The Kurds in Iraq, Turkey, Syria, and Iran

The Kurds in Iraq, Turkey, Syria, and Iran

Updated January 23, 2019
The Kurds in Iraq, Turkey, Syria, and Iran
The Kurds of the Middle East are an ethnonational group
mount some of the most effective military opposition in
distinct from other peoples of the region. They share strong
Iraq and Syria against the Islamic State organization.
historical, cultural, and interactive bonds across countries,
and are one of the largest groups without control of a state.
The two most prominent sources of Kurdish leadership
Despite shared ties, Kurds differ from one another along
come from the PKK (see inset graphic for acronym
linguistic, political, and religious lines. Although most are
explanations), which originated in Turkey, and the
Sunni Muslim, some belong to different Muslim sects (i.e.,
Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) in Iraq. The two
Shiite, Alevi, Alawite) or different religions entirely (i.e.,
entities are rivals but also make periodic common cause.
Christianity, Yezidism).
The PKK and KRG have traditionally employed different
approaches to vying for transnational influence. The PKK
Since the early twentieth century, Kurds in Iraq, Turkey,
uses its longstanding tradition of armed resistance to attract
Syria, and Iran have periodically faced repression and
Kurdish followers and sympathizers across borders, while
economic disadvantages, and have at times engaged in
the KRG’s functional autonomy in northern Iraq (since
conflict with their respective governments. Kurdish
shortly after the 1991 Gulf War) has served as a model for
nationalists in these states have received support for their
other Kurdish movements seeking greater self-governance.
insurgencies or political struggles from (1) other Kurds in
the region, (2) the Kurdish diaspora in Europe (numbering
The PKK’s cross-border reach comes largely through (1) its
more than one million, mostly from Turkey), (3)
“democratic confederalism” with major Kurdish groups in
neighboring governments, and (4) various international
Syria (PYD) and Iran (PJAK) seeking greater autonomy or
(including U.S.) sources.
functional independence, (2) financial and media support
from the Kurdish diaspora in Europe, and (3) its military
safe haven in the Qandil mountains (within the KRG’s
territorial boundaries near the Iranian border).
The KRG has boosted its regional and international profile
in recent years by expanding international political, trade,
and investment relationships. However, after a September
2017 KRG-sponsored advisory referendum on
independence, the Iraqi government reasserted control over
a number of disputed territories that Kurdish forces had
administered after government forces fled from Islamic
State fighters in 2014. Without oil-rich Kirkuk governorate
and an uncontested export pipeline, independence would be
less viable for Iraqi Kurds.
Iraq. Since 2003, Iraqi Kurds have had more control over
their affairs than at any time in Iraq’s history, while also
significantly influencing the country’s future. Kurdish self-
governance came in large part from U.S. military operations
that prevented Saddam Hussein’s Iraqi forces from
reasserting control in certain predominantly Kurdish areas
of northern Iraq after the 1991 Gulf War. (Hussein’s forces
killed thousands of Iraqi Kurds during the Iran-Iraq War of
the 1980s and displaced thousands immediately after the
Gulf War.) An earlier U.S.-Iran effort to aid Kurdish rebels
had ended after a 1975 Iran-Iraq diplomatic agreement.
Within the KRG, the two main political groups are the

KDP, with its traditional sphere of control in northern KRG
Sources: Gene Thorp/Washington Post, citing the Central
territories; and the PUK, with its traditional sphere of
Intel igence Agency; Council on Foreign Relations; adapted by CRS.
control in southern areas. Peshmerga militias are affiliated
with each group and with the KRG. The PUK split from the
Relative cohesiveness among some Kurdish groups (in
KDP in 1975, and the two groups have subsequently
comparison with non-Kurds) appears to have helped them
alternated between cooperation and conflict—being divided
along lines of political philosophy, personal ambition,
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The Kurds in Iraq, Turkey, Syria, and Iran
economic interests, geography, and dialect. The Kurdish
obtaining greater Kurdish rights by peaceful means. After a
parliament also includes members from smaller parties
two-year ceasefire, hostilities between the PKK and the
(including Gorran, a PUK offshoot) and various ethnic
Turkish government resumed in 2015 and the government
minorities. A number of non-Kurds (Turkmen, Arabs,
has broadened efforts to centralize control over Kurdish-
Assyrians, and Armenians) live in KRG-controlled areas.
populated areas of southeast Turkey. The government
generally conflates the HDP with the PKK and has jailed or
Difficulties in reaching political consensus within the KRG
ousted many local and national HDP officials.
have persisted since its inception, contributing to KDP-
PUK armed conflict in the 1990s. More recent intra-
Syria. When the Syria conflict began in 2011, Kurds were
Kurdish disagreements have occurred over (1) how the
largely concentrated in three non-contiguous areas (Afrin,
central Iraqi government shares oil revenue with the KRG,
Kobane, Jazirah) along the Turkish border. Having endured
(2) the administration of territories outside the KRG’s
repression under the rule of the Asad family and Syria’s
formal territorial boundaries, (3) KRG leadership, and (4)
earlier leaders, Kurds gained greater autonomy in 2011-
whether and how to move toward possible independence.
2012 in what they call “Rojava” (Western Kurdistan) as the
At times, however, the KDP and PUK have made common
government redeployed military forces to other areas of the
cause on some of these matters.
country. The PYD, reportedly established in 2003 in
affiliation with the PKK, has emerged as the dominant
Governance is further complicated by the presence of the
Syrian Kurdish group, though a number of smaller political
PKK in some areas of northern Iraq. KRG leaders deal with
factions still exist. Non-Kurdish groups in PYD-controlled
Turkish military operations against PKK positions in
areas include Arabs, Turkmen, Assyrians, and Armenians.
northern Iraq, along with PKK aspirations for greater local
control. Yet, KRG leaders remain sensitive to transnational
Following a failed effort to administer Syrian Kurdish areas
Kurdish pleas for ethnic solidarity. Iraq’s government
with the KNC, a group aligned with Iraq’s KDP, the PYD
reasserted control over some disputed territories controlled
established a governing confederation for the three Syrian
by the KRG in late 2017, following a KRG referendum on
Kurdish areas (now dubbed “cantons”) in early 2014. The
independence. Iraqi Kurds participated in Iraq’s national
PYD-controlled People’s Protection Units (YPG) militia is
election and held KRG elections in 2018.
the leading force in the coalition of militias known as the
Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) that have partnered with
Turkey. Historically, the Turkish government and military
the U.S.-led coalition against the Islamic State. U.S.
have sought to limit Kurdish influence and identity in
officials do not consider the PYD or the YPG to be a
Turkey, due in part to concerns about Turkish territorial
terrorist group but have acknowledged that ties exist
integrity and political stability. The PKK emerged in the
between them and the PKK. The PYD claims that the
late 1970s as a Marxist-Leninist separatist movement that
territories it administers, including in predominantly Arab-
also sought to challenge traditional Turkish Kurdish tribal
populated areas, remain subject to Syrian sovereignty but
hierarchies. For more than 30 years, the PKK (a U.S.-
are models for a future decentralized system.
designated terrorist organization and foreign narcotics
trafficker) has engaged in on-and-off conflict with the
Turkey strongly objects to the U.S. approach to the
government and with fellow Kurds in Turkey while
PYD/YPG. YPG territorial gains have contributed to
fostering links with other Kurds in Iraq, Syria, Iran, and
increased Turkey-PKK tensions and direct Turkish military
Europe. Until 1998, the PKK’s top leadership was based in
operations in Syria since August 2016. Turkish forces,
Syria. (PKK founder Abdullah Ocalan was forced to leave
alongside their Syrian rebel allies, occupied Afrin in early
after Turkey threatened war with Syria for harboring him.
2018 and Turkey has threatened further operations to
Since 1999, Ocalan has been imprisoned in Turkey.)
“cleanse” its border of YPG fighters. In light of President
Trump’s announcement that U.S. forces will withdraw from
Despite the PKK’s institutional preeminence among Kurds
Syria, the YPG may increase its coordination with the Asad
in Turkey, support for it has fluctuated among conservative
government and Russia to safeguard its interests in Syria.
(particularly avowedly religious) Kurds. Over the years,
The YPG also has clashed at times with Syrian government
some Kurds have supported Islamic-leaning parties and
forces.
movements in Turkey, including the ruling AKP and the
more Kurdish-specific Huda-Par (a political arm of a
Iran. Many Iranian Kurds aspire to greater communal
militant group known as Kurdish Hezbollah). In recent
privileges, but receive less international attention than
years Turkey’s government has nurtured ties with the KRG
Kurds in other countries. This may be due to internal
in Iraq, perhaps in part to counter the PKK’s transnational
disunity, government repression and/or limited media
influence; nevertheless Turkey’s maintains its longstanding
coverage. The PJAK, which uses the PKK’s northern Iraqi
official opposition to outright Iraqi Kurdish independence.
safe haven and was designated by the Treasury Department
in 2009 as a PKK-controlled terrorist organization, has
Since 1991, various pro-Kurdish political parties widely
engaged in occasional conflict with government forces.
viewed as having some connection with the PKK have
gained representation in Turkey’s parliament, generally via
Jim Zanotti, Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs
independent candidacies. In 2015, the HDP became the first
Clayton Thomas, Analyst in Middle Eastern Affairs
pro-Kurdish party to surmount Turkey’s 10% electoral
threshold. The HDP publicly maintains that it is
IF10350
independent from the PKK and generally advocates
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The Kurds in Iraq, Turkey, Syria, and Iran

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