The U.S. Summit for Democracy

The U.S. Summit for Democracy

INSIGHTi
The U.S. Summit for Democracy
December 6, 2021
On December 9-10, the United States is to convene a virtual “Summit for Democracy,” with participation
by leaders of foreign governments, civil society organizations, and the private sector. Leading up to the
event, the U.S. government is hosting side events, including inter-parliamentary sessions facilitated by the
House Democracy Partnership. Roughly a year after the virtual Summit, the Biden Administration
anticipates a second, in-person Summit to follow up on commitments made at the initial meeting. U.S.
commitments made at the Summit could prompt congressional oversight and/or legislation and affect
appropriations decisions.
Background and Summit Origins
Experts contend that the world is experiencing an ongoing global “democratic recession.” Global indexes
general y indicate that the aggregate level of democracy—as measured on dimensions such as the extent
of free and fair elections, the rule of law, and respect for fundamental freedoms—has not advanced since
around 2006; further, some amount of overal democratic backsliding or “autocratization” has occurred in
more recent years. A variety of factors may be affecting democracy and human rights around the world,
including dissatisfaction with government performance within many democracies; evolving regulatory
and technological means by which governments are able to repress political dissent; and the international
influence of powerful authoritarian governments. Democracy’s global appeal—though resilient—may
also be chal enged to some extent by the example of economical y successful authoritarian countries and
the erosion of some democratic institutions within leading democracies, including the United States.
As a candidate, Joe Biden pledged that the United States would host a Summit for Democracy to “bring
together the world’s democracies to strengthen our democratic institutions, honestly confront nations that
are backsliding, and forge a common agenda.” Biden stated that the Summit would build on the model of
the Nuclear Security Summit process instituted during the Obama Administration. The planned Summit
reflects the Biden Administration’s broader focus on democracy as a major concept undergirding its
foreign policy strategy. The Administration’s March 2021 Interim National Security Strategic Guidance
(INSSG) states that “authoritarianism is on the global march” and pledges to “join with likeminded al ies
and partners to revitalize democracy the world over.”
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Agenda and Themes
The White House has indicated that the virtual summit wil be organized around three themes: 1)
defending against authoritarianism; 2) combating corruption; and 3) promoting human rights. The
Administration has stated that the United States is consulting with governments, multilateral
organizations, civil society, and the private sector to solicit ideas around these three principal themes. The
Summit is intended to “provide a platform for leaders to announce both individual and collective
commitments ... to defend democracy and human rights at home and abroad.” The Administration has not
otherwise publicly described what commitments it hopes wil be made at the Summit, although there are
reports about some planned initiatives. A State Department description of broad factors affecting
democracy global y refers to political polarization, weak state capacity, inequality, corruption, and
transnational actions by authoritarian governments, among other chal enges. Some Members of Congress
have raised concerns over lack of outreach from the executive branch regarding the Summit’s agenda.
Participants
A major question in the lead up to the Summit has been whether the Administration would weigh strategic
considerations alongside democratic credentials in determining which governments to invite. The
Administration invited a total of 111 governments, but has not publicly articulated the criteria that guided
invitation decisions beyond a stated desire to be “as inclusive as possible” and ensure participation among
“a regional y diverse set of wel -established and younger democracies whose progress and commitments
wil advance a more just and peaceful world.” Prior to publication of the official invitation list, a
November letter by some Senators to President Biden urged clarity regarding the criteria for determining
government invites, and inquired about civil society and congressional participation at the Summit,
among other matters.
In general, the invitation list and accompanying executive branch messaging appear to reflect
considerations that include the state and trajectory of democracy in foreign countries; the wil ingness of
governments to commit to pro-democracy initiatives; and U.S. geopolitical interests. The list may be a
product of numerous discrete bureaucratic debates within the State Department as much as it is a
reflection of consistently applied criteria. The list includes some countries that score poorly on democracy
indexes and/or that have sustained significant democratic decline in recent years, such as the Democratic
Republic of the Congo, Iraq, Pakistan, and the Philippines. Notable non-invited governments that are U.S.
NATO al ies include Hungary and Turkey. According to one analysis, 69% of invited governments
represent countries rated “free” by Freedom House for 2020, 28% rated “partly free,” and 3% rated “not
free.”
Some analysts have argued that the presence of non-democratic countries could dilute the stated focus of
the event and negatively affect Summit outcomes. Experts have also raised questions over whether
declining global perceptions of the strength of democracy in the United States could diminish U.S. efforts
to galvanize international action. Notably, the Administration’s INSSG includes a focus on “revitalizing”
democracy at home in addition to abroad, and the State Department has indicated that the United States
wil announce its own domestic and international commitments at the Summit across a range of possible
areas. Aside from governments, some analysts have advocated for robust civil society participation at the
Summit given the importance of nongovernmental actors in advocating for democracy in al countries.
Outlook
Whether Summit participants wil be able to translate rhetoric into actions that help address some of the
broad chal enges facing democracy around the world remains to be seen. Many analysts have emphasized

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that actionable goals and sustained follow-up wil be necessary if the Summit is to achieve genuine
impacts. This could include mechanisms for encouraging accountability regarding the implementation of
Summit commitments in the intervening period between the first and a second Summit meeting and
beyond. Related major questions include what new international initiatives or groupings may emerge
from the Summit meetings; whether and to what extent existing institutions wil be leveraged as part of
follow-on activities from the meetings; and how lessons and chal enges with prior democracy-focused
initiatives might inform these plans.

Author Information

Michael A. Weber

Analyst in Foreign Affairs

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