

 
 INSIGHTi  
Iraq’s October 10, 2021, Election 
October 1, 2021 
With Demands for Change Unmet, Iraqis Vote Under New System 
On October 10, 2021, Iraqis are set to vote in an early election to determine the makeup of the unicameral 
Council of Representatives (COR), Iraq’s national legislature. The COR elects Iraq’s president and 
approves the prime minister’s program and cabinet nominees. The election comes two years after the start 
of mass protests that convulsed Iraqi society and ousted the government formed after Iraq’s 2018 national 
election. The election result may shape Iraqi policy on issues of congressional concern, including U.S.-
Iraq security cooperation, Iran’s influence in Iraq, Iraq’s foreign policy, human rights, protection of 
minorities, and prospects for economic and governance reform. 
The 2019 protest movement’s demands for systemic political, administrative, and economic change have 
not been realized, and smal er sporadic protests with varying demands have continued in 2020 and 2021. 
Iraq weathered economic and fiscal crises in 2020 linked to the COVID-19 pandemic and low oil 
revenues, and the state’s dependency on oil revenue persists. Experts warn that without structural change, 
crises may recur if oil prices fal  again. State forces and Iran-backed militias kil ed  hundreds of protestors 
and have assassinated and kidnaped activists. Perpetrators of violence continue to operate with impunity, 
abetted by the failure of authorities to prosecute human rights violators. Leading parties partake in and 
tolerate pervasive corruption, despite its cumulative immiserating effects on Iraq’s growing population.  
Under a new voting law finalized  in 2020, Iraq adopted a single nontransferable vote system (one vote, 
one candidate, multiple seats per constituency). Voters wil  select 320 candidates across 83 local 
constituencies and nine candidates for seats reserved for minority groups. At least 25% of the COR seats 
are reserved for women, with one seat per constituency designated for female candidates. Prior elections 
saw voters choose party lists in province-wide constituencies. The provincial list system favored larger 
parties and enabled them to seat loyalists who might not have attracted support as individual candidates. 
Iraq’s new electoral system could enable independent and local y accountable candidates to prevail, but 
few analysts expect fundamental change to result from the election. While fewer candidates registered, a 
higher proportion are independent candidates, reflecting new political and tribal  dynamics. Iraqi officials 
and clerics are encouraging voters to participate, but most analysts expect low turnout, reflecting some 
boycotts and Iraqis’ lack of confidence that participation wil  produce change. Pro-Iran groups may have 
lost some support by suppressing protests, but Iraqi analysts expect they wil  use resources and 
intimidation  to maintain their influence. 
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Political Coalitions and Possible Outcomes 
Prominent parties, coalitions, and trends competing in the election include the following: 
  Sadrist Bloc. After winning the most seats in the 2018 election, Shia religious figure and 
militia  leader Muqtada al Sadr announced his Sa’irun (On the March) movement would 
boycott the 2021 election, then reversed this position, as expected. Sadrists campaign 
against corruption, but Sadrist officials face related al egations. 
  Fatah (Conquest) Coalition. Led by Badr Organization figure Hadi al Amiri, this 
coalition aligns Shia, Iran-friendly opponents of the U.S. military presence in Iraq and 
proponents of strengthening the Popular Mobilization Forces (militias official y 
incorporated in the security sector). It includes the Sadiqun (The Honest) Bloc of the U.S. 
designated Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTO) Asa’ib Ahl al Haq (League of the 
Righteous). 
  State of Law. Former prime minister Nouri al Maliki’s coalition includes the Shia 
Islamist Dawa (Cal ) Party and smal er Shia Arab and Turkoman parties critical of the 
U.S.-Iraqi partnership. 
  Coalition of the National State Forces. Supporters of former prime minister Hayder al 
Abadi’s Nasr (Victory) bloc and Shia leader Ammar al Hakim’s Hikma (Wisdom) make 
up this coalition of establishment parties seeking pro-reform voters’ support.  
  Haquq (Rights) Movement. Supporters of U.S.-designated FTO Kata’ib Hezbollah, 
which is widely considered a close al y of Iran and its Islamic Revolutionary Guard 
Corps–Qods Force (IRGC-QF), lead this party. 
  Taqaddum (Progress) and Al Azm (Resolve). These coalitions represent competing 
blocs of Sunni Arab parties respectively led by COR Speaker Mohammed Halbusi 
(Taqaddum) and Khamis Khanjar (Azm). 
  Kurdish Parties. The Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and the Patriotic Union of 
Kurdistan (PUK) remain the dominant parties in the federal y recognized Kurdistan 
Region. The PUK has aligned with the Gorran (Change) movement in an electoral 
al iance. 
  Activist Groups. New parties have organized to advance demands of the protest 
movement through different agendas. Their relative electoral success could complicate 
government formation negotiations. Observers of Iraqi politics expect established parties 
to seek to coopt or marginalize successful activist candidates. 
The interests of some established parties align around maintaining the status quo, and some analysts 
report that negotiations over post-election al iances have already begun. Government formation requires 
identifying the largest bloc in the COR to nominate a prime minister, though this bloc may or may not 
include the coalition  or party that wins the most COR seats. Past negotiations have taken months to 
resolve. Iraqi officials hope to announce election results promptly and avoid the delays and fraud 
al egations that marred the 2018 election. 
Implications for the United States 
The Biden Administration has said that it seeks a multifaceted partnership with Iraq, and alongside U.S. 
aid programs, 2,500 U.S. military personnel provide advisory and intel igence support to Iraqi operations 
against tenacious Islamic State remnants. In July, U.S. and Iraqi leaders decided that “there wil  be no 
U.S. forces with a combat role in Iraq by December 31, 2021.” Congress is now considering authorization 
and appropriations legislation  for the advisory mission beyond that date. An election outcome and
  
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governing coalition  that favors Fatah could lead Iraq’s next government to request a fuller or more prompt 
U.S. withdrawal. Any broad-based coalition also wil  face pressure from Iran-backed groups to ensure the 
planned end of Iraq-based U.S. combat missions. Results seen by Iraqis as reinforcing corrupt and 
unaccountable governance could drive renewed confrontational protests, which, if met again with deadly 
force, could prove destabilizing. U.S. policymakers may continue to debate whether and how to cooperate 
with Iraqis to achieve shared short-term objectives while encouraging longer-term reform opposed by 
entrenched elites. 
 
 
Author Information 
 
Christopher M. Blanchard 
   
Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs  
 
 
 
 
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