U.S. Nuclear Weapons Policy: Considering “No First Use”

U.S. Nuclear Weapons Policy: Considering “No First Use”

U.S. Nuclear Weapons Policy: Considering
“No First Use”
Updated March 29, 2022
The Biden Administration’s Nuclear Posture Review (NPR) reviewed U.S. nuclear declaratory policy—
the statements the United States makes about when, how, and why it might use nuclear weapons to deter
adversaries and reassure U.S. allies of its commitment to their defense. But, according to an
Administration fact sheet, the NPR will not alter this policy to include a “no first use” pledge stating that
the United States will never use nuclear weapons first in a conflict or a “sole purpose” policy stating that
the sole purpose of nuclear weapons is to deter nuclear use. Instead, the NPR will state that “the
fundamental role of U.S. nuclear weapons is to deter nuclear attack on the United States, our allies, and
partners.” It will also indicate that “the United States would only consider the use of nuclear weapons in
extreme circumstances to defend the vital interests of the United States or its allies and partners.”
The United States has long pledged to refrain from using nuclear weapons against most non-nuclear
weapon states, but has neither ruled out their first use in all cases nor specified the circumstances under
which it would use them. This policy of “calculated ambiguity” addressed U.S. concerns during the Cold
War, when the United States and NATO faced numerically superior Soviet and Warsaw Pact conventional
forces in Europe. At the time, the United States not only developed plans to use nuclear weapons on the
battlefield to disrupt or defeat attacking tanks and troops, but it also hoped that the risk of a nuclear
response would deter the Soviet Union from initiating a conventional attack. This is not because the
United States believed it could defeat the Soviet Union in a nuclear war, but because it hoped the Soviet
Union would know that the use of these weapons would likely escalate to all-out nuclear war, with both
sides suffering massive destruction.
Since the end of the Cold War, the United States has modified its declaratory policy to reduce the apparent
role of nuclear weapons in U.S. national security, but has not declared that it would not use them first. In
the 2010 Nuclear Posture Review Report, the Obama Administration stated that the United States “would
only consider the use of nuclear weapons in extreme circumstances” and would not threaten or use
nuclear weapons, under any circumstances, “against non-nuclear weapons states that are party to the
Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty and in compliance with their nuclear non-proliferation obligations.” But
the Administration was not prepared to state that the “sole purpose” of U.S. nuclear weapons was to deter
nuclear attack because it could envision “a narrow range of contingencies” where nuclear weapons might
play a role in deterring conventional, chemical, or biological attacks.
The Trump Administration, in the 2018 Nuclear Posture Review (NPR) Report, also rejected the idea that
the sole purpose of nuclear weapons is to deter nuclear attack, and, therefore, did not adopt a “no first
use” policy. It noted that “the United States would only consider the employment of nuclear weapons in
extreme circumstances to defend the vital interests of the United States, its allies, and partners” but stated
that nuclear weapons contribute to “deterrence of nuclear and non-nuclear attack; assurance of allies and

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partners; achievement of U.S. objectives if deterrence fails; and the capacity to hedge against an uncertain
future.”
“No First Use” or Not?
Although the United States does not rule out the first use of nuclear weapons, the absence of a “no first
use” pledge is less about the perceived need to employ these weapons first in a conflict than it is about the
view that the threat of nuclear escalation continues to serve as a deterrent to large-scale conventional war
or the use of chemical and biological weapons. Supporters of the current policy argue that removing the
threat of nuclear escalation could embolden countries like North Korea, China, or Russia, who might
believe that they could overwhelm U.S. allies in their regions and take advantage of local or regional
conventional advantages before the United States or its allies could respond. In such a scenario, some
argue, the “no first use” pledge would not only undermine deterrence, but could also increase the risk that
a conventional war could escalate and involve nuclear weapons use. Moreover, because the United States
has pledged to use all means necessary, including nuclear weapons, to defend allies in Europe and Asia,
this change in U.S. declaratory policy could undermine allies’ confidence in the U.S. commitment to their
defense and possibly spur them to acquire their own nuclear weapons. As a result, in this view, a “no first
use” policy could undermine U.S. nuclear nonproliferation goals.
Some analysts outside government dispute these conclusions. Some assert that there is a lack of evidence
that the threat of nuclear escalation can deter conventional war, while others note that U.S. nuclear first-
use might spark a nuclear response and an all-out nuclear exchange. Moreover, some contend that “no
first use” would not undermine the U.S. commitment to its allies because those states have faith in U.S.
conventional forces for their defense, as well as knowledge of the U.S. willingness to retaliate with
nuclear weapons in response to nuclear attacks. Others note that a “no first use” pledge could reduce the
chances of nuclear miscalculation by assuring adversaries that the United States was not about to launch a
preemptive nuclear attack. Hence, many conclude that the possible first use of nuclear weapons is not
only unnecessary, but also might turn conventional war into a nuclear catastrophe.
Press reports indicate that the Obama Administration considered adopting a “no first use” policy in 2016.
However, both military and civilian officials opposed this change. Some argued that a policy of calculated
ambiguity provided the President with options in a crisis; others noted that the shift could undermine
deterrence and stability in an uncertain security environment. Secretary of State Kerry and Secretary of
Defense Carter also raised concerns that a “no first use” policy could undermine the confidence and
security of U.S. allies. Reports indicate that several allies also weighed in against the change in policy
during the Obama Administration and again when the Biden Administration considered the possible
adoption of a sole purpose policy.

Author Information

Amy F. Woolf

Specialist in Nuclear Weapons Policy

Congressional Research Service
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