The Philippines: Background and U.S. Relations

The Philippines: Background and U.S. Relations

The Philippines: Background and U.S. Relations September 14, 2022
The United States and the Republic of the Philippines have a deep relationship that includes a
bilateral security alliance, extensive military cooperation, close people-to-people ties, and many
Thomas Lum
shared strategic and economic interests. The Philippines, situated east of the South China Sea and
Specialist in Asian Affairs
south of Taiwan, has long played an important role in U.S. Asia policy as a close security and

counterterrorism partner. The Philippines is a democratic state where popular support for the
Ben Dolven
bilateral relationship and the alliance is strong.
Specialist in Asian Affairs

Ferdinand Marcos Jr. assumed the office of President on June 30, 2022, having won more than 31
million out of 55 million votes cast in national elections held in May. Marcos is the son of
Christina L. Arabia
Ferdinand Marcos Sr., who ruled the country from 1965 until he was ousted by the 1986 People
Analyst in Security
Power Revolution. Sara Duterte-Carpio, daughter of former President Rodrigo Duterte, won the
Assistance, Security
Vice-Presidency. The Philippine constitution limits both the President and Vice-President, who
Cooperation and the
are elected on separate tickets, to one six-year term.
Global Arms Trade

The Philippines is the largest country recipient of U.S. military assistance in the East Asia-Pacific
region, including Foreign Military Financing and assistance under the Department of Defense’s

Indo-Pacific Maritime Security Initiative. U.S. military personnel and the Armed Forces of the
Philippines (AFP) hold regular bilateral military exercises and maritime patrols, collaborate on counterterrorism efforts, and
conduct joint humanitarian activities. The U.S.-Philippines Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement, signed in 2014,
allows for the increased rotational presence of U.S. military forces, ships, and aircraft in the Philippines. Despite some
policies and stances of former President Duterte that strained U.S.-Philippine relations, U.S. and Philippine diplomatic and
military officials attempted to maintain most security and other forms of cooperation. During their August 2022 meeting in
Manila, U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken and President Marcos both pledged to strengthen the military alliance.
The Philippines has long battled Muslim armed separatist and terrorist groups in the south of the country. ISIS–East Asia
(ISIS-EA), a loose collection of groups that have pledged allegiance to the Islamic State, has around 300-500 mostly Filipino
and some foreign fighters who have carried out sporadic attacks in Mindanao and Sulu. The U.S. military has provided
advisory and intelligence gathering support to the AFP in counterterrorism operations.
Former President Duterte’s “War on Drugs” resulted in thousands of extrajudicial killings. Estimates of deaths from the anti-
illegal drug campaign range from Philippine government figures of roughly 6,000 to counts by human rights organizations of
up to 30,000. According to human rights groups, virtually all of the killings, which were carried out by police and armed
vigilantes, occurred without due process, and the vast majority of victims were unarmed, poor, low-level offenders. In
response, the U.S. government has suspended counternarcotics assistance to the Philippine National Police since 2016.
Marcos administration officials have stated that the government will continue the drug war, though it will target large illegal
drug operators rather than petty offenders and focus on drug rehabilitation.
The Philippines and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) have long-standing disputes over waters and land features in the
South China Sea. In 2016, a tribunal convened under the Permanent Court of Arbitration in The Hague concluded that
China’s “Nine Dash Line” territorial claims have no legal basis under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea
(UNCLOS). Since 2019, flotillas of PRC vessels have regularly massed around Philippine-occupied land features, and in
2019, a PRC vessel sank a Philippine fishing boat in disputed waters. The Duterte government did not focus on the tribunal
ruling in its diplomatic efforts with China to address the territorial disputes. The Marcos administration has suggested that it
will use the UNCLOS ruling to assert Philippine rights, while also seeking better relations with China.
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Contents
Overview ......................................................................................................................................... 1
Congressional Interests .................................................................................................................... 2
Strategic Interests ................................................................................................................ 2
Regional Counterterrorism Efforts ...................................................................................... 3
South China Sea Disputes ................................................................................................... 3
Human Rights Concerns ..................................................................................................... 3
Philippine Politics ............................................................................................................................ 4
2022 National Elections ............................................................................................................ 5
U.S.-Philippine Relations ................................................................................................................ 6
U.S. Foreign Assistance ............................................................................................................ 7
U.S.-Philippines Defense Ties ......................................................................................................... 9
Security Cooperation ................................................................................................................. 9
Counterterrorism Efforts .......................................................................................................... 11
U.S. Defense Equipment Transfers .......................................................................................... 11
Mutual Defense Treaty ............................................................................................................ 12
Visiting Forces Agreement ...................................................................................................... 12
U.S.-Philippines Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement ................................................ 13
Philippines-China Relations .......................................................................................................... 14
The Philippines’ Maritime Disputes with China ..................................................................... 15
Violent Extremism in the Philippines ............................................................................................ 16
The Marawi Seige ................................................................................................................... 17
Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS)-East Asia ..................................................................... 17
Human Rights Issues ..................................................................................................................... 19
The Drug War .......................................................................................................................... 19
Other Human Rights Issues ..................................................................................................... 20
Economics and Trade .................................................................................................................... 21
Considerations for Congress.......................................................................................................... 22
Selected Legislation in the 117th Congress .................................................................................... 23

Figures
Figure 1. Philippines at a Glance ..................................................................................................... 2
Figure 2. Contested Boundaries in the South China Sea ............................................................... 16

Tables
Table 1. Department of State Assistance to the Philippines, FY2017-FY2021 ............................... 7

Contacts
Author Information ........................................................................................................................ 24
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The Philippines: Background and U.S. Relations

Congressional Research Service

The Philippines: Background and U.S. Relations

Overview
The United States and the Republic of the Philippines have maintained a deep relationship that
includes a bilateral security alliance, extensive military cooperation, close people-to-people ties,
and many shared strategic and economic interests.1 U.S. past administration of the Philippines as
a colonial territory (1898-1946) also has shaped the relationship, by both forging bonds, on the
one hand, and, among some Filipinos,2 creating a wariness of drawing too close to the United
States, on the other. Filipino-Americans constitute the third-largest Asian-American group in the
United States, numbering over 4.2 million people, and comprise the most numerous foreign-born
group in the U.S. Armed Forces.3
The Philippines has long played an important role in U.S.
Asia policy, and it figures prominently in the Biden
Colonial History
Administration’s Indo-Pacific strategy as one of five
The Philippines was unified and
regional treaty allies.4 The Philippines has been a treaty ally
colonized by Spain in 1542. Filipinos
since 1951 and a major non-NATO ally since 2003. It is the
waged a rebellion against Spain in
1896, but their independence
largest recipient of U.S. military assistance, equipment, and
movement was not recognized by the
training in the region. The country holds strategic
United States, which acquired the
importance as a part of what some experts refer to as the
territory from Spain in 1898 fol owing
“first island chain” in the Pacific,5 and its maritime territorial
the Spanish-American War. U.S.
disputes with People’s Republic of China (PRC) are a
forces then battled Filipino resistance
fighters until they were largely
potential flashpoint in the South China Sea. The Philippines
subdued in 1902. The Philippines
also serves as an important U.S. counterterrorism partner in
became independent in 1946.
Southeast Asia. Since the 1986 “People Power” movement
that deposed former authoritarian President Ferdinand Marcos Sr., the country has also been one
of the region’s most vibrant democracies, although corruption and serious human rights problems
continue to fester.6 Despite some policies and stances of former President Rodrigo Duterte (2016-
2022) that strained U.S.-Philippine relations, U.S. and Philippine diplomatic and military officials
attempted to maintain most security and other forms of cooperation.7

1 This report does not cover congressional issues related to WWII Filipino veterans who fought under U.S. military
command during World War II.
2 “Filipino” (male), “Filipina” (female), and “Filipinos” (plural, all genders) refer to citizens of the Philippines.
3 Abby Budiman, “Filipinos in the U.S. Fact Sheet,” Pew Research Center, April 29, 2021.
4 The White House, “Indo-Pacific Strategy of the United States,” February 2022; Antony Blinken, “A Free and Open
Indo-Pacific,” Jakarta, Indonesia, December 14, 2021; Department of State, “A Free and Open Indo-Pacific: Advancing
a Shared Vision,” November 4, 2019.
5 The so-called first island chain includes southern Japan, Taiwan, and the Philippines, enclosing the sea areas closest
to China. The second island chain also starts in Japan, but extends further out into the Pacific, enclosing the Philippine
Sea that separates the Philippines from Guam. In discussions of China’s military capabilities and foreign policy goals
for the Western Pacific, some security and foreign policy experts refer to the first and second island chains as areas that
China is perceived as wanting to influence or eventually dominate, and conversely as geographic features that the
United States and its allies and partners potentially can use to counter or contain Chinese military actions. See, for
example, Andrew S. Erickson and Joel Wuthnow, “Why Islands Still Matter in Asia: The Enduring Significance of the
Pacific ‘Island Chains,’” The National Interest, February 6, 2016.
6 Department of State, 2021 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Philippines, April 12, 2022
7 Richard Javad Heydarian, “US Outlasts Duterte’s Failing Dalliance with China,” Asia Times, May 19, 2021.
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The Philippines: Background and U.S. Relations

Figure 1. Philippines at a Glance
Geography
Archipelago. Land area—298,000 square kilometers
(Slightly larger than Arizona).

People
Population: 114 mil ion
Ethnic Groups: Predominantly Malay (95%); other ethnic
groups include Chinese and mixed race (Filipino-Spanish,
Filipino-Chinese, and Filipino-American).
Religious Affiliations: Roman Catholic (81%); other
Christian (9%); Muslim (5%); other (5%).

Economy
Gross Domestic Product (GDP): $871 bil ion (purchasing
power parity, 2020). Global ranking: 28.
Per Capita GDP: $8,000 (purchasing power parity, 2020).
Global ranking: 151.
GDP Composition by Sector: Agriculture (9%); Industry
(31%); Services (60%).

Source: Map created by CRS using data from the U.S. State Department, Global Admin, and ESRI. Fact
information from Central Intelligence Agency, The World Factbook, 2022.
Congressional Interests
Congress has shown interest in the Philippines in several key policy areas over which it has
provided oversight, policy direction, and funding. It has also occasionally placed restrictions on
foreign assistance in order to pressure the Philippine government to improve human rights
conditions.
Strategic Interests
The Philippines holds strategic importance for the United States as part of what some experts
refer to as the “first island chain” in the Pacific, as it is located less than 800 miles south of
Taiwan and 900 miles southeast of China’s Hainan province, an island with a major naval base.8
U.S. Indo-Pacific Command (INDOPACOM) reportedly aims to broaden the U.S. force posture
in East Asia, deploying and rotating military assets to Southeast Asia and the southern Pacific.
Experts contend that the Philippines could play a key role in a contingency with China in the
region.9 The National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) for 2022 calls on the Secretary of
Defense to strengthen U.S. ties with security partners in the Indo-Pacific region, including with

8 Damen Cook, “China’s Most Important South China Sea Military Base,” The Diplomat, March 9, 2017.
9 Todd Lopez, “For Contingencies in Indo-Pacom, Army Will Serve as ‘Linchpin’ for Joint Force,” DOD News,
December 1, 2021; Michael J. Green and Gregory B. Poling, “The U.S. Alliance with the Philippines,” Center for
Strategic and International Studies,” December 3, 2020.
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U.S. allies the Philippines and Thailand, and increases funding for the Pacific Deterrence
Initiative, which involves the Philippines, Japan, and other allies.10
Regional Counterterrorism Efforts
The Philippines, which is home to not only indigenous extremist groups but also at times to
foreign terrorist fighters,11 has “enjoyed close counterterrorism cooperation with the United
States,” according to the State Department.12 The Philippines was designated a major non-NATO
ally in 2003 as part of the George W. Bush Administration’s Global War on Terror.13 U.S.-
Philippine counterterrorism efforts have included the Joint Special Operations Task Force–
Philippines (2002-2014) and Operation Pacific Eagle-Philippines (2017-2020). In 2019, the two
countries signed an agreement to establish a new regional counterterrorism facility in the
Philippines.14
South China Sea Disputes
The United States has aimed to partner with the Philippines in carrying out strategies to counter
Chinese military assertiveness in the South China Sea and to build “support for rules-based
approaches to the maritime domain, including in the South China Sea and the East China Sea.”15
The Philippines is the only country with territorial disputes with China that has challenged
China’s maritime territorial claims under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea
(UNCLOS).16 Through the Department of Defense’s Indo-Pacific Maritime Security Initiative
(MSI),17 which Congress extended in 2021,18 the United States has sought to improve the ability
of the Philippines, Vietnam, and other Southeast and South Asian countries to maintain maritime
domain awareness and patrol their Exclusive Economic Zones (EEZs).
Human Rights Concerns
The Philippines long has attracted congressional concern related to its human rights violations,
particularly extra-judicial killings. At various times during the past decade and a half, Congress

10 The National Defense Authorization Act, 2022 (P.L. 117-81, Sections 1242 and 1252). Benjamin Rimland and
Patrick Buchan, “Getting the Pacific Deterrence Initiative Right,” The Diplomat, May 2, 2020.
11 Foreign fighters mostly have come from other countries in Southeast Asia. Thomas M. Sanderson and Maxwell B.
Markusen, “A Call to Battle in the Philippines: Investigating Foreign Fighters in Marawi,” Center for Strategic and
International Studies, October 31, 2017.
12 Department of State, Country Reports on Terrorism 2020: Philippines, December 16, 2021. See also Ashley L.
Rhoades and Todd C. Helmus, “Countering Violent Extremism in the Philippines,” RAND, 2020.
13 Designation of the Philippines as a Major Non-NATO Ally, Presidential Determination No. 2004-02 of October 6,
2003, 68 Federal Register 59855. For further information, see Department of State, “Major Non-NATO Ally Status,”
fact sheet, January 20, 2021.
14 U.S. Embassy in the Philippines, “New Regional Counterterrorism Training Center to Boost U.S.-Philippine and
Regional Cooperation,” October 11, 2019.
15 The White House, “Indo-Pacific Strategy of the United States.”
16 Some Members of Congress have sponsored legislation calling on the U.S. Senate to ratify UNLCOS. See H.Res.
361 and S.Res. 220. There is debate about the effectiveness of signing onto the agreement in furthering U.S. interests in
the South China Sea. William Gallo, “Why Hasn’t the US Signed the Law of the Sea Treaty,” Voice of America, June
6, 2016.
17 Formerly the South China Sea Initiative. See the National Defense Authorization Act for FY2016 (P.L. 114-92,
Section 1263).
18 The NDAA, 2022 (P.L. 117-81, Section 1241) extended the MSI through 2027.
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has restricted military and other security assistance to the Philippines in order to encourage
improvements in human rights practices of the Philippine military, police, and government. The
Asia Reassurance Initiative Act of 2018 (ARIA, P.L. 115-409) supports a multipronged U.S.
strategy for advancing a “Free and Open Indo-Pacific,” including the promotion of human rights
in the Indo-Pacific region. ARIA and foreign assistance appropriations legislation restrict
counternarcotics assistance to the Philippine National Police (PNP) due to human rights
violations related to former President Duterte’s antidrug campaign.19
Philippine Politics
The Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU) ranks the Philippines 54th out of 167 countries in terms of
its level of democracy, placing it in the “flawed democracy” category. Although the EIU gives the
Philippines relatively high scores on electoral process and pluralism, political participation, and
civil liberties, the country receives relatively low scores on the functioning of government and
political culture.20 The Department of State reported that the 2013 and 2019 midterm elections
and the 2016 national elections were “generally free and fair,” although there were reports of
vote-buying and some incidents of violence.21 An international group of election monitors found
that the 2022 national elections were marred by instances of vote-buying, intimidation,
disinformation, and violence.22
Philippine citizens generally can exercise political and civil rights with few restrictions, openly
criticize national leaders, and enjoy academic freedom and religious liberties. The country has a
robust civil society and a lively press. Some aspects of Philippine politics, however, long have
undermined democratic institutions and government effectiveness and led to human rights abuses.
These include the existence of corruption; concentrations of power among socioeconomic elites
and local clans; the lack of democratic control over the security forces; and a weak judicial
system and culture of impunity.23 Some analysts point to the Philippines as an example of
growing authoritarian or illiberal tendencies in countries that still practice electoral democracy.
Such trends include the increasing use of police and military in all levels of governance;
suppression of opposition figures, the judiciary, and media; and disinformation campaigns that
have lessened the public’s ability to influence decisionmaking.24
During the democratic era that began in 1986, the legislative branch and Supreme Court have not
served as strong checks on presidential power. Political parties and groupings tend to be fluid and
shifting, driven more by individual personalities, interests, and loyalties than by unifying

19 See the Consolidated Appropriations Act, FY2022 (P.L. 117-103, Section 7043(g)).
20 Economist Intelligence Unit, “Democracy Index 2021,” February 10, 2022. By comparison, the United States ranks
26th, also in the “flawed democracy” category, and Indonesia ranks 52nd.
21 Department of State, 2020 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Philippines, March 30, 2021; Department of
State, 2016 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Philippines, May 3, 2017.
22 Sebastian Strangio, “Philippine Election Marred by Violence, Vote-Buying: Monitoring Mission,” The Diplomat,
May 20, 2022; International Observers Mission, “Interim Report of the Philippine Elections 2022,” May 19, 2022.
23 Nicole Curato, “Democratic Expressions Amidst Fragile Institutions: Possibilities for Reform in Duterte’s
Philippines,” Brookings, January 22, 2021; David G. Timberman, “Philippines Politics Under Duterte: A Midterm
Assessment,” Carnegie Endowment for International Peace,” January 10, 2019; Christia Marie Ramos, “‘Culture of
Impunity’ Made Filipinos Afraid of Voicing Criticism vs. Admin—Pangilinan,” Philippine Daily Inquirer, March 19,
2021.
24 Nicole Curato, “Democratic Expressions Amidst Fragile Institutions: Possibilities for Reform in Duterte’s
Philippines,” Brookings Institution. January 22, 2021; Sheila Coronel, “This Is How Philippine Democracy Dies,” The
Atlantic, June 16, 2020.
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ideologies, policy platforms, and goals.25 Some experts argue that the Supreme Court has become
less independent over the course of the past three administrations.26 The court generally did not
attempt to restrain the actions of former President Duterte, who appointed 12 of the Supreme
Court’s 15 Justices.27
2022 National Elections
Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr. assumed the presidency on June 30, 2022, having won more
than 31 million out of 55 million votes cast (59%) in nationwide elections held in May. Marcos is
the son of Ferdinand Marcos Sr., who ruled the country from 1965 until he was ousted by the
1986 People Power Revolution, and who formally imposed martial law on the Philippines
between 1972 and 1981.28 Sara Duterte-Carpio, daughter of Rodrigo Duterte, won the Vice-
Presidency. The Philippine constitution limits both the president and vice-president, who are
elected on separate tickets, to one six-year term.
For many democracy advocates, Marcos Jr.’s election, after six years of democratic backsliding
and human rights abuses under Duterte, raised questions about the state of human rights and
democracy in the Philippines.29 Although Marcos earned a clear electoral victory, some analysts
expressed concern about the use of social media and other information outlets to misrepresent or
downplay his family’s role in human rights abuses and corruption during his father’s 21 years as
president.30 Other observers perceived Marcos’s win as a continuation of populist and illiberal
politics that began with Duterte, who remained popular throughout his term despite his violent
antidrug campaign and some controversial foreign policy stances.31 Former Vice-President Leni
Robredo, who had criticized Duterte’s human rights record and cooperative approach towards
China, was the second place finisher in the 2022 presidential race, garnering 28% of the vote.32
Although Marcos has not yet introduced specific policy proposals or suggested major shifts in
policy from his predecessor, he may focus initially on reviving the country’s economy, which is
recovering from a downturn largely related to the Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-19)

25 Paul D. Kenny, “Why Is There No Political Polarization in the Philippines?” Carnegie Endowment for International
Peace, August 18, 2020.
26 Edcel John A. Ibarra, “The Philippine Supreme Court Under Duterte: Reshaped, Unwilling to Annul, and Unable to
Restrain,” Social Science Research Council. November 10, 2020.
27 Philippine Supreme Court Justices are required to retire at 70 years of age. “Duterte Appoints New Supreme Court
Justice,” BusinessWorld, November 16, 2021; David G. Timberman, “Philippines Politics Under Duterte: A Midterm
Assessment.”
28 Mark John Sanchez, “The People Power Revolution, Philippines 1986,” at https://origins.osu.edu/milestones/people-
power-revolution-philippines-1986?language_content_entity=en.
29 Jim Gomez, “Activists Ask Top Court to Void Marcos Jr’s Presidential Win,” ABC News, May 17, 2022; Andrea
Chloe Wong, “The Philippines’ Democratic ‘Backsliding’ in the Time of Duterte,” International Policy Digest,
September 12, 2020.
30 Sheila Coronel, “The Triumph of Marcos Dynasty: Disinformation Is a Warning to the U.S.,” The New Yorker, May
17, 2022.
31 Zacarian Sarao, “Duterte Has Drawn High Ratings from 2016 to 2022—Pulse Asia,” Philippine Daily Inquirer, June
29, 2022; Rebecca Ratcliffe, “Philippines Election Result Is a Win for Dynasty Politics,” The Guardian, May 26, 2022.
32 Howard Johnson and Jonathan Head, “Leni Robredo: The Woman Leading the Philippines’ ‘Pink Revolution,’” BBC
News, May 7, 2022; Mara Cepeda, “Robredo Blasts Duterte for ‘Favoring’ China, Throwing Away Sovereignty,”
Rappler, May 9, 2021.
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pandemic.33 Some analysts expect Marcos to be a more reliable supporter of the U.S.-Philippines
alliance than Duterte, while also seeking better relations with China.34
U.S.-Philippine Relations
In contrast to his predecessor, President Benigno Aquino III (2010-2016), who steered the
Philippines strategically towards the United States, former President Duterte sought to strengthen
ties with China, which he viewed as a potentially large source of foreign investment.35 Duterte’s
goal of garnering major infrastructure investment from Beijing, however, was largely
unsuccessful, and the two countries made no significant progress toward resolving territorial
disputes or engaging in joint oil exploration in the South China Sea.36 In some respects, the U.S.-
Philippines relationship hit a low point in February 2020, when the Duterte government notified
the United States of its intent to terminate the Philippines-U.S. Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA),
which serves as the legal foundation for bilateral military cooperation in the Philippines’ territory.
As tensions between the Philippines and China over disputed territory in the South China Sea
continued to fester, however, the Duterte government sought closer security cooperation with the
United States.37 In July 2021, the Philippines renewed its adherence to the VFA. (See “Visiting
Forces Agreement,” below.)
In November 2021, the United States and the Philippines held the ninth Bilateral Strategic
Dialogue. The two sides pledged to engage in cooperative efforts in various areas including
responding to the COVID-19 pandemic, upholding the “rules-based maritime order” in the South
China Sea, strengthening interoperability of the U.S. and Philippine armed forces, and fostering
respect for human rights.38 In July 2022, U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken, in a call with
newly appointed Philippine Foreign Affairs Secretary Enrique Manalo, emphasized “the
increasing significance of the U.S.-Philippine bilateral alliance to security and prosperity in the
Indo-Pacific region and around the world.”39 During Blinken’s August 2022 visit to Manila,
President Marcos emphasized the importance of the bilateral alliance given recent international
developments such as the Russian invasion of Ukraine and tensions between China and Taiwan.40
Among Filipinos, popular support for the U.S.-Philippines relationship is strong. According to a
July 2022 survey conducted by Pulse Asia, 89% of Filipinos had a “great deal” or “fair amount”

33 Ambassador Jose Romualdez, US-Philippines Society, September 7, 2022; Japhet Quitzon and William Alan
Reinsch, “What Does the Incoming Marcos Administration Mean for the Philippines Economy and International
Trade?” Center for Strategic and International Studies, May 24, 2022.
34 “What Does the Incoming Marcos Administration Mean for the Philippines Economy and International Trade?”
Center for Strategic and International Studies.
35 Derek Grossman, “Duterte’s Dalliance with China Is Over,” The RAND Blog, November 2, 2021.
36 Derek Grossman, “Duterte’s Dalliance with China Is Over,” The RAND Blog; Myrna M. Velasco, “No ‘Legal Deal’
Yet with China on Joint Oil Exploration at WPS—DOE,” Manila Bulletin, September 6, 2021.
37 “US-Philippines Alliance Back on Track as Duterte’s China Charm Offensive Crumbles,” South China Morning
Post, October 23, 2021.
38 Department of State, “9th U.S.-Philippines Bilateral Strategic Dialogue,” media note, November 16, 2021.
39 U.S. Department of State, “Secretary Blinken’s Call with Philippine Secretary of Foreign Affairs Manalo,” readout,
July 9, 2022.
40 Sofia Tomacruz, “Marcos Meets Blinken, Says PH-US Ties Crucial Amid Taiwan Tension,” Rappler, August 6,
2022.
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of trust in the United States compared to Japan (78%) and China (33%). Filipinos placed the least
amount of trust in China out of 10 countries (67% had “not too much trust” or “no trust”).41
U.S. Foreign Assistance
U.S. assistance to the Philippines totaled an estimated $155.2 million in FY2022.42 U.S. aid
includes U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) and Department of State-funded
development and security assistance. (See Table 1.) Development assistance includes programs
aimed at promoting inclusive socio-economic development, the rule of law, and human rights,
and improving family health, basic education, and environmental management.43 In addition,
USAID committed $63.6 million for humanitarian and recovery efforts in Marawi, a city
destroyed during a battle between government forces and Filipino and foreign Islamist insurgents
in 2017.44
Table 1. Department of State Assistance to the Philippines, FY2017-FY2021
Current $ in thousands
Account
FY2017
FY2018
FY2019
FY2020
FY2021
FY2022
Development Assistance
51,889
70,000
70,000
70,000
70,000
70,350
Foreign Military Financing (FMF)
40,000
40,000
40,000
40,000
40,000
20,000
Global Health Programs–USAID
33,000
28,500
26,000
27,500
30,000
43,000
Global Health Programs–State
—
—
—
5,305
—
7,442
International Military Education and
1.981
2,000
1,900
2,147
2,000
1,922
Training (IMET)
International Narcotics Control and
7,000
6,500
7,000
7,000
7,000
7,000
Law Enforcement (INCLE)
Non-proliferation, Anti-terrorism,
6,090
5,800
5,800
5,940
5,940
5,500
De-mining and Related Programs
TOTAL
139,960
152,906
150,700
157,892
154,940
155,214
Source: State and USAID Congressional Budget Justification for Foreign Operations and other budget
documents.
Note: FY2022 numbers are estimated. FMF and IMET are implemented by the Defense Department through the
Defense Security Cooperation Agency (DSCA). The U.S. government has suspended INCLE assistance to the
PNP for counternarcotics activities, while assistance for other activities continues.
As of May 2022, USAID had provided $29.2 million in humanitarian assistance to help
communities affected by Typhoon Odette.45 Also known as Rai, the cyclone struck the Visayas
region in central Philippines and parts of Mindanao island beginning on December 16, 2021.

41 “Pulse Survey: Filipinos Trust US the Most; China, Russia the Least,” Philippines Star, July 29, 2022.
42 Department of State budget documents.
43 Department of State, Congressional Budget Justification, Foreign Operations, Appendix 2, FY2022.
44 USAID, “Marawi Assistance,” July 8, 2021.
45 USAID, “U.S. Provides Additional PHP400 Million in Aid to Support Typhoon Odette Recovery Efforts,” May 23,
2022; USAID, “U.S. Assistance for Typhoon Odette Tops PHP1 Billion with New Major Announcement,” January 5,
2022.
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Odette’s destruction affected nearly 5 million people, and the Philippine government reported
over 400 deaths and 580,000 people displaced due to the super typhoon.46
The Philippines is a “priority recipient” in East Asia for security assistance and the largest
recipient of U.S. Foreign Military Financing (FMF) in the region. FMF primarily has supported
maritime security, disaster response, military professionalization, and the procurement of
equipment for counterterrorism operations.47 Antiterrorism programs provide training and
equipment grants for the Philippine National Police.48 The Philippines also receives
counterterrorism support through the Department of State East Asia and Pacific Regional program
and the Counterterrorism Partnerships Fund.49
COVID-19 in the Philippines
The World Health Organization reported approximately 3.86 mil ion COVID-19 cases and over 61,500 deaths in
the Philippines as of August 2022.50 Over 70% of the population is ful y vaccinated, according to the Philippine
government and other sources.51 The U.S. government provided approximately $38 mil ion in pandemic-related
assistance and 32 mil ion vaccines through the COVID-19 Vaccines Global Access (COVAX) program as of March
2022.52
Since 2016, due to human rights concerns, the U.S. government has suspended International
Narcotics Control and Law Enforcement (INCLE) assistance to PNP units for counternarcotics
activities, although it has increased assistance for maritime law enforcement, drug demand
reduction programs, and transnational interdiction efforts.53 Other legislative measures mandate
reporting on Philippine security forces related to human rights violations.54
The Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) rewards countries that have demonstrated good
governance, investment in health and education, and sound economic policies. In 2010, the MCC
approved a five-year, $507 million compact with the Philippine government. The agreement
aimed to help modernize the Bureau of Internal Revenue to increase revenue collection and
reduce tax evasion; expand a community-driven, poverty-reduction program; and promote

46 Jeannette I. Andrade, “Odette Leaves P 24.5-Billion Damage; Death Toll Hits 407,” Philippine Daily Inquirer,
January 3, 2022; United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, “Philippines: Super Typhoon Rai
(Odette): Situation Report No. 1,” December 30, 2021.
47 FMF equipment includes communications items, night vision devices, unmanned aerial systems, vehicles, precision
guided munitions, and related integration work. Department of Defense Office of Inspector General, “Operation Pacific
Eagle-Philippines: Lead Inspector General Report to the United States Congress, July 1, 2020-September 30, 2020,”
November 10, 2020.
48 The Department of State provides antiterrorism assistance through the Nonproliferation, Anti-Terrorism, Demining
and Related Programs (NADR) account.
49 Department of State, Congressional Budget Justification, Foreign Operations, Appendix 2, FY2022.
50 Zacarian Sarao, “Low Vaccination, Booster Turnout May Lead to Over 19,000 Daily COVID Cases by August—
DOH,” Philippine Daily Inquirer, July 26, 2022; World Health Organization, “Philippines Situation,” at
https://covid19.who.int/region/wpro/country/ph.
51 Reuters, “COVID-19 Tracker,” July15, 2022; Ma. Teresa Montemayor, “Over 70% of Target Population Vaccinated
vs. Covid-19,” Philippine News Agency, March 7, 2022.
52 U.S. Department of State, “U.S. Relations with the Philippines,” fact sheet, March 3, 2022.
53 INCLE assistance is provided through the State Department’s Bureau of International Narcotics and Law
Enforcement Affairs (INL). U.S. Embassy in the Philippines, “U.S. Strengthens Drug Demand Reduction Programs in
the Philippines Through Support for Outreach and Drop-In Centers,” November 27, 2020. See P.L. 115-409 (ARIA)
and the Consolidated Appropriations Act, FY2022 (P.L. 117-103).
54 Consolidated Appropriations Act, FY2022 (P.L. 117-103).
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economic growth through investment in infrastructure.55 The MCC awarded the Philippines a
second compact in 2015, but indicated in 2016 that it would reevaluate its decision in light of
human rights concerns. In December 2017, the Philippine government withdrew from the
process, stating that it wanted to focus resources on rebuilding Marawi rather than committing
money for the counterpart funding required with MCC projects. The Duterte government denied
that the decision to withdraw from the program was made in response to human rights criticism.56
U.S.-Philippines Defense Ties
The U.S.-Philippines defense relationship is deeply rooted in a history of shared security interests
and priorities that dates back to the 1951 Mutual Defense Treaty and has continuously evolved to
address new and developing threats. Since 2015, the Philippines has received over $1 billion in
U.S. military assistance, making it the largest recipient of U.S. military equipment and training in
the Indo-Pacific.57 U.S. security cooperation activities in the Philippines have included
counterterrorism assistance, maritime domain awareness, joint military exercises, and transfers of
U.S. military equipment. Security cooperation programs also have enhanced the capacity of the
Philippine Armed Forces (AFP) to provide humanitarian assistance and to engage in disaster
response operations. The Philippines was designated a major non-NATO ally in 2003, which
allows the country certain defense trade and security cooperation privileges.58
Security Cooperation
As a security partner in the Pacific, the Philippines has received military assistance through the
Defense Security Cooperation Agency’s (DSCA) Section 333 Building Partner Capacity program
and the Indo-Pacific Maritime Security Initiative.59 Section 333 activities have focused on the
development and enhancement of critical AFP capabilities including intelligence, maritime and
border security operations, counterterrorism, and counter-improvised explosive device.60
Equipment deliveries under Section 333 have included precision guided munitions and tactical
equipment. MSI activities in the Philippines have aimed to improve the AFP’s maritime ISR

55 Millennium Challenge Corporation, “Philippines Compact: Closed Compact Report,” April 2018.
56 Jenny Lei Ravelo, “Philippines Withdraws from MCC, Citing Marawi Crisis as a Priority,” Devex, December 19,
2017; Jenny Lei Ravelo, “Second MCC Philippine Compact Under Review Due to Rule of Law, Human Rights
Concerns,” Devex, December 16, 2016; Millennium Challenge Corporation, “Philippines Selected for Second
Compact,” at https://www.mcc.gov/news-and-events/video/video-052516-philippines-second-compact.
57 U.S. Embassy in the Philippines, “U.S. Military Delivers Advanced Unmanned Aerial System to Philippine Air
Force,” press release, October 14, 2021; U.S. Embassy in the Philippines, “U.S. Delivers Php48.5 Million in Weapons
and Munitions to AFP,” press release, July 8, 2021.
58 Designation of the Philippines as a Major Non-NATO Ally, Presidential Determination No. 2004-02 of October 6,
2003, 68 Federal Register 59855. For further information, see Department of State, “Major Non-NATO Ally Status,”
fact sheet, January 20, 2021.
59 Section 333 Building Partner Capacity is authorized under Title 10, U.S.C. §333. The Indo-Pacific Maritime Security
Initiative (MSI) was authorized by Section 1263 of the National Defense Authorization Act for FY2016 (P.L. 114-92,
as amended by P.L. 114-328 and P.L. 115-232 and P.L. 116-92).
60 Data from ForeignAssistance.gov, November 7, 2021; U.S. Embassy in the Philippines, “U.S. Military Security
Assistance in the Philippines,” press release, at U.S. Military Security Assistance in the Philippines REV29
(usembassy.gov). Note: DOD security cooperation program details are not made publicly available in a consistent or
comprehensive manner; such activities provided in this report are not meant to be an exhaustive list.
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capabilities and support the Philippines’ participation in multilateral engagements and other
trainings, such as visit, board, search and seizure.61
The Philippines participates in U.S. defense institution capacity-building programs that have
included defense strategy courses and policy workshops that aim to improve security sector
governance, resource management, and legal capacity building.62 In addition, the Philippines is
partnered with the Guam and Hawaii National Guards through the State Partnership Program,
which is a unique civil-military program that the National Guard says aims to cultivate personal
relationships through a series of tailored engagements.63
U.S.-Philippines bilateral exercises aim to strengthen interoperability through subject matter
exchanges and training events. In 2015-2020, the United States and the Philippines engaged in
1,321 bilateral military exercises.64 Both sides curtailed security cooperation in 2020-2021 due to
the uncertainty over possible termination of the VFA and to the COVID-19 pandemic. In 2022,
approximately 3,800 AFP and 5,100 U.S. soldiers participated in Balikatan (“Shoulder-to-
Shoulder”), the premier annual bilateral exercise, across Luzon, the largest Philippine island. The
2022 exercise, described as the “largest ever” by military officials, focused on improving
interoperability and joint defense capabilities and engaged in humanitarian and civic assistance
projects.65
Other notable exercises include Maritime Training Activity “Sama Sama” (“Together”), which
was held in October 2021, and Kamandag (“Cooperation of Warriors of the Sea”), which was
conducted in September 2021.66 Exercises also have included the Philippine Navy, which
participated in the first joint sail through the South China Sea in 2019 with the United States,
Japan, and India.67 In addition, between April and June of 2021, the U.S. 5th Security Force
Assistance Brigade conducted their first bilateral training events with various Philippine Army
units.68

61 Data from ForeignAssistance.gov, November 7, 2021; U.S. Embassy in the Philippines, “U.S. Military Security
Assistance in the Philippines.”
62 Institutional capacity-building activities are conducted through the Daniel K. Inouye Asia-Pacific Center for Security
Studies, Defense Institute of International Legal Studies, and the DSCA’s Institute for Security Governance. Data from
ForeignAssistance.gov, November 7, 2021; U.S. Embassy in the Philippines, “U.S. Military Security Assistance in the
Philippines.” See also, DSCA, Institutional Capacity Building, accessed November 15, 2021, at https://www.dsca.mil/
institutional-capacity-building.
63 For more information, see State Partnership Program, U.S. National Guard, at https://www.nationalguard.mil/
Leadership/Joint-Staff/J-5/International-Affairs-Division/State-Partnership-Program/. See also, U.S. National Guard,
“Guam, Hawaii Share COVID Best Practices with the Philippines,” press release, December 10, 2020; Hawaii Air
National Guard, “HIANG Brings High Level Air Defense Expertise to Philippine Engagement,” press release, August
29, 2018.
64 U.S. Embassy in the Philippines, “U.S. Military Security Assistance in the Philippines.”
65 “Largest-Ever PH-US Balikatan Exercise to Being Next Week,” CNN Philippines, March 22, 2022.
66 U.S. Indo-Pacific Command, “Philippine-U.S. Exercise MTA Sama Sama Kicks-off with Japan, France,” press
release, October 12, 2021; Seth Robson, “Kamandag Drills Kick Off in the Philippines with a Focus on Shore-Based
Weapons,” Stars and Stripes, September 30, 2021.
67 Ankit Panda, “US, India, Japan, Philippine Navies Demonstrate Joint Presence in South China Sea,” The Diplomat,
May 11, 2019.
68 U.S. Indo-Pacific Command, “U.S. Army 5th Security Force Assistance Brigade and Philippine Army Conduct
Bilateral Training in Nueva Ecija,” press release, April 28, 2021.
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Counterterrorism Efforts
The U.S. military and the AFP have conducted bilateral counterterrorism operations since at least
2001. In 2017, following the reassertion of control over Marawi by Philippine military forces—
with assistance from U.S. special operations forces (SOF) advisors—the Department of Defense
(DOD) and Indo-Pacific Command (INDOPACOM) initiated Operation Pacific Eagle-Philippines
(OPE-P) to help the AFP overcome counterterrorism capability gaps identified by U.S. advisors
during operations in Marawi.69 U.S. SOF also provided logistical support, intelligence sharing,
and operational planning, including the integration of airborne intelligence, surveillance, and
reconnaissance (ISR) for intelligence gathering.70 In 2020, the last year of OPE-P efforts, DOD
committed $85.4 million for OPE-P, in which approximately 200 U.S. military personnel served
in advisory roles.71
Although the OPE-P overseas contingency operation designation has been removed,
INDOPACOM continues both security cooperation under DOD authorities as well as “advise and
assist” operations with Philippine security forces. Whereas OPE-P primarily focused on
counterterrorism operations, “by, with, and through” Philippine partners, the scope of continued
bilateral security cooperation programs in the Philippines is to be “significantly larger than the
relatively narrow counterterrorism effort.”72 (See “Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS)-East
Asia,” below.)
U.S. Defense Equipment Transfers
In addition to receiving military equipment through the U.S. FMF program, the Philippines is
eligible to purchase U.S. defense articles at discounted rates through the Excess Defense Articles
grant program.73 In some cases, the Philippines supplements U.S. grant assistance with its
national funds. In 2020 and 2021, the State Department notified Congress of six potential Foreign
Military Sales (FMS) cases for the Philippines with a combined total over $4.5 billion. These
items included missiles, F-16 aircraft, missiles, light military boats and attack helicopters.74 Some
Members of Congress opposed the proposed FMS cases and other military assistance for human

69 DOD Inspector General, DoD Efforts to Train, Advise, Assist, and Equip the Armed Forces of the Republic of the
Philippines, DODIG-2019-048, January 31, 2019, at https://media.defense.gov/2019/Feb/04/2002085730/-1/-1/1/
DODIG-2019-048.PDF; Roy Ramos, “Duterte Thanks Nations for Helping to Liberate Marawi,” Anadolu Agency,
October 25, 2017.
70 Ibid.
71 By comparison, funding for OPE-P was $108 million in 2019 and $100 million in 2018. Lead Inspector General (IG)
reporting responsibilities terminated at the end of FY2020 since none of the appropriated funding for OPE-P was
associated with an Overseas Contingency Operation (OCO). See the 12th and final quarterly IG report for OPE-P:
Department of Defense Office of Inspector General, “Operation Pacific Eagle-Philippines: Lead Inspector General
Report to the United States Congress, July 1, 2020-September 30, 2020.”
72 Ibid.
73 U.S. Indo-Pacific Command, “U.S. Military Delivers Php183 Million in New Weapons and Equipment to AFP,”
press release, June 22, 2021. See also, U.S. Embassy in the Philippines, “U.S. Military Delivers Advanced Unmanned
Aerial System to Philippine Air Force”; U.S. Embassy in the Philippines, “U.S. Delivers Php48.5 Million in Weapons
and Munitions to AFP.”
74 Defense Security Cooperation Agency, Major Arms Sales: “Philippines—AIM-9X Sidewinder Block II Tactical
Missiles,” June 24, 2021; “Philippines—AGM-84L-1 Harpoon Air Launched Block II Missiles,” June 24, 2021;
“Philippines—F-16 Block 70/72 Aircraft,” June 24, 2021; “Philippines—Scout, Assault, and Light Support Boats with
Armaments and Accessories,” July 30, 2020; “Philippines—AH-1Z Attack Helicopters and Related Equipment and
Support,” April 30, 2020; “Philippines—AH-64E Apache Attack Helicopters and Related Equipment and Support,”
April 30, 2020.
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rights reasons, and sponsored legislation that would suspend security assistance to the
Philippines.75 (See “Selected Legislation,” below.) The Philippines also purchases U.S. defense
articles and services through the Direct Commercial Sales (DCS) program.76
Mutual Defense Treaty
Under the 1951 Mutual Defense Treaty (MDT), the United States and the Philippines are
committed to help defend each other against external armed attack. Some analysts note that the
MDT does not explicitly obligate the United States to defend maritime areas that are disputed by
the Philippines and other nations, and U.S. officials have not confirmed whether the Treaty
applies to disputed features in the South China Sea.77 Article IV of the Treaty states: “Each Party
recognizes an armed attack in the Pacific Area on either of the Parties would be dangerous to its
own peace and safety and declares that it would act to meet the common dangers in accordance
with its constitutional processes.” Article V refers to an armed attack on the “metropolitan
territory of either of the Parties,” the “island territories under its jurisdiction in the Pacific
Ocean,” or its “armed forces, public vessels, or aircraft in the Pacific.”78
Some analysts contend that U.S. assurances have been getting stronger, particularly regarding the
defense of Philippine forces and military equipment in disputed areas. In March 2019, then-U.S.
Secretary of State Mike Pompeo stated, “As the South China Sea is part of the Pacific, any armed
attack on Philippine forces, aircraft or public vessels in the South China Sea would trigger mutual
defense obligations under Article IV of our Mutual Defense Treaty.”79 Similarly, Biden
Administration officials have affirmed that the MDT applies to “any armed attack on the
Philippine military.”80 During their August 2022 meeting in Manila, Blinken and Marcos both
pledged to strengthen the military alliance.81
Visiting Forces Agreement
The Visiting Forces Agreement governs the legal status of U.S. military forces operating in the
Philippines. It creates rules by which U.S. troops, vessels, and aircraft may enter the country and
establishes criminal jurisdiction over U.S. military personnel.82 The VFA has been in effect since
1999, eight years after the Philippines rejected a treaty that would have extended the U.S. lease of

75 Ed Adamczyk, “Philippines’ Human Rights Record an Issue in Pending $2.6B Military Sale,” UPI, June 25, 2021.
76 Details about proposed DCS are confidential; however, executive communications to the appropriate congressional
committees are periodically published in the Federal Register. For example, see, Department of State, “Bureau of
Political-Military Affairs, Directorate of Defense Trade Controls: Notifications to the Congress of Proposed
Commercial Export Licenses,” 84 Federal Register, November 27, 2019, at https://www.federalregister.gov/d/2019-
25491/p-427.
77 “Will the US Defend ‘A Few Rocks’ in Our Sea?” Philippine Daily Inquirer, May 6, 2014; Ricardo Saludo, “Big
Holes in the Philippines-US Defense Treaty,” Manila Times, March 20, 2014; Julie M. Aurelio, “PH-US Defense Pact
Doesn’t Apply in Spratlys Dispute, Says Ex-UP Law Dean,” Philippine Daily Inquirer, June 29, 2011.
78 The MDT can be found at http://www.chanrobles.com/mutualdefensetreaty.htm.
79 Mark Nevitt, “The US-Philippines Defense Treaty and the Pompeo Doctrine on South China Sea,” Just Security,
March 11, 2019.
80 Edward Wong, “In the Philippines, Blinken Vows to Strengthen Military Ties,” New York Times, August 6, 2022;
Department of State, “Secretary Blinken’s Call with Philippine Secretary of Foreign Affairs Locsin,” readout, January
27, 2021.
81 Edward Wong, “In the Philippines, Blinken Vows to Strengthen Military Ties.”
82 John Schaus, “What Is the Philippines-United States Visiting Forces Agreement, and Why Does It Matter?” Center
for Strategic and International Studies, February 12, 2020.
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Clark Air Base and Subic Bay Naval Base, and ordered the withdrawal of all U.S. troops from the
Philippines.
On February 10, 2020, the Government of the Philippines submitted to the U.S. Embassy in
Manila a “notice of termination” of the Philippines-U.S. Visiting Forces Agreement.83 Some
analysts contended that former President Duterte may have initiated the termination as a response
to U.S. actions barring entry into the United States of a political ally involved in human rights
abuses; others believed that he intended to leverage the VFA to negotiate better terms in the
bilateral security relationship or that the action was part of an effort to orient the Philippines
strategically away from the United States.84 Many in the Philippines, particularly in the defense
and foreign policy establishments, however, opposed the move.85 The Philippine government
suspended the termination three times (for six months each), in June 2020, November 2020, and
June 2021.86 On July 30, 2021, former Philippine Secretary of National Defense Delfin
Lorenzana announced that the Philippines had agreed to recommit to the VFA.87
U.S.-Philippines Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement
In 2014, the U.S. and Philippine governments signed the U.S.-Philippines Enhanced Defense
Cooperation Agreement (EDCA). The agreement allows for the increased rotational presence of
U.S. military forces, ships, and aircraft in the Philippines and greater U.S. access to Philippine
military bases, including the ability to store U.S. defense materials and equipment.88 Under
EDCA, U.S. military personnel in the Philippines are deployed on a rotational or non-permanent
basis. Philippine bases, including U.S.-built facilities and improvements, are to be utilized rent-
free by the Americans but owned by the Philippines.89 In addition, EDCA “facilitate[s]
humanitarian assistance and disaster relief in the Philippines and the region; improve[s]
opportunities for bilateral training; and support[s] the long-term modernization of the [AFP] as it
works to establish a minimum credible defense.”90

83 See Arellano Law Foundation, Philippines Law and Jurisprudence Databank, Visiting Forces Agreement, at
https://www.lawphil.net/international/treaties/vfa_1998.html.
84 Renato Cruz De Castro, “Duterte Finally Admits to the Importance of the U.S. Alliance,” Asia Maritime
Transparency Initiative, February 24, 2021; Christopher Woody, “A Major Ally’s Decision to Scrap an Important
Military Deal with the US Raises the Stakes in Competition with China,” Insider, February 23, 2020.
85 Richard Javad Heydarian, “US Outlasts Duterte’s Failing Dalliance with China.”
86 Sofia Tomacruz, “US Welcomes Philippines’ Decision to Suspend VFA Termination Again,” Rappler, June 15,
2021; “Philippines Again Suspends Scrapping of VFA Troop Pact with US, Amid South China Sea Tensions, Covid-19
Vaccine Donations,” South China Morning Post, June 14, 2021.
87 Rene Acosta, “Philippines Reverses Course and Commits to U.S. Visiting Forces Agreement,” USNI News, July 30,
2021. Some Filipino groups and policymakers long have objected to what they perceive as favorable treatment that the
VFA may allow for U.S. military personnel accused of committing crimes in the Philippines, compared to Philippine
personnel arrested in the United States. See Philippines-U.S. Visiting Forces Agreement, Article V, Section 6. In
August 2021, U.S. and Philippine officials reportedly agreed to a “technical side agreement” to the VFA that clarified
procedures related to criminal jurisdiction, although details were not made available. Andrea Chloe Wong “Unresolved
Issues with the VFA’s Return,” Philippine Daily Inquirer, September 12, 2021; Sofia Tomacruz, “VFA Side
Agreement on Custody of Troops Now in Effect, Locsin Says,” Rappler, August 31, 2021; Andrea Chloe Wong,
“Duterte’s Back-Down on US Forces in Philippines,” The Interpreter, Lowy Institute, August 24, 2021.
88 See Agreement Between the United States of America and the Philippines Signed at Quezon City, April 28, 2014, at
https://www.state.gov/wp-content/uploads/2019/02/14-625-Philippines-Defense-Cooperation.pdf.
89 Carl Thayer, “Analyzing the US-Philippines Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement,” The Diplomat, May 2,
2014.
90 The White House, “United States-Philippines Bilateral Relations,” fact sheet, April 28, 2014.
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In 2016, former President Duterte called for reassessing EDCA and reducing the number of U.S.
troops and joint military exercises in the Philippines. The Philippines eventually allowed EDCA
to proceed, but limited its mission and delayed facilities construction until 2018, when a
humanitarian assistance and disaster relief storage facility was built at Basa Air Base.91 Other
projects were delayed in 2019, and the uncertainties over the VFA and COVID-19 restrictions
further delayed EDCA’s progress.92 In October 2021, following the Philippines’ recommitment to
the VFA and other improvements in the bilateral relationship, the AFP announced that
construction work related to EDCA would “intensify.”93
Philippines-China Relations
The Duterte government initially focused on finding ways to cooperate with China in the South
China Sea, including through joint energy exploration that would shelve questions of sovereignty,
and sought PRC development loans, investment, and assistance with large infrastructure projects
in the Philippines. The two sides, however, did not come to agreement on how to resolve their
territorial disputes or on joint resource exploration, and relations between the Philippines and
China worsened during the second half of Duterte’s term.94 President Marcos has stated he wants
to improve ties with China despite ongoing territorial disputes.95
Former President Duterte eagerly sought PRC financing for infrastructure projects throughout the
country as part of his “Build, Build, Build” program.96 In 2016, China pledged $6 billion in
official development assistance, $3 billion in loans, and $24 billion in investments to the
Philippines.97 However, only a small fraction of that financing and investment reportedly
materialized.98 The Marcos government and China reportedly have resumed negotiations that
began in 2018 on PRC financing and construction assistance for three major railway projects.99
Other proposed infrastructure projects with Chinese assistance include the Kaliwa Dam and
Samal-Davao Bridge.100
PRC military assistance remains limited in terms of funding and scope, especially compared to
U.S. and Australian military assistance.101 Cooperation in sensitive areas, such as intelligence

91 “US, PH Officials Lead Groundbreaking of First Major EDCA Project,” Asian Journal, April 19, 2018.
92 Renato Cruz De Castro, “The Death of EDCA and Philippine-U.S. Security Relations,” Perspective, ISEAS Yusof
Ishak Institute, May 11, 2020.
93 William Cheng, “Philippine-US EDCA Activities to ‘Intensify’: AFP Chief,” ABS-CBN News, October 14, 2021.
94 Derek Grossman, “Duterte’s Dalliance with China Is Over,” The RAND Blog; Myrna M. Velasco, “No ‘Legal Deal’
Yet with China on Joint Oil Exploration at WPS—DOE,” Manila Bulletin, September 6, 2021.
95 Ruth Abbey Gita-Carlos, “Pres. Marcos Wants to Elevate PH-China Bilateral Ties to ‘Higher Level,’” Palawan
News, July 1, 2022.
96 “China’s Infrastructure Investments in the Philippines,” US-Philippines Society, August 2, 2018.
97 China Pledges $9B in Aid, Loans to Philippines: Finance Chief,” ABS-CBN, November 2, 2016.
98 Catalina Ricci S. Madarang, “China’s Unmet Pledges to Philippines Seen as Reason for Duterte’s Shift in Tone,”
Interaksyon, September 28, 2020.
99 Prime Sarmiento, “China, the Philippines Reaffirm Ties,” China Daily, August 22, 2022; Catherine S. Valente,
“Renegotiate China Loan Deals—Marcos,” Manila Times, July 17, 2022.
100 “July Groundbreaking Targeted for Samal-Davao Bridge Project,” Business World, June 21, 2022; Mayvelin U.
Caraballo, “PH Secures P17-B Loan from China,” Manila Times, June 15, 2022.
101 Maria Siow, “Philippines’ Move to Keep US Military Pact Reveals Shift in South China Sea Calculations,” South
China Morning Post, June 6, 2020.
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sharing and joint drills, are in their early stages.102 Territorial disputes and the lack of trust and
familiarity between the two sides creates further obstacles to greater military cooperation.103
The Philippines’ Maritime Disputes with China
The Philippines and China have long-standing disputes over waters and land features in the South
China Sea, which the Philippines calls the West Philippine Sea.104 Tensions have risen since 2012,
as China has enlarged and placed new military assets on several disputed features in the Spratly
archipelago, and increasingly interfered with Philippine commercial and military activities in
what the Philippines, citing UNCLOS, considers its Exclusive Economic Zone. DOD’s 2021
report on PRC military and security developments stated that the PRC’s Spratly Island outposts
“allow China to maintain a more flexible and persistent military and paramilitary presence in the
area,” which “improves China’s ability to detect and challenge activities by rival claimants or
third parties and widens the range of response options available to China.”105
The previous Aquino government sought arbitration under UNCLOS against aspects of China’s
maritime claims and behavior in the South China Sea. In 2016, an UNCLOS tribunal concluded
that China’s “Nine Dash Line” claims to areas overlapping the Philippines EEZ have no legal
basis.106 The tribunal also found that China violated its UNCLOS obligations by blocking
Philippine access to Scarborough Shoal, interfering with Philippine oil and gas exploration at
Reed Bank, and damaging the marine environment by reclaiming land. The United States has
urged China, which declared the verdict “null and void,” to abide by the ruling, and the
Philippines to try to enforce it.107 (See Figure 2.) Former President Duterte downplayed the
UNCLOS ruling while engaging in bilateral discussions with China on resolving maritime
disputes, without success.108 By contrast, Philippine Foreign Affairs Secretary Manalo stated in
July 2022 that the ruling and UNCLOS “are the twin anchors of the Philippines’ policy and
actions” on the South China Sea.109

102 “Chinese, Philippine Coast Guards Hold Joint Exercises to Achieve Interoperability at Sea,” China Military Online,
January 16, 2020; Philip Tubeza, “Lorenzana: Intelligence Sharing with China Can Be Done Immediately,” Philippine
Daily Inquirer, July 3, 2017.
103 Prashanth Parameswaran, “The Truth About China’s New Military Aid to the Philippines,” The Diplomat, June 30,
2017.
104 For further information, see CRS Report R42784, U.S.-China Strategic Competition in South and East China Seas:
Background and Issues for Congress, by Ronald O’Rourke, and CRS In Focus IF10607, China Primer: South China
Sea Disputes, by Ben Dolven, Susan V. Lawrence, and Ronald O’Rourke.
105 Department of Defense, “Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China: A Report
to Congress Pursuant to the National Defense Authorization Act for 2000,” November 3, 2021.
106 The full text of the ruling can be accessed at https://pca-cpa.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/175/2016/07/PH-CN-
20160712-Award.pdf.
107 “Full Text of Statement of China’s Foreign Ministry on Award of South China Sea Arbitration Initiated by
Philippines,” Xinhua, July 12, 2016; Robert D. Williams, “What Did the U.S. Accomplish with Its South China Sea
Legal Statement?” Brookings Institution, July 22, 2020; Renato Cruz de Castro, “After Four Years, the Philippines
Acknowledges the 2016 Arbitral Tribunal Award,” Asia Maritime Transparency Initiative, July 27, 2020. See also
Department of State, “Limits in the Seas, No. 150. People’s Republic of China: Maritime Claims in the South China
Sea,” January 2022.
108 “Duterte Wants to Liberate Philippines from U.S. Shackles: Foreign Minister,” Reuters, October 6, 2016; Ernesto
M. Hilario, “Bilateral Talks on South China Sea Dispute,” Manila Standard, August 21, 2021.
109 Richard Heydarian, “Marcos Flexing Muscles in the South China Sea,” Asia Times, July 13, 2022.
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Figure 2. Contested Boundaries in the South China Sea

Source: Created by CRS. Exclusive Economic Zones from Flanders Marine Institute (2020).
Violent Extremism in the Philippines
The Philippines has battled Muslim armed separatist and terrorist movements on the southern
islands of Mindanao and the Sulu archipelago for over 30 years. The Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG),
which the United States designated as a foreign terrorist organization in 1997, has carried out
hostage-takings for ransom, killings, and bombings since the early 1990s. In 2002, DOD
established the Joint Special Operations Task Force–Philippines (JSOTF-P) as part of Operation
Enduring Freedom to support “the comprehensive approach of the Armed Forces of the
Philippines in their fight against terrorism,”110 including a large humanitarian component.
Philippine military efforts, supported by U.S. assistance, reduced the size of the ASG from 1,000-
2,000 militants in the mid-1990s to an estimated 400 members in the mid-2010s.111 The U.S.
government deactivated JSOTF-P in 2015, citing the diminishing strength of the ASG, but

110 Joint Special Operations Task Force–Philippines Fact Sheet, July 1, 2011, at http://jsotf-p.blogspot.com/2011/.
111 Department of State, Country Reports on Terrorism 2018: Philippines, November 1, 2019; Linda Robinson, Patrick
B. Johnston, and Gillian S. Oak, “U.S. Special Operations Forces in the Philippines,” 2001-2014, RAND, 2016.
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launched OPE-P in 2017 in response to the rise of Islamic State (IS) affiliates in the
Philippines.112
The Marawi Seige
In May 2017, a coalition of Filipino Islamist extremist groups that had pledged allegiance to the
Islamic State, along with dozens of foreign fighters, laid siege to Marawi, a provincial capital in
Mindanao.113 With U.S. and other foreign assistance, the AFP retook the city in October 2017.
U.S. military personnel provided technical support, including ISR training, aerial surveillance,
and communications assistance.114 The conflict reportedly resulted in the deaths of over 900
militants, over 165 Philippine troops, and roughly 50 civilians, as well as the destruction of much
of the city.115
Bangsamoro Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao
For two decades, Manila and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front, an armed separatist group, engaged in on-again,
off-again negotiations on a settlement and political arrangement that would provide substantial autonomy to
Muslims in Mindanao and put an end to the decades-old military conflict. In 2018, the Duterte government and the
Moro Islamic Liberation Front reached an agreement that formed a new, Muslim-majority administrative area in
Mindanao and the Sulu Archipelago, called the Bangsamoro Automomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (BARMM).
The BARMM, which encompasses five provinces and 4 mil ion people in Western Mindanao and Sulu, was
approved by voters in the region and established in 2019.
Previous peace agreements have successful y reduced the number of separatists engaged in armed conflict with the
central government, and some observers expect the new political arrangement similarly to result in the
disarmament of militants, fewer attacks, and the growth of investment in the historically poor region.116 However,
the COVID-19 pandemic has led to delays in the creation of new government institutions, demobilization and
disarmament of Moro fighters, and provision of socioeconomic benefits to former militants.117 According to
experts, the slow transition could strengthen armed extremist groups, such as the Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom
Fighters, and undermine the upcoming BARMM elections, scheduled to be held in 2025.118
Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS)-East Asia
In 2018, the Department of State added ISIS–Philippines (ISIS-P), a loose collection of groups
who had pledged allegiance to the Islamic State, to its list of Foreign Terrorist Organizations.119
The network, now renamed ISIS–East Asia (ISIS-EA), has around 300-500 fighters.120 Although

112 Sam LaGrone, “U.S. Officially Ends Special Operations Task Force in the Philippines, Some Advisers Remain,”
USNI News, February 27, 2015.
113 Joseph Hincks, “What the Siege of a Philippine City Reveals About ISIS’ Deadly New Front in Asia,” Time, May
25, 2017.
114 Neil Jerome Morales and Simon Lewis, “U.S. Forces Give Technical Assistance as PH Takes Losses in Marawi,”
ABS-CBN, June 11, 2017.
115 “Philippines: ‘Battle of Marawi’ Leaves Trail of Death and Destruction,” Amnesty International, November 17,
2017.
116 Economist Intelligence Unit, Country Report: Philippines, June 11, 2021.
117 Georgi Engelbrecht, “The Normalization Process in the Bangsamoro Faces Rising Uncertainty,” The Diplomat,
April 26, 2021.
118 Nick Aspinwall, “Thousands of Families Are Being Displaced by Violent Clashes in Mindanao,” The Diplomat,
April 2, 2021.
119 Department of State, Bureau of Counterterrorism, “Foreign Terrorist Organizations,” at https://www.state.gov/
foreign-terrorist-organizations/.
120 Department of Defense Office of Inspector General, “Operation Pacific Eagle-Philippines: Lead Inspector General
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weakened in the AFP counteroffensive in Marawi, the Abu Sayyaf Group and other IS-affiliated
groups have continued to carry out sporadic attacks in Mindanao and Sulu.121 Some U.S. officials
and analysts argue that “efforts to reduce extremism in the Philippines do not appear to have
made a substantial difference since the launch of OPE-P.”122 Force rotations, uncertainty over the
VFA, and COVID-19 restrictions appear to have also have hindered U.S. assistance.123 According
to U.S. Special Operations Command-Pacific (SOCPAC), despite progress in executing large-
scale counterterrorism operations in difficult terrains since 2017, the AFP as of 2020 had not
demonstrated the capacity to sustain gains by further degrading terrorist groups or preventing
them from reconstituting.124
Other Security Threats: Communist Party of the Philippines
The Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP), which the government long has viewed as its principal security
threat, has waged an insurgency since the late 1960s. Over 100,000 combatants and civilians have died in fighting
related to the insurgency since 1969. The CPP’s military arm, the New People’s Army (NPA), reached over 25,000
fighters in the early 1980s, but declined after President Ferdinand Marcos Sr. fell from power and democracy was
restored in 1986. It now has an estimated 2,000 fighters according to the government, and remains active
throughout the Philippines.125
The U.S. government placed the CPP and the NPA on its list of terrorist organizations in 2002 under Executive
Order 13224 (to block terrorist financing), but does not provide direct military support to the Philippine military
in its war against the NPA. The AFP has continued to battle communist insurgents, and the NPA has continued
attacks on security forces, property, and civilians.126 In 2017, peace talks held in Norway between the Philippine
government and the National Democratic Front, which represents the CPP, broke down, and former President
Duterte signed a proclamation declaring the CPP and NPA as terrorist organizations.127

Report to the United States Congress, July 1, 2020-September 30, 2020.”
121 State Department, Country Reports on Terrorism 2020: Philippines; Bong Sarmiento, “ISIS Thrives in Covid-19
Shadows in Philippines,” Asia Times, May 22, 2020.
122 Department of Defense Office of Inspector General, “Operation Pacific Eagle-Philippines: Lead Inspector General
Report to the United States Congress, April 1, 2020-June 30, 2020,” August 11, 2020.
123 Ibid.; Jeff Seldin, “Islamic State Holding on in Philippines, Despite Millions in US Spending,” VOA, August 12,
2020.
124 Department of Defense Office of Inspector General, “Operation Pacific Eagle-Philippines: Lead Inspector General
Report to the United States Congress, July 1, 2020-September 30, 2020.”
125 John Eric Mendoza, “AFP: NPA Down to 2,000 Fighters, Guerilla Fronts Slashed by 74%,” Philippine Daily
Inquirer, July 7, 2022; Prashanth Parameswaran, “What’s Next for the Philippines Communist Insurgency Under
Duterte?” The Diplomat, March 31, 2020.
126 According to AFP sources, between 2016 and 2020, 443 Philippine soldiers were killed by CPP insurgents.
Rigoberto D. Tiglao, “Not an Enemy? CPP-NPA Killed 50,000 Filipinos—and Continues to Kill,” Manila Times,
November 27, 2020; Frances Mangosing, “AFP, Citing Its Data, Says Civilian Property Destroyed in 532 NPA Attacks
Since 2010,” Philippine Daily Inquirer, January 8, 2021; Department of State, Country Reports on Terrorism 2020:
Philippines; Jack Broome, “An End in Sight for the Philippines’ Maoist Insurgency?” The Diplomat, February 19,
2021.
127 Pursuant to Republic Act No. 10168, the Terrorism Financing Prevention and Suppression Act of 2012. “Duterte
Declares Philippine Communist Rebels ‘Terrorists,’” Agence France Presse, December 5, 2017. Formal and informal
peace talks between the government and the communists also had been attempted under five prior administrations.
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Human Rights Issues
The Drug War
Human rights groups had been highly critical of the Duterte government for the extrajudicial
killings tied to the “War on Drugs,” as well as for other human rights violations.128 Drug war-
related deaths range from Philippine Drug Enforcement Agency numbers of approximately 6,000
to estimates by human rights organizations of nearly 30,000.129 At the height of the drug war in
2016-2017, human rights groups reported that virtually all of the killings were carried out by
police or by armed vigilantes and occurred without due process, and that the vast majority of
victims were unarmed, poor, low-level offenders. They further alleged that police collaborated
with vigilantes, planted evidence at the scenes of killings, fabricated reports, and held suspected
drug offenders for ransom.130 Impunity from prosecution that generally protects government and
government-backed perpetrators of violence has long been a problem in the Philippines. Of police
officers involved in killings in the antidrug war since 2016, only three have been convicted of
murder.131
In March 2018, President Duterte announced that the Philippines would withdraw from the
International Criminal Court (ICC) after the tribunal launched a preliminary investigation into
possible “crimes against humanity” related to the antidrug campaign.132 The ICC suspended its
investigation in 2021 following a Philippine government pledge to conduct its own probe, but in
June 2022 indicated it may seek to reopen it.133 In July 2022, Philippine Justice Secretary Jesus
Remulla stated that the Philippines cannot be subjected to an ICC investigation since it withdrew
from the body in 2018.134 President Marcos and Philippine officials have stated that the
government will continue the drug war “within the framework of the law and with respect for
human rights,” and will target large illegal drug operations and bolster drug rehabilitation.135

128 See, for example, Human Right Watch, “Philippines: Events of 2021.”
129 Human Rights Watch, “World Report 2022: Philippines, Events of 2021,” December 16, 2021; Stefano Vechhia,
“Duterte’s ‘War on Drugs’ Enters Its Final Phase,” Asia News, March 16, 2022; “How Many People Have Been Killed
in Rodrigo Duterte’s War on Drugs?” The Economist, November 22, 2021.
130 Human Rights Watch, “’License to Kill’: Philippine Police Killings in Duterte’s ‘War on Drugs,’” March 1, 2017;
Amnesty International, “If You Are Poor, You Are Killed: Extrajudicial Executions in the Philippines’ ‘War on
Drugs,’” January 2017.
131 Karen Lema, “Relatives of Philippine Drug War Victims Alarmed by Duterte’s Talk of Staying On,” Reuters,
August 25, 2021.
132 The Philippines officially withdrew from the ICC in March 2019. Jason Gutierrez, “Philippines Officially Leaves
the International Criminal Court,” New York Times, March 17, 2019.
133 Andrea Chloe Wong, “ICC Pushes Probe on the Philippines’ Drug War,” The Interpreter, August 9, 2022; “ICC
Prosecutor to Reopen Philippines ‘Drug War’ Investigation,” Al Jazeera, June 24, 2022.
134 Kristine Joy Patag, “Remulla: ICC to Get Info on ‘Drug War’ Cases as a Courtesy, Not Compliance,” Philippine
Star, August 24, 2022.
135 Vince Lopez, “Mr. Marcos to ‘Refocus’ Drug War,” Manila Standard, September 14, 2022; Ambassador Jose
Romualdez, US-Philippines Society, September 7, 2022; Sundy Locus, “Remulla on ICC Case: How Can They Probe if
We’re Not a Member?” GMA News, July 16, 2022; Michelle R. Guillang, “Marcos Committed to Drug War—Swedish
Envoy,” Daily Tribune, June 11, 2022.
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Other Human Rights Issues
Some experts argue that the space for voices critical of the government narrowed under Duterte.
In 2017, Philippine authorities arrested Senator Leila De Lima, a critic of Duterte’s drug war, on
charges that she had accepted money from drug lords while she was Justice Secretary.136 In June
2020, journalist Maria Ressa, founder of the online news site Rappler, which had reported
critically on the antidrug campaign, was found guilty of “cyber libel.”137 Some observers view
both cases as politically motivated.138 Ressa, who is free on bail as she appeals her verdict, was
awarded the 2021 Nobel Peace Prize for her efforts to safeguard freedom of expression.139
In 2018, the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) of the Philippines revoked the operating
license of Rappler due to an issue related to alleged foreign control, which Rappler disputed; the
media company was allowed to continue operations pending a final decision by the SEC and the
Court of Appeals.140 Critics decried the license revocation as a violation of press freedom.141 In
July 2020, the Philippines House of Representatives voted to reject the renewal of the broadcast
license of ABS-CBN, the country’s largest broadcasting network, which had aired an opposition
political advertisement in 2016 that reportedly offended former President Duterte. The network
also was a major source of critical reporting on the drug war.142
The State Department’s Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2021 cited “serious
restrictions on free expression and media, including violence, threats of violence, and unjustified
arrests or prosecutions of journalists, censorship, and the use of criminal libel laws to punish
journalists.”143 The Philippines is the seventh most dangerous country for journalists according to
the Committee to Project Journalists, and it ranks 147th out of 180 countries on Reporters Without
Borders’ “World Press Freedom Index.”144 The Philippines enacted a new Anti-Terrorism Law in
2020 that analysts say contains broad and vague provisions that the government and security
forces can use arbitrarily to target political opponents and silence dissent, and that weakens legal
protections for the accused.145 Human rights groups reported that Marcos’s presidential campaign
and supporters harassed independent journalists, and expressed concern this practice may

136 Vince Ferreras, “TIMELINE: De Lima’s Four-Year Struggle in Prison,” CNN Philippines, March 16, 2021;
“Muntinlupa Court Junks 1 of 3 Charges vs. De Lima,” CNN Philippines, February 17, 2021; “List of De Lima’s
‘Persecutors’ Sent to US Gov’t,” CNN Philippines, February 25, 2020.
137 “Philippine American Journalist Maria Ressa Convicted in Cybercrime Case,” MSN, June 15, 2020.
138 Human Rights Watch, “Philippines: Drop Charges Against Rappler, Editor,” November 30, 2018.
139 Ressa won the prize along with Russian journalist Dmitry Muratov. “Maria Ressa: Facts,” The Nobel Prize, at
https://www.nobelprize.org/prizes/peace/2021/ressa/facts/; Robyn Dixon et al., “Journalists Known for Taking on
Governments of Philippines and Russia Win Nobel Peace Prize,” Washington Post, October 8, 2021; Rebecca Ratcliffe
and Jon Henley, “‘War Reporting Was Easier’: Maria Ressa’s Journey to Nobel Prize Winner,” The Guardian, October
8, 2021.
140 The Philippines SEC upheld its 2018 decision in June 2022. Rappler plans to appeal the decision. “SEC Affirms
Revocation of Rappler’s Certificate of Incorporation,” GMA News, June 29, 2022. Kyle Aristophere T. Atienza, “News
Company Rappler to Appeal Shutdown Order,” BusinessWorld, June 29, 2022.
141 Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism, “State of Media Freedom in the Philippines,” May 5, 2021.
142 “ABS-CBN Says Sorry to Duterte for Airing Controversial Political Ad in 2016 Polls,” CNN Philippines, February
4, 2020; Human Rights Watch, “Philippines: Duterte Seeks to Shut Network, Case Against ABS-CBN Attacks Media
Freedom,” February 10, 2020.
143 Department of State, 2021 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Philippines.
144 Committee to Protect Journalists, Global Impunity Index 2021; Reporters Without Borders, World Press Freedom
Index 2022.
145 Nick Aspinwall, “After Signing Anti-Terrorism Law, Duterte Names His Targets,” Foreign Policy, July 10, 2020.
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continue.146 In July 2022, the U.N. Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Opinion and Expression
Irene Khan called on President Marcos to decriminalize libel, withdraw charges against journalist
Maria Ressa, reverse government decisions against media outlets, and investigate attacks on
journalists.147
In addition to the thousands of drug-related killings, roughly 200 extrajudicial killings of leftist
and human rights activists reportedly occurred while Duterte was president. Many of these were
carried out by unidentified assailants allegedly linked to security forces and government-backed
militias, according to human rights groups.148 Some of the victims were accused by the
government of being members of, or as having ties to, communist or terrorist organizations.149
Economics and Trade
The Philippines, one of the fastest growing economies in Southeast Asia prior to the COVID-19
pandemic, recorded annual economic expansion averaging 6.6% annually between 2016 and
2019.150 The country is home to the largest business process outsourcing sector in the world,
generating over $26 billion annually.151 Filipino workers continue to emigrate for jobs abroad
despite economic growth at home. Remittances from over 10 million overseas Filipino workers
totaled $34.8 billion in 2021, a record high.152
GDP contracted by 9.4% in 2020, largely due to the economic effects of the pandemic, but
rebounded to 5.5% in 2021.153 Philippines trade with the United States, its third-largest trading
partner and largest export market, totaled $19.5 billion in 2021, including $11.8 billion in exports
and $7.7 billion in imports.154 Major Philippine export items to the United States include
electrical machinery, equipment, and parts; other machinery and appliances; leather goods and
handbags; agricultural goods; medical devices; and apparel. The largest U.S. exports to the
Philippines are electrical machinery, equipment, and parts and agricultural goods.155
Under the Aquino government, the Philippines had expressed strong interest in joining the (then)
Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) in order to gain greater access to U.S. markets and investment
opportunities. The Philippines recently has expressed interest in joining the Comprehensive and

146 Regina Cabato, “Philippines Dispatch: Pigs Presstitutes and How Journalists are Harassed,” Washington Post, June
13, 2022; Basti Evangelista, “Journalists Covering Marcos: Trolling, Disinformation to Worsen,” Yahoo Philippines,
May 22, 2022.
147 United Nations, Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, “Philippines: UN Expert Slams Court
Decision Upholding Criminal Conviction of Maria Ressa and Shutdown of Media Outlets,” press release, July 14,
2022.
148 United Nations Human Rights Council, “Philippines: UN Report Details Widespread Human Rights Violations and
Persistent Impunity,” June 29, 2020; Human Rights Watch, “Philippines: Spate of Killings of Leftist Activists,” June
18, 2019.
149 “UN Experts Call Out Duterte’s Silence on Bloody Sunday Killings,” People’s Dispatch, January 13, 2022; Human
Rights Watch, “World Report 2021, Philippines: Events of 2020.”
150 World Bank, “GDP Growth (Annual %)—Philippines.”
151 Jessica Fenol, “BPO Industry Eyes $29-Billion Revenue, More Jobs by 2022,” ABS-CBN, June 25, 2021.
152 Lawrence Agcaoili, “OFW Remittances Hit All-Time High in 2021,” Philippine Star, February 16, 2022.
153 Economist Intelligence Unit, Country Report: Philippines, August 26, 2022; Asian Development Bank, “ADB
Maintains 2021 Forecast for Philippine Economy; COVID-19 Vaccination Key to Growth,” news release, September
22, 2021.
154 Trade Data Monitor.
155 Trade Data Monitor.
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Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership, which evolved from the TPP without U.S.
participation.156 The Philippines is one of 14 members of the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework
initiative, which the Biden Administration launched in May 2022 to boost economic growth,
fairness, competitiveness, and related objectives among allies and partners in the region.157
Considerations for Congress
 Given the significance of the Philippines to U.S. strategic interests in the region,
Congress may consider how best to support the defense relationship, including
how to help the Armed Forces of the Philippines address its most critical
capability gaps and capacity shortfalls. Congress may consider how to apportion
U.S. security assistance among the areas of responding to external threats and
counterterrorism. Congress may consider what combination of military and
development or humanitarian assistance might best counter extremist movements
in the southern Philippines.
 As the United States and the Philippines have common interests in maintaining a
“free and open Indo-Pacific,” Congress may consider how the United States
might provide support to the Philippines in its efforts to protect its sovereignty
and interests in its maritime domain. Policy tools include U.S. official statements
of support for the 2016 UNCLOS tribunal decision declaring China’s territorial
claims to have no legal basis; cultivating multilateral support, including from
ASEAN, for countering PRC assertiveness in the South China Sea; and providing
greater security assistance to the Philippines. Congress may also consider the
possible consequences for U.S. interests of ratifying UNCLOS.158
 As the problems of extrajudicial killings and a culture of impunity have
continued in the Philippines, Congress may consider how the United States might
assist the Philippine government in strengthening its oversight of its police and
military forces and enhancing the efficacy of its judicial system. Previous U.S.
assistance efforts, for example, have included strengthening the rule of law and
improving judicial processes.159 Given past, present, and proposed congressional
restrictions on U.S. security assistance to the Philippines due to human rights
concerns, Congress may consider their impact, if any, on human rights conditions
in the Philippines and on U.S.-Philippine relations, and adjust accordingly.160
 Given China’s economic engagement and influence in the region and Philippine
interest in strengthening economic ties with the United States, Congress may
consider how best to promote closer U.S.-Philippines economic ties and provide
alternatives to Chinese infrastructure financing, whether through bilateral trade

156 The United States withdrew from the TPP in 2017. Shannon Hayden and Javiera Heine, “CPTPP: Can We Expect
Additional Southeast Asian Members Soon?” The Diplomat, March 10, 2022.
157 The White House, “FACT SHEET: In Asia, President Biden and a Dozen Indo-Pacific Partners Launch the Indo-
Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity,” May 23, 2022.
158 In the 117th Congress, H.Res. 361 and S.Res. 220 would call on the United States Senate to give its advice and
consent to the ratification of UNCLOS.
159 See, for example, USAID’s Judicial Strengthening to Improve Court Effectiveness (JUSTICE) Project, at
https://2012-2017.usaid.gov/philippines/partnership-growth-pfg/justice.
160 Between 2008 and 2013, the U.S. Congress placed conditions upon a portion of Foreign Military Financing (FMF)
to the Philippines (withholding $2 million-$3 million annually) in order to encourage human rights improvements
related to extra-judicial killings by members of the AFP. These restrictions applied only to the Army.
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arrangements, the U.S. International Development Finance Corporation or other
financial entities, a second Millennium Challenge Corporation compact, or the
Indo-Pacific Strategy’s proposed Indo-Pacific economic framework.
Selected Legislation in the 117th Congress
 The National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2023 (H.R. 7900, passed
in the House 7/14/22) would require a report on human rights in the Philippines
(Section 5818) and prohibit Department of State funding to the Philippine
National Police until certain human rights conditions by the government of the
Philippines are met (Section 5863).
The Consolidated Appropriations Act, FY2022 (P.L. 117-103, Section 7043(g)) states, “None of
the funds appropriated by this Act may be made available for counternarcotics assistance for the
Philippines, except for drug demand reduction, maritime law enforcement, or transnational
interdiction.” The law also requires an update to the report required by the Consolidated
Appropriations Act, FY2020 (P.L. 116-94) on steps taken by the Philippine government to hold
Philippine armed forces personnel accountable for human rights violations, and on how the
report’s findings are reflected in U.S. assistance to the armed forces of the Philippines.161
 The Asia Reassurance Initiative Act of 2018 (ARIA, P.L. 115-409) restricts
counternarcotics assistance to the PNP, with the exception of drug demand
reduction, maritime, and interdiction programs, unless the Philippines has
adopted and is implementing a counternarcotics strategy that is consistent with
international human rights standards.
 The South China Sea and East China Sea Sanctions Act of 2021 (S. 1657,
introduced 5/17/21) would impose sanctions on Chinese persons and entities that
participate in certain activities related to China’s territorial disputes in the South
China Sea and the East China Sea and addresses other related issues.

161 See S.Rept. 116-126. The report shall describe “steps taken during the previous calendar year by the
Government of the Philippines to: (1) prosecute armed forces personnel, including commanding officers, who are
credibly alleged to have ordered, committed, or aided or abetted extra-judicial executions, forced disappearances, and
other gross violations of human rights, and to strengthen judicial institutions responsible for investigating, prosecuting,
and punishing those responsible for such crimes; (2) promote only armed forces personnel who demonstrate
professionalism and respect for human rights; and (3) ensure that the Philippine armed forces and paramilitary groups
under its control are not engaging in acts of intimidation or violence against journalists, human rights and
environmental defenders, and other social activists.”
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Author Information

Thomas Lum
Christina L. Arabia
Specialist in Asian Affairs
Analyst in Security Assistance, Security

Cooperation and the Global Arms Trade

Ben Dolven

Specialist in Asian Affairs

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