{
  "id": "RL31543",
  "type": "CRS Report",
  "typeId": "REPORTS",
  "number": "RL31543",
  "active": false,
  "source": "EveryCRSReport.com",
  "versions": [
    {
      "source": "EveryCRSReport.com",
      "id": 101347,
      "date": "2002-08-20",
      "retrieved": "2016-05-24T20:05:52.220941",
      "title": "Russian National Security Policy After September 11",
      "summary": "Russian President Putin appears to have made a strategic decision to shift Russian policy toward\ncooperation with the United States and the West. This is a major departure from the policy that Putin\ninherited from his predecessors, which saw Russia as the leader of a coalition aimed at opposing U.S.\n\"global domination.\" \n  Putin seized upon the events of September 11 to promote his new policy by: cooperating with\nthe United States against Al Qaeda and the Taliban regime in Afghanistan; softening Russian\nopposition to NATO enlargement, including admission of former Soviet republics, and establishing\na new cooperative relationship with NATO; acquiescing in U.S. decisions regarding withdrawal from\nthe ABM Treaty, strategic nuclear force reductions, and missile defense; and closing Russia's large\nmilitary intelligence base in Cuba.\n  The principal reason given by Putin for the new policy is that Russia must integrate with the\nWest in order to reconstruct its own economy and achieve a decent living standard for its people. \nPutin also acknowledges Russia's weakness and inability to act globally in opposition to the United\nStates. He may also have rejected as unwise, the previous policy of  de facto  alliance\nwith China\nagainst the United States, instead seeing China as a possible long-term threat to Russia. Putin's new \npolicy does not seem to enjoy strong support among Russian political elites, the military and foreign\npolicy establishment, and the general public. Putin's overall political power and prestige, however,\nmay be sufficient to sustain the policy.\n  The Bush Administration responded positively to the new Russian policy after September 11. \nThe Administration, however, did not make many concessions on key issues related to arms control,\nmissile defense, and NATO. It has been more forthcoming on some economic issues.\n  The implications of Russia's pro-western policy are overwhelmingly positive for the United\nStates in the war on terrorism and in relations with Russia and China. Russia's strategic choice of\nintegration with the West reduces the danger seen by some of Russo-Chinese cooperation against\nthe United States. By depriving China of its erstwhile Russian partner, it may encourage China to\nseek improved relations with the United States -- or risk geostrategic isolation.\n  Some sore points remain between Washington and Moscow in which Congress takes a strong\ninterest, such as Russia's continued and possibly expanded plans to construct nuclear reactors in Iran,\nits support of Iraq, and its heavy-handed policy in Chechnya. There is also friction on some trade\nissues.\n  Critics of Bush Administration policy argue that it has not been sufficiently responsive to Putin\nand risks losing the new cooperativeness. Others reply that Russia has no choice but to continue its\npro-western course, in view of Russia's weakness and its self-interest in integrating with the West. \nIn this view, the endurance of Russia's pro-western policy ultimately may depend on Putin's success\nin reviving the economy and improving Russians' well-being.",
      "type": "CRS Report",
      "typeId": "REPORTS",
      "active": false,
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      "topics": []
    }
  ],
  "topics": [
    "Economic Policy",
    "Foreign Affairs",
    "Intelligence and National Security",
    "National Defense"
  ]
}