in the intifada on school
buildings.43 However, the Education Ministry and PCDC face multiple challenges
in reforming the way Palestinian Islam is presented in PA textbooks. The shift from
an authoritarian curriculum that emphasizes memorization, toward a curriculum that
focuses on critical thinking, has fostered contentious debate amongst Palestinian
educators, policymakers, and religious figures. Many people feel that the PA
Ministry of Education, fearful of a negative public response, did not fully incorporate
the PCDC’s standards of critical thinking in religious education units. Some feel that
the decision to exclude Palestinian Islamic concepts from wider curriculum reform
may be illustrative of the limits faced by the PA Education Ministry to fully
implement a progressive agenda. Others feel that applying separate standards for
teaching Islam increases the likelihood of continuing anti-Jewish sentiment and the
glorification of violence.
41 Israel/Palestine Center for Research and Information, op. cit.
42 Center for Monitoring the Impact of Peace, op. cit.
43 Khalid Abu-To’amah, “PA Education Ministry Bans ‘Martyr’ Worship,” The Jerusalem
Post,” September 3, 2003.

CRS-15
Allegation 5: Limited Value Placed
on Peace in Palestinian Textbooks
Analysis. Many observers contend that Palestinian textbooks fall short of
instituting a peace-promoting curriculum that values tolerance and diversity. Some
contend that the PA curriculum does advocate peace, forgiveness, and tolerance,
while others note that no education units are specifically dedicated to ending
hostilities between Israelis and Palestinians.44 Instead, PA textbook representations
of peace and tolerance are general, and often exclude mention of Israel.45
Table 6. Summary Findings on Peace and Tolerance
Project cited
Summary of project findings
Center for
— Since 2000, political and religious tolerance has been an
Monitoring the
important theme in textbooks.
Impact of Peace
— Not a single reference to tolerating Jews or Israelis exists in
PA textbooks.
Israeli/Palestine
— PA textbooks contain examples that value peace, pluralism,
Center for Research
forgiveness, integrity, and tolerance in historical and present-
and Information
day contexts.
— No references are made to these values regarding Jews,
Judaism, or the state of Israel.
George Eckert
— Tolerance, peace, and pluralism are typically discussed in
Institute
context of Islamic education.
— PA textbooks advocate respect and tolerance, yet provide
no lessons or assistance as to how tolerance and peace are
learned.
Nathan J. Brown
— PA textbooks do little to support peace.
— The Palestinian national curriculum avoids sensitive issues
connected with peace.
Peace and Civics. Some reports note that peaceful values are transmitted
through civics textbooks, which address ethical behavior and the creation and
preservation of a Palestinian civil society. Still, most commentors conclude that
civics education does not address possible co-existence between Palestinians and
Israelis. However, some contend that peace between Israel and Palestinians is
addressed in newer Palestinian textbooks.46 Students are typically presented with
time-lines of the peace process and not lessons that promote peace between Israelis
and Palestinians. One report noted that Palestinian textbooks do not “openly
44 Israel/Palestine Center for Research and Information, op. cit.
45 IPCRI also notes that Israeli textbooks likewise omits substantial sections that deal with
Palestinian experiences and perspectives.
46 Center for Monitoring the Impact of Peace, op. cit.

CRS-16
advocate the ideal of peace with Israel.”47 Others claim multiple passages generally
extol the benefits of open and free dialogue between all peoples.
Outlook
Future prospects for Palestinian education reform will likely depend, in part, on
broader developments in domestic Palestinian affairs and between Israel and the PA.
For example, Palestinian political developments remain in flux. Palestinian President
Abbas is now faced with a situation in which Hamas controls parliament. It remains
unclear who the next education minister will be, although few doubt that a non-
Hamas figure will take over Palestinian education. Also, the future of the newly
created Palestinian curriculum is unknown. If Hamas does take responsibility for
education, it may amend or dissolve the secular orientation of the national
curriculum. Furthermore, madrassahs (Islamic schools), which are not currently
widespread in the West Bank and Gaza, may gain new impetus under Hamas.
Positive gains in the peace process could also have an effect on education,
especially if violence abates and mutual trust and cooperation rise. If the Palestinian
and Israeli governments agree on “final status issues” (the return of Palestinian
refugees, political borders, and the status of Jerusalem), UNRWA’s education
mandate for refugees may expire. Overall, critics are skeptical as to whether the
Palestinian education ministry is financially and technically equipped to assume
responsibility for educating thousands of former pupils of UNRWA.48 Others argue
that the continuation of violence and lack of political solutions to the crisis contribute
to antipathy and an un-balanced PA curriculum. Recent calls for U.N. reforms may
also affect the Palestinian curriculum. While not directly affected, UNESCO may
have to review its curriculum and textbook development strategies and guidelines in
light of claims that UNESCO insufficiently oversees the implementation of
curriculum reform.
47 Ibid.
48 UNRWA provides education for over 450,000 school-aged children. Available online at
[http://www.un.org/unrwa/publications/pdf/education.pdf].

CRS-17
Issues for Congress
Palestinian-Israeli Peace Process
On April 30, 2003, the “Quartet” (the United States, Russia, the European
Union, and the United Nations) announced an agreement on how best to end the
Palestinian-Israeli conflict. The “Performance-Based Roadmap to a Permanent Two-
State Solution to the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict” foresees a Palestinian state by 2009,
and Phase I calls on all official Palestinian and Israeli institutions to end all forms of
violence.49 Many observers and Members of Congress view this statement as an
indication that the Palestinian Ministry of Education should end what they see as
educational incitement against Israelis, Jews, and the peace process. Concerns about
the Palestinian education curriculum are reflected in legislative recommendations
that a Palestinian state should not be recognized by the United States until the
Palestinian Authority (PA) “has taken effective steps to ensure that its education and
communications systems promote the acceptance of Israel’s existence and of peace
with Israel and actively discourage anti-Israeli incitement.”50 It remains unclear,
however, how curriculum reform will be measured and by what agency.
It is also unclear what impact Israel’s withdrawal will have on education in the
Gaza Strip. Currently, lawlessness and the lack of a political presence affect daily
life. Furthermore, given the widely reported financial woes of the PA, some doubt
how effective the education ministry will be in bolstering a more tolerant curriculum
for Palestinian schoolchildren.
U.S. Assistance to the West Bank and Gaza
A priority for some Members of Congress is that U.S. aid to the Palestinians,
totaling $1.4 billion since 1993, does not support an inciteful, anti-Israeli
curriculum.51 Some legislators argue that U.S. financial assistance to UNRWA may,
in fact, contribute to a continuation of an anti-Israeli curriculum. Although it is
difficult to assess the degree to which U.S. assistance to UNRWA contributes to
incitement, some Members and area experts often express concern over the lack of
transparency in the disbursement and allocation of U.S. aid to the Palestinians. These
concerns could potentially jeopardize sustained U.S. support for UNRWA. Roughly
80% of U.S. aid to the Palestinians is channeled through contractors and 20% is
49 Available online at [http://www.state.gov/r/pa/prs/ps/2003/20062.htm]. See CRS Issue
Brief IB91137, The Middle East Peace Talks, by Carol Migdalovitz.
50 See P.L 108-109, Section 1601, and H.R. 3814, the Israeli-Palestinian Peace Enhancement
Act of 2004 (introduced in the 108th Congress).
51 For an overview on U.S. aid to Palestinians, see CRS Report RS22370, U.S. Foreign Aid
to the Palestinians, by Jeremy M. Sharp; and CRS Report RL32260, U.S. Foreign
Assistance to the Middle East: Historical Background, Recent Trends, and the FY2006
Request, by Jeremy M. Sharp.

CRS-18
channeled through private voluntary organizations, and both groups are selected and
monitored by USAID.52
Following Hamas’ strong showing in the Palestinian parliamentary elections,
Administration officials and some Members of Congress have warned the Hamas
leadership that the United States will no longer provide assistance to a Hamas-led PA
government unless it changes its Covenant to recognize Israel’s right to exist and
renounces the use of violence. If Hamas should resist such changes, Congress and
the Administration could move to alter or halt U.S. assistance altogether to the
Palestinians by eliminating the presidential waiver authority to authorize direct aid
to the PA or by tightening existing restrictions, including the oversight of Palestinian
non governmental organizations working as subcontractors.53
U.N. Reform
Many aspects of U.N. reform have been addressed by Congress. In a Senate
hearing, some Members expressed concern that textbooks and educational materials
used in UNRWA schools promote anti-Jewish sentiment and deny the existence of
the state of Israel.54 These concerns led some Members to urge the Secretary of State
to make UNRWA reforms a priority at the United Nations by actively campaigning
for comprehensive and independently verifiable economic audits of UNRWA
activities, ensuring that U.S. funds do not assist in anti-Israeli incitement.55 Several
Members of Congress also sought to remove all elements from the Palestinian
curriculum that promote hatred of Jews, Israel and a denial of Israel’s right to exist.
Moreover, some Members urged that these materials be replaced with texts that
promote Israeli-Palestinian reconciliation, accuracy, and tolerance.56 Many observers
note that UNRWA’s mandate does not cover Palestinian curriculum development or
drafting PA textbooks.
52 The President has requested $150 million in FY2006 and an additional $200 million in
FY2005 supplemental aid for the Palestinians. Since 1993, U.S. assistance to the
Palestinians has averaged $85 million per year.
53 Section 550 (b) of P.L. 109-102, the FY2006 Foreign Operations Appropriations Act,
states that the President may use this waiver if providing direct aid to the PA is important
to the national security interests of the United States. By law, the waiver must be
accompanied by a report to Congress detailing the steps the Palestinian Authority has taken
to arrest terrorists, confiscate weapons and dismantle the terrorist infrastructure. The report
also must include a description of how funds will be spent and the accounting procedures
in place to ensure that they are properly disbursed.
54 Palestinian Education — Teaching Peace or War? Special Hearing before a
Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations, U.S. Senate, 108th Congress, 1st sess.,
October 30, 2003, S.Hrg. 108-290.
55 U.S. contributions for FY2005 totaled $88 million. From U.S. Department of State.
56 H.R. 1950 (P.L 108-109), Millennium Challenge Account, Peace Corps Expansion, and
Foreign Relations Authorization Act of 2004.

CRS-19
Promoting Reform in the Arab World
For some time education reform has been increasingly tied to U.S. promotion
of democracy in the Middle East and winning the war against global terrorism. The
recommendations of the 9/11 Commission Report bolster claims that “soft”
diplomacy measures (such as supporting education reform) are key elements in both
the U.S. global war on terrorism and promoting democracy in the Middle East.57
Several U.S.-funded programs address education reform in the Palestinian
Territories. MEPI education reform projects in the Palestinian Territories enable
Palestinians to acquire the skills necessary to compete in today’s economy and
improve the quality of their lives and that of their families.58 To accomplish this,
MEPI’s education pillar focuses on the quality of education by improving basic and
post-secondary education, teacher training, and curriculum content.
A second array of U.S.-sponsored education reform projects in the Palestinian
Territories are supervised by USAID. Since 2001, the Agency has allocated over $10
million toward education development programs in the West Bank and Gaza. The
contracting organization, the Academy for Education Development (AED), provides
technical assistance to Palestinian education reform, including training future
Palestinian teachers, who many contend are crucial to any lasting changes in
Palestinian education.
Recent Legislation
Some Members of Congress have expressed concern about Palestinian
education. Legislation has been introduced to pressure the PA to adopt a more peace-
oriented Palestinian educational curriculum.
H.R. 2601, the Foreign Relations Authorization Act, Fiscal Years 2006 and
2007, resolves, among other things, that the Secretary of State should express in the
strongest possible terms U.S. opposition to the inclusion in Palestinian textbooks of
materials that foster anti-Semitism and rejection of peace with Israel, and to express
the unwillingness of the United States to continue to support educational programs
of the PA, whether directly or indirectly, should the PA continue to include material
that does not foster tolerance and peace. Introduced in the House International
Relations Committee May 24, 2005.
57 The 9/11 Commission Report, p. 378.
58 The FY2005 Consolidated Appropriations Act provided $75 million for MEPI. For
FY2006, and the Bush Administration is seeking $120 million in support of the initiative.
For additional detail on MEPI, see CRS Report RS21457, The Middle East Partnership
Initiative: An Overview, by Jeremy M. Sharp.