
 
Updated December 11, 2018
Defense Primer: Command and Control of Nuclear Forces
The U.S. President has sole authority to authorize the use of 
enduring” warning about attacks on the United States, its 
U.S. nuclear weapons. This authority is inherent in his 
allies, and its forces overseas.  
constitutional role as Commander in Chief. The President 
can seek counsel from his military advisors; those advisors 
In a scenario where the system identifies an attack or an 
are then required to transmit and implement the orders 
anomalous event, the President would participate in an 
authorizing nuclear use. But, as General John Hyten, the 
emergency communications conference with the Secretary 
Commander of U.S. Strategic Command (STRATCOM), 
of Defense, the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and 
noted during his September 2016 confirmation hearing, his 
other military advisors. They would offer the President 
job is to give advice, while the authority to order a launch 
details and an assessment of the possible incoming attack, 
lies with the president. 
while the STRATCOM Commander would explain the 
President’s options for a retaliatory attack. 
The President does not need the concurrence of either his 
military advisors or the U.S. Congress to order the launch 
The President would then evaluate and respond to the 
of nuclear weapons. In addition, neither the military nor 
information provided in the conference, then decide 
Congress can overrule these orders. As former 
whether to authorize the use of U.S. nuclear weapons. He 
STRATCOM Commander General Robert Kehler has 
would communicate his choices and provide this 
noted, members of the military are bound by the Uniform 
authorization through a communications device known as 
Code of Military Justice “to follow orders provided they are 
the nuclear “football”—a suitcase carried by a military aid 
legal and have come from competent authority.” But 
who is always near the President. The suitcase is equipped 
questions about the legality of the order—whether it is 
with communication tools and a book with prepared war 
consistent with the requirements, under the laws of armed 
plans for certain targets. The President could choose from 
conflict (LOAC), for necessity, proportionality, and 
these prepared plans or, time permitting, ask STRATCOM 
distinction—are more likely to lead to consultations and 
to prepare an alternative.  
changes in the President’s order than to a refusal by the 
military to execute the order. The President could delegate 
If the President did choose to respond with a nuclear attack, 
the authority to authorize the use of nuclear weapons to 
he would identify himself to military officials at the 
others in the chain-of-command (an option considered 
Pentagon with codes unique to him. These codes are 
necessary during the Cold War), but they also could not 
recorded on an ID card, known as the “biscuit,” that the 
overrule the President. 
President carries at all times. He would then transmit the 
launch order to the Pentagon and STRATCOM. The 
The Nuclear Command and Control 
Secretary of Defense would possibly contribute the process 
System (NCCS) 
by confirming that the order came from the President, but 
According to the Nuclear Matters Handbook, published by 
this role could also be filled by an officer in the National 
the Office of the Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for 
Military Command Center at the Pentagon. STRATCOM 
Nuclear Matters, the elements of the nuclear command and 
would implement the order by preparing to launch the 
control system (NCCS) “support the President, through his 
weapons needed for the selected option. According to 
military commanders, in exercising presidential authority 
Bruce Blair, an expert on U.S. command and control, once 
over U.S. nuclear weapons operations.” The system relies 
the order is “transmitted to the war room, they would 
on “a collection of activities, processes, and procedures 
execute it in a minute or so.” If an immediate response was 
performed by appropriate military commanders and support 
selected, “the (land-based) Minuteman missiles will fire in 
personnel that, through the chain of command, allow for 
two minutes. The submarines will fire in 15 minutes.” Blair 
senior-level decisions on nuclear weapons employment.” 
also notes that there is no way to reverse the order. 
Specifically, the NCCS provides the President “with the 
means to authorize the use of nuclear weapons in a crisis 
Options for Nuclear Use 
and to prevent unauthorized or accidental use.” 
As General Michael Hayden, the former director of the CIA 
noted, the system “is designed for speed and decisiveness. 
The NCCS collects information on threats to the United 
It’s not designed to debate the decision.” Long-range 
States, communicates that information through the chain of 
missiles attacking the United States from Russian territory 
command to the President, advises the President on options 
could reach U.S. territory in around 30 minutes; sea-based 
for a response, communicates the President’s chosen 
systems deployed closer to U.S shores might arrive in half 
response to the forces in the field, and controls the targeting 
that time. If the United States wanted to retaliate before 
and application of those forces. The process begins with the 
U.S. weapons, or, more importantly, the U.S. command and 
radars, satellites, and processing systems that provide 
control system, were degraded by an attack, then the entire 
“unambiguous, reliable, accurate, timely, survivable, and 
process of identifying, assessing, communicating, deciding, 
and launching would have to take place in less than that 
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Defense Primer: Command and Control of Nuclear Forces 
amount of time. Given that some time would be needed for 
where the threat of a massive nuclear attack seems more 
mechanical or administrative steps, analysts estimate that 
remote than during the Cold War, they argue that the 
the President would have less than 10 minutes to absorb the 
President could take the time to consult with Congress 
information, review his options, and make his decision.  
before launching nuclear weapons in less extreme 
circumstances. 
The United States planned for such a scenario during the 
Cold War, when the Soviet Union deployed thousands of 
Some analysts outside the U.S. government have also 
nuclear warheads that could reach the United States. U.S. 
questioned whether the United States should retain the 
doctrine argued that, to deter a Soviet attack, the United 
option to launch nuclear weapons promptly because, they 
States would need to be able to retaliate even if the Soviet 
argue, the time pressures could lead to the accidental or 
Union launched a massive attack with little warning. This 
inadvertent start of a nuclear war. They note that the United 
scenario, and the short time lines, would have provided the 
States received false warning of nuclear attack several times 
President with the option of launching U.S. weapons before 
during the Cold War, and if the President had responded to 
most of the attacking warheads detonated on U.S. soil.  
that warning within the 30-minute time line of a nuclear 
attack, it would have triggered global nuclear war. If the 
But, even during the Cold War, an attack or anomalous 
President could not launch the weapons in such haste, he 
event was not the only possible scenario for the start of a 
would necessarily have the time to wait for more accurate 
nuclear war, and a massive U.S. response launched in under 
or less ambiguous information. 
30 minutes was not the only option available to the 
President. If the nuclear war escalated out of a conflict in 
Others, however, argue that there is nothing inherently 
Europe, or if the Soviet Union launched a more measured 
destabilizing or dangerous in the prompt launch options. 
attack, the President might have more time to assess the 
The President already has options to delay a response and 
threat and determine his response. Moreover, because U.S. 
await additional information. In addition, in the current 
bombers could fly away from their bases earlier in a crisis 
security environment, a President and his advisors would be 
or conflict and U.S. submarine-based missiles might 
unlikely to interpret ambiguous warning information as 
survive an attack on U.S. territory, the President could 
evidence of an all-out attack from Russia or another nation. 
decide to delay the U.S. response. Nevertheless, some 
Instead, they note that the presence of both prompt and 
analysts have speculated that a launch under attack was the 
delayed options bolsters deterrence by providing the 
dominant option during the Cold War, and that the 
President with the flexibility to choose the appropriate 
command and control system was designed to permit such a 
response to an attack on the United States or its allies.  
prompt launch of U.S. nuclear weapons. 
Legislation 
The United States has reviewed and revised its nuclear 
employment plans several times since the end of the Cold 
H.R. 669, Restricting First Use of Nuclear Weapons Act of 
War. According to unclassified reports, these reviews have 
2017 
added options to the plans available to the President. While 
some options probably still provide responses to an attack 
 
from a nation, like Russia, with a large nuclear force, others 
might provide for more measured and discriminate attacks. 
CRS Products 
In addition, even though the plans likely include options for 
CRS Report RL33640, U.S. Strategic Nuclear Forces: Background, 
a prompt response in the face of an unexpected attack, they 
Developments, and Issues, by Amy F. Woolf  
also likely have options for delayed responses. As a result, 
although the prompt launch options that may have 
 
dominated U.S. planning during the Cold War may no 
longer dominate U.S. nuclear war plans. 
Other Resources 
Another scenario could see the United States choose to use 
DOD. Nuclear Matters Handbook. April 2016. 
nuclear weapons prior to a nuclear attack against the United 
States or its allies, on a time line that did not reflect an 
Steve Liewer, “A Nuclear Decision: As global tension builds, 
imminent nuclear attack against the United States. The 
voters must choose which candidate they trust with the 
United States has never declared a “no first use” policy, and 
codes," Omaha World Herald, November 1, 2016. 
the President could order the first use of nuclear weapons. 
Jeffrey Lewis, “U.S. presidents are currently given a four-
As noted above, his military advisors may seek to adjust his 
minute window to decide whether or not to initiate an 
orders to meet the laws of armed conflict, but there is, 
irreversible apocalypse,” Foreign Policy, August 5, 2016. 
otherwise, no legal barrier to first use.  
Peter Huessy, “The Prompt Launch Scare,” Real Clear Defense, 
November 9, 2016. 
Recently, some Members of Congress and analysts outside 
government have questioned whether the Commander-in-
 
Chief should have the sole authority to launch a nuclear 
attack in all circumstances. They agree that the President 
Amy F. Woolf, Specialist in Nuclear Weapons Policy   
would not have the time to consult with Congress or seek 
approval from other officials if the United States were 
IF10521
under attack with nuclear weapons. But, in an environment 
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Defense Primer: Command and Control of Nuclear Forces 
 
 
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