INSIGHTi

Kyrgyz Voters Approve Strong Presidential
System in Constitutional Referendum
April 21, 2021
On April 11, 2021, voters in the Kyrgyz Republic (Kyrgyzstan) approved a new constitution that returns
the country to a system of strong presidential rule after 10 years as Central Asia’s only parliamentary
republic. According to preliminary data, 79% voted in favor; turnout was 37%, meeting the 30% threshold
for the referendum to be considered valid. While a strong presidency may appeal to Kyrgyz voters
frustrated with the existing parliamentary system, international observers and Kyrgyz civil society
activists warn that the new constitution may threaten Kyrgyzstan’s democracy and move the country in a
more authoritarian direction. Human Rights Watch criticized the document as “undermin[ing] human
rights norms and weaken[ing] checks and balances necessary to prevent abuses of power.”
Background
Kyrgyzstan has long been considered the most democratic country in Central Asia, with a vibrant civil
society and a higher degree of press freedom than found elsewhere in the region. Members of Congress
and other U.S. policymakers previously voiced support for consolidating Kyrgyzstan’s gains as Central
Asia’s only parliamentary democracy. Promoting a more inclusive and accountable democracy is a stated
U.S. goal in Kyrgyzstan, one of 21 countries worldwide that participate in the House Democracy
Partnership. Corruption is pervasive, however, and political institutions remain weak. U.S. officials and
others have expressed concerns about the influence of organized crime in Kyrgyz politics.
Kyrgyzstan plunged into political upheaval following disputed October 4, 2020, parliamentary elections
that heavily favored two pro-establishment parties; one of them was reportedly financed by Raimbek
Matraimov, a former high-ranking customs official implicated in a massive corruption scheme, while the
other had close ties to then-President Sooronbai Jeenbekov. Opposition parties alleged widespread
irregularities, including vote-buying and voter intimidation; these assertions were deemed credible by
international election observers. The country’s Central Electoral Commission annulled the elections after
mass protests broke out in the capital, Bishkek. Amid the resulting power vacuum, Sadyr Japarov, a
former member of parliament who had been serving a lengthy prison sentence on charges he maintains
were politically motivated, quickly emerged as the leading contender for interim prime minister, a post he
assumed on October 14; he also became acting president on October 15, following Jeenbekov’s
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resignation. Upon taking power, Japarov and his allies began to push for a constitutional referendum in
order to return the country to a presidential form of government, arguing that Kyrgyzstan is not ready for
parliamentarism. On January 10, 2021, Japarov won 79% of the vote in a snap presidential election that
coincided with a referendum in which 81% of voters approved the transition to a presidential system. A
draft constitution was submitted to the parliament on February 9 and approved in the April 11 vote.
New Constitution Raises Concerns
After Kyrgyzstan experienced revolutions in 2005 and in 2010 that ousted authoritarian-leaning
presidents, a new constitution adopted in 2010 converted the country to a semi-parliamentary system in
which the prime minister shared executive power with the president, who was limited to one six-year
term. The 2021 constitution significantly bolsters presidential power at the expense of other branches of
government, transferring several key parliamentary competencies to the executive and undermining
judicial independence, and allows a president to serve two five-year terms. Once new elections are held,
most likely by June 30, the size of the parliament will be reduced from 120 deputies to 90. One political
scientist described the expansion of presidential powers as “staggering.” A joint opinion issued by the
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and the European Commission for
Democracy through Law (the Venice Commission) criticized the new constitution as “creat[ing] a real
risk of undermining the separation of powers and the rule of law in the Kyrgyz Republic,” additionally
noting that some provisions concerning human rights are not in line with international standards. Deputy
Assistant Secretary of State for Central Asia Jonathan Henick echoed these concerns.
Legal experts have also voiced misgivings about the means by which the new constitution was adopted.
The OSCE and the Venice Commission expressed “serious concerns due to lack of respect for the
principles of rule of law and legality.” The sitting parliament’s term expired in October 2020, but deputies
voted to extend their own mandates and suspend the law imposing a deadline for new elections, citing the
need for constitutional reform. In the assessment of some Kyrgyz legal experts, this amounted to “flagrant
and open violation of procedures for the adoption of new laws.” In November 2020, the Venice
Commission issued an urgent amicus curiae brief arguing that the current parliament lacks legitimacy to
introduce significant constitutional changes. Additionally, critics argue that the process was rushed and
did not conform to mandated procedures, failing to allow for sufficient public consultation or
parliamentary debate.
Frustrations Drive Desire for Change
Analysts posit that Kyrgyz voters may be drawn to a strong presidential system due to longstanding
frustrations with corruption and the ineffectiveness of parliament. Freedom House assesses that in recent
years Kyrgyzstan’s legislature “de facto surrendered its constitutionally granted power to form and
control the executive branch ..., merely paying lip service to the declared goal of building a parliamentary
democracy.” Japarov enjoys widespread popularity, and many in Kyrgyzstan support his populist
platform. In a poll conducted by the International Republican Institute in February and March, 70% of
respondents said the country is heading in the right direction, as opposed to 41% in August 2020.
Nevertheless, some argue that the new constitution and the process by which it was adopted set the
country up for future political instability.
While Japarov has announced his intention to combat crime and corruption, some analysts speculate that
he has backing from organized crime leaders. U.S. officials and others have raised concerns about the
handling of two criminal cases against Matraimov, whom the U.S. Treasury Department added to the
Specially Designated Nationals List under Executive Order 13818, which implements the Global

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Magnitsky Human Rights Accountability Act (Title XII, Subtitle F of P.L. 114-328), in December 2020.
Matraimov was released from custody on April 15.

Author Information

Maria A. Blackwood

Analyst in Asian Policy




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