U.S. Foreign Aid to Israel
Jeremy M. Sharp
Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs
April 11, 2014
Congressional Research Service
7-5700
www.crs.gov
RL33222
CRS Report for Congress
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U.S. Foreign Aid to Israel

Summary
This report provides an overview of U.S. foreign assistance to Israel. It includes a review of past
aid programs, data on annual assistance, and an analysis of current issues. For general
information on Israel, see CRS Report RL33476, Israel: Background and U.S. Relations, by Jim
Zanotti.
Israel is the largest cumulative recipient of U.S. foreign assistance since World War II. To date,
the United States has provided Israel $121 billion (current, or non-inflation-adjusted, dollars) in
bilateral assistance. Almost all U.S. bilateral aid to Israel is in the form of military assistance,
although in the past Israel also received significant economic assistance. Strong congressional
support for Israel has resulted in Israel receiving benefits not available to any other countries; for
example, Israel can use some U.S. military assistance both for research and development in the
United States and for military purchases from Israeli manufacturers. In addition, U.S. assistance
earmarked for Israel is generally delivered in the first 30 days of the fiscal year, while most other
recipients normally receive aid in installments, and Israel (as is also the case with Egypt) is
permitted to use cash flow financing for its U.S. arms purchases. In addition to receiving U.S.
State Department-administered foreign assistance, Israel also receives funds from annual defense
appropriations bills for rocket and missile defense programs. Israel pursues some of those
programs jointly with the United States.
In 2007, the Bush Administration and the Israeli government agreed to a 10-year, $30 billion
military aid package for the period from FY2009 to FY2018. During his March 2013 visit to
Israel, President Obama pledged that the United States would continue to provide Israel with
multi-year commitments of military aid subject to the approval of Congress.
The FY2014 Consolidated Appropriations Act (P.L. 113-76) provides the President’s full $3.1
billion request in FMF for Israel. In addition, it provides another $504 million in funding for
research, development, and production of Israel’s Iron Dome anti-rocket system ($235 million)
and of the joint U.S.-Israel missile defense systems David’s Sling ($149.7 million), the Arrow
improvement program (or Arrow II, $44.3 million), and Arrow III ($74.7 million).
For FY2015, the Administration is requesting $3.1 billion in FMF to Israel and $10 million in
Migration and Refugee Assistance. The Missile Defense Agency’s FY2015 request for joint U.S.-
Israeli programs is $96.8 million. The Administration also is requesting $175.9 million for Iron
Dome.

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Contents
Overview .......................................................................................................................................... 1
The United States-Israel Strategic Partnership Act (H.R. 938, S. 462) ........................................... 1
Sequestration and U.S. Aid to Israel ................................................................................................ 2
Qualitative Military Edge (QME) .................................................................................................... 2
U.S. Bilateral Military Aid to Israel ................................................................................................. 4
The 10-Year Military Aid Agreement ........................................................................................ 4
Foreign Military Financing (FMF) and Arms Sales .................................................................. 5
Cash Flow Financing ........................................................................................................... 6
Early Transfer and Interest Bearing Account ...................................................................... 6
FMF for In-Country Purchase ............................................................................................. 6
F-35 Joint Strike Fighter...................................................................................................... 7
Excess Defense Articles ............................................................................................................ 8
Defense Budget Appropriations for U.S.-Israeli Missile Defense Programs ................................... 8
Multi-Tiered Missile and Rocket Defense ................................................................................. 9
Iron Dome ........................................................................................................................... 9
David’s Sling ....................................................................................................................... 9
The Arrow and Arrow II .................................................................................................... 10
High Altitude Missile Defense System (Arrow III) .......................................................... 11
X-Band Radar .................................................................................................................... 11
Emergency U.S. Stockpile in Israel ......................................................................................... 12
Aid Restrictions and Possible Violations ....................................................................................... 13
Israeli Arms Transfers to Third Parties .................................................................................... 14
Other Ongoing Assistance and Cooperative Programs .................................................................. 16
Migration & Refugee Assistance ............................................................................................. 16
Loan Guarantees ...................................................................................................................... 17
Overview ........................................................................................................................... 17
Loan Guarantees for Economic Recovery......................................................................... 17
American Schools and Hospitals Abroad Program (ASHA) ................................................... 19
U.S.-Israeli Scientific & Business Cooperation ...................................................................... 20
U.S.-Israeli Energy Cooperation ....................................................................................... 21

Tables
Table 1. U.S. Contributions to the Arrow Program (Arrow, Arrow II, and Arrow III) .................. 10
Table 2. Defense Budget Appropriations for U.S.-Israeli Missile Defense: FY2006-
FY2014 Request ......................................................................................................................... 12
Table 3. Migration and Refugee Assistance Funding Levels ......................................................... 16
Table 4. U.S. Loan Guarantees to Israel: FY2003-FY2013 ........................................................... 18
Table 5. ASHA Program Grants from Israel Account, FY2000-FY2012 ...................................... 19
Table B-1. Recent U.S. Bilateral Aid to Israel ............................................................................... 26
Table B-2. U.S. Assistance to Israel, FY1949-FY1996 ................................................................. 27
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Table B-3. U.S. Assistance to Israel, FY1949-FY1996 ................................................................. 29

Appendixes
Appendix A. Historical Background .............................................................................................. 23
Appendix B. Bilateral Aid to Israel ............................................................................................... 26

Contacts
Author Contact Information........................................................................................................... 30

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Overview
For decades, the United States and Israel have maintained strong bilateral relations based on a
number of factors, including robust domestic U.S. support for Israel and its security; shared
strategic goals in the Middle East; a mutual commitment to democratic values; and historical ties
dating from U.S. support for the creation of Israel in 1948. U.S. foreign aid has been a major
component in cementing and reinforcing these ties. Although successive Administrations have
disapproved of some Israeli policies, including settlement construction in the West Bank and—
prior to Israel’s 2005 disengagement—the Gaza Strip, U.S. officials and many lawmakers have
long considered Israel to be a vital partner in the region, and U.S. aid packages for Israel have
reflected this calculation. Some observers, including opponents of U.S. aid to Israel, argue that
U.S. assistance to Israel supports Israeli arms purchases without providing sufficient scrutiny of
controversial Israeli military actions that—these observers assert—contravene various laws and
international norms, particularly regarding treatment of Palestinians.
Though aid to Israel has detractors as well as supporters, overall U.S. public support for Israel
remains strong. According to a March 2013 Gallup poll that measured Americans’ sympathies
toward the disputants in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, 64% said their sympathies lie with the
Israelis and 12% said their sympathies lie with the Palestinians.1 According to Gallup, the 64%
favorable response toward Israel “ties the highest Gallup has recorded in a quarter century, last
seen in 1991 during the Gulf War.” This poll did not specifically examine public opinion
regarding U.S. aid to Israel.
The United States-Israel Strategic Partnership Act
(H.R. 938, S. 462)
On March 5, 2014, the House passed H.R. 938, the United States-Israel Strategic Partnership Act
of 2014.2 Section 3 of the bill declares that Israel is a “major strategic partner of the United
States.” In addition, the bill, among other things, would
• extend the authorization for the War Reserves Stock Allies-Israel (WRSA-I)
program through FY2015 (see below);
• authorize annual funding for a U.S.-based Joint Energy Research Center;
• authorize $3 million to be spent on research pilot programs between Israel and
the Department of Homeland Security;
• require the Administration to submit biennial reports on maintaining Israel’s
Qualitative Military Edge. Current law requires the Administration to report on a
quadrennial basis (see below);

1 “Americans’ Sympathies for Israel Match All-Time High,” Gallup, March 15, 2013.
2 The Senate version of the U.S.-Israel Strategic Partnership Act (S. 462) remains under consideration by the Senate
Foreign Relations Committee.
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• require the Secretary of State to report to Congress on “the range of cyber and
asymmetric threats posed to Israel by state and non-state actors; and the joint
efforts of the United States and Israel to address the threats”; and
• require that the Administration undertake discussions with Israel to identify the
steps required to be taken to give Israel the same Strategic Trade Authorization
(STA) licensing exception for certain munitions and dual-use items that 36 other
countries currently have.
Alongside H.R. 938, the Senate is considering S. 462, which has garnered at least 57 co-sponsors.
S. 462 is similar (but not identical) to H.R. 938, with some (but not all) of the provisions
mentioned above.
Sequestration and U.S. Aid to Israel
In FY2013, U.S. aid to Israel was subject to the process of automatic spending reductions,
commonly referred to as sequestration, as outlined in the Budget Control Act of 2011 (BCA, P.L.
112-25).3 In FY2013, the sequestration process reduced nondefense discretionary State
Department and Foreign Operations appropriations by 5%, thereby reducing military aid (FMF)
to Israel by $157 million. Defense Department appropriations for Israeli and U.S.-Israeli missile
defense programs were considered non-exempt defense discretionary funding, and were therefore
subject to a 7.8% reduction of $32.7 million.
From FY2014 to FY2021, sequestration is not automatic, though there are statutory limits, or
spending caps, on discretionary spending. Should these caps be exceeded during the
appropriations process, sequestration would occur again. Reportedly, Israel has not sought
exemption from the sequestration process. According to former Israeli Ambassador to the United
States Michael Oren, “Our position is we must bear the burden that our American friends are
bearing.”4
Qualitative Military Edge (QME)
Almost all current U.S. aid to Israel is in the form of military assistance.5 U.S. military aid has
helped transform Israel’s armed forces into one of the most technologically sophisticated

3 This is pursuant to Section 256(k) of the Balanced Budget and Emergency Deficit Control Act of 1985 (P.L. 99-177,
also known as “Gramm-Rudman-Hollings” after its co-sponsors), as amended by the BCA. Gramm-Rudman-Hollings
applied to foreign aid accounts, including those which funded U.S. aid to Israel. For FY1986 (immediately after the
enactment of Gramm-Rudman-Hollings), all foreign aid accounts, including those that provided funding to Israel, were
cut by 4.3%. Because Israel’s aid is usually disbursed within 30 days of the enactment of the foreign operations
appropriations bill, and because Gramm-Rudman-Hollings was passed in December 1985, Israel’s government returned
a total of $128.6 million in FY1986 aid—$51.6 million economic, $77 million military—to the U.S. Treasury. See,
Survey of Jewish Affairs, 1987, edited by William Frankel, Associated University Presses, 1988.
4 “Israel Waives Sequestration Protection,” Defense News, August 5, 2013.
5 For many years, U.S. economic aid helped subsidize a lackluster Israeli economy, but since the rapid expansion of
Israel’s high-tech sector and overall economy in the 1990s (sparked partially by U.S.-Israeli scientific cooperation),
Israel has been considered a fully industrialized nation. Consequently, Israel and the United States agreed to gradually
phase out economic grant aid to Israel. In FY2008, Israel stopped receiving bilateral Economic Support Fund (ESF)
grants. It had been a large-scale recipient of grant ESF assistance since 1971.
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militaries in the world. U.S. military aid for Israel has been designed to maintain Israel’s
“qualitative military edge” (QME) over neighboring militaries. The rationale for QME is that
Israel must rely on better equipment and training to compensate for being much smaller
geographically and in terms of population than its potential adversaries. U.S. military aid, a
portion of which may be spent on procurement from Israeli defense companies, also has helped
Israel build a domestic defense industry, which ranks as one of the top 10 suppliers of arms
worldwide.6
Successive Administrations have routinely affirmed the U.S. commitment to strengthening
Israel’s QME. For years, no official or public U.S. definition of QME existed.7 In 2008, Congress
passed legislation (P.L. 110-429, the Naval Vessel Transfer Act of 2008) that defines QME as:
the ability to counter and defeat any credible conventional military threat from any individual
state or possible coalition of states or from non-state actors, while sustaining minimal
damage and casualties, through the use of superior military means, possessed in sufficient
quantity, including weapons, command, control, communication, intelligence, surveillance,
and reconnaissance capabilities that in their technical characteristics are superior in
capability to those of such other individual or possible coalition of states or non-state actors.
Furthermore, Section 201 of the act requires the President to carry out an “empirical and
qualitative assessment on an ongoing basis of the extent to which Israel possesses a qualitative
military edge over military threats to Israel.” The Administration is required to release the QME
report on a quadrennial basis.8 The 2008 law also further amends Section 36 of the Arms Export
Control Act to require certifications for proposed arms sales “to any country in the Middle East
other than Israel” to include “a determination that the sale or export of the defense articles or
defense services will not adversely affect Israel’s qualitative military edge over military threats to
Israel.” In 2012, Congress passed the United States-Israel Enhanced Security Cooperation Act
(P.L. 112-150), which, among other things, reiterated that it is the policy of the United States to
“to help the Government of Israel preserve its qualitative military edge amid rapid and uncertain
regional political transformation.”
Over the years, Israeli officials have periodically expressed concern over U.S. sales of
sophisticated weaponry, particularly aircraft, airborne radar systems, and precision-guided
munitions, to Arab Gulf countries, notably Saudi Arabia. Arab critics of U.S. military aid to Israel
routinely charge that Israeli officials exaggerate the threat posed by Israel’s neighbors in order to
justify calls for increased levels of U.S. assistance to Israel. As the United States is one of the
principal suppliers of defense equipment and training to both Israel and Saudi Arabia, U.S. policy
makers and defense officials seek to carefully navigate commitments to the two countries, while
following the legal requirement to maintain Israel’s QME.

6 See, CRS Report R42678, Conventional Arms Transfers to Developing Nations, 2004-2011 , by Richard F. Grimmett
and Paul K. Kerr. Also, according to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), from 2008 to 2012,
Israel was the 10th largest arms exporter worldwide, accounting for 2% of world deliveries. See, http://www.sipri.org/
googlemaps/2013_of_at_top_20_exp_map.html
7 William Wunderle and Andre Briere, U.S. Foreign Policy and Israel’s Qualitative Military Edge: The Need for a
Common Vision, Washington Institute for Near East Policy, Policy Focus #80, January 2008.
8 The initial required report was submitted on October 6, 2009. The last quadrennial report was submitted in April 2013
and is classified.
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In recent years, as Israel and the Arab Gulf states have coalesced against a commonly perceived
Iranian threat, Israel has not publicly objected to new U.S. arms sales to various Arab Gulf
countries.9 In a 2013 interview in Defense News, then-Israeli Ambassador to the United States
Michael Oren stated, “We don't raise objections to the very large US arms deals to the Middle
East. We understand that if America doesn't sell these weapons, others will. We also understand
the fact that each of these sales contributes to hundreds or thousands of American jobs.”10
Israel and the United States formally review QME policy in working groups that convene
periodically, such as the Defense Policy Advisory Group (DPAG) and the U.S.-Israeli Joint
Political Military Group (JPMG).11 These formal exchanges provide both sides an opportunity to
discuss potential QME concerns and/or future cooperation.
$10 billion U.S. Arms Deal to Israel, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE
In April 2013, U.S. Secretary of Defense Chuck Hagel, in a visit to the Middle East, announced that the United States
had reached a reported $10 billion arms sales agreement with Israel, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates that
presumably would further enhance each country’s respective deterrent against Iran. As part of the deal, the United
States would sel Israel the V-22 Osprey, the first time a foreign country would be permitted to purchase the
advanced tilt-rotor aircraft. U.S. officials, in testimony before Congress and in public statements, have repeatedly cited
the sale of the Osprey to Israel as an example of the U.S. commitment to maintaining Israel’s QME.12
Since the April 2013 agreement, the Defense Security Cooperation Agency (DSCA) has notified Congress of possible
Foreign Military Sales that are presumably part of that deal.
•
In January 2014, DSCA notified Congress of a possible Foreign Military Sale to Israel of six V-22 Ospreys and
other associated equipment (radar, missile warning systems, radios, night vision goggles, navigation systems)
worth a reported $1.13 billion.
•
In January 2014, DSCA notified Congress of a possible Foreign Military Sale to the UAE for equipment in support
of a Direct Commercial Sale of F-16 Block 61 Aircraft for an estimated cost of $270 million. Ultimately, the
United States seeks to provide 30 F-16s to the UAE as part of the original April 2013 arms deal.
U.S. Bilateral Military Aid to Israel
The 10-Year Military Aid Agreement
In 2007, the Bush Administration and the Israeli government agreed to a 10-year, $30 billion
military aid package for the 10-year period from FY2009 to FY2018. Under the terms of the
agreement, Israel was permitted to continue spending up to 26.3% of U.S. assistance on Israeli-
manufactured equipment (known as Off-Shore Procurement or OSP)—a provision initially

9 In his recently published memoirs, Former Secretary of Defense Robert M. Gates details a 2010 series of exchanges
in which he claims that the Israeli government agreed not to publicly object to the sale of upgraded F-15s to Saudi
Arabia in exchange for more military equipment, including the sale of an additional 20 F-35s to Israel. See, Robert M.
Gates, Duty: Memoirs of a Secretary at War, Knopf; First Edition, January 14, 2014. In the fall of 2010, news reports
indicated that the Administration may have offered the Israeli government an additional 20 F-35s as part of its effort to
extend an Israeli settlement freeze. Amos Harel, “Obama has made Netanyahu an Offer he can’t Refuse,” Ha’aretz,
November 15, 2010.
10 “Michael Oren,” Defense News, September 2, 2013.
11 The goals of the JPMG are outlined in “U.S.-Israel Memorandum of Agreement,” April 1988.
12 See, Senior U.S., Israeli Defense Officials Meet, Stress Strong Relations, Department of Defense Documents,
January 15, 2014.
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codified in U.S. legislation for FY1988 (as discussed below). The agreement states that “Both
sides acknowledge that these funding levels assume continuation of adequate levels for U.S.
foreign assistance overall, and are subject to the appropriation and availability of funds for these
purposes.”13 According to former Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs Nicholas Burns,
who signed the agreement (entitled the Memorandum of Understanding on U.S. Military
Assistance):
We consider this 30 billion dollars in assistance to Israel to be an investment in peace - in
long-term peace. Peace will not be made without strength. Peace will not be made without
Israel being strong in the future. Of course, our objective as a country and our specific
objective as a government is to contribute to that peace, a peace between Israel and the
Palestinian people, the creation of an independent Palestinian state willing to live side by
side in peace with Israel, and a general peace in the region that has eluded the Israeli people
for 59 years but which is, we hope, the destiny of the Israeli people as well as the Arab
peoples of the region. Our policy in this entire region is dedicated to that final objective.14
During his March 2013 visit to Israel, President Obama pledged that the United States would
continue to provide Israel with multi-year commitments of military aid subject to the approval of
Congress. An August 2013 report indicated that bilateral U.S.-Israeli working groups working on
future U.S. military assistance to Israel “are not yet dealing with topline figures or prescribed
annual FMF funding levels” for a future 10-year deal.15
In the spring of 2014, the Israeli government, anticipating U.S. executive and legislative branch
approval of future military assistance, reportedly agreed to purchase new U.S. defense equipment,
such as the V-22 (see above), using a deferred payment plan that would effectively pay only
interest and fees to defense contractors.16 Principal payments would be deferred if and until
Congress approves new FMF appropriations for Israel as part of a new 10-year aid deal extending
from FY2019 through FY2028.
Foreign Military Financing (FMF) and Arms Sales
Israel is the largest recipient of U.S. Foreign Military Financing. For FY2015, the President’s
request for Israel would encompass approximately 55% of total FMF funding worldwide. Annual
FMF grants to Israel represent 23% to 25% of the overall Israeli defense budget.17

13 United States-Israel Memorandum of Understanding, Signed by then U.S. Under Secretary of State R. Nicholas
Burns and Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs Director General Aaron Abramovich, August 16, 2007.
14 R. Nicholas Burns, Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs, “Remarks and Press Availability at Signing
Ceremony for Memorandum of Understanding on U.S. Military Assistance,” Released by the American Embassy Tel
Aviv—Press Section, August 16, 2007.
15 “Israel Seeks Increase in Annual US Aid,” Defense News, August 19, 2013.
16 “Israel Banks on 10 More Years of US Aid,” Defense News, March 30, 2014.
17 The Israeli Ministry of Defense provides funding figures for its domestic defense budget but excludes some
procurement spending and spending on civil defense. The estimate referenced above is based on figures published by
Jane’s Defence Budgets, Israel, IHS Global Insight, February 4, 2014.
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Cash Flow Financing
Section 23 of the Arms Export Control Act (22 U.S.C. §276351) authorizes the President to
finance the “procurement of defense articles, defense services, and design and construction
services by friendly foreign countries and international organizations, on such terms and
conditions as he may determine consistent with the requirements of this section.” Successive
Administrations have used this authority to permit Israel and Egypt to set aside almost all FMF
funds for current year payments only, rather than set aside the full amount needed to meet the full
cost of multi-year purchases. Known as “cash flow financing,” this benefit enables Israel to
negotiate major arms purchases with U.S. defense suppliers and acquire defense systems with
payments scheduled over a longer time horizon.18
Early Transfer and Interest Bearing Account
For years, Congress has mandated that Israel receive its FMF aid in a lump sum during the first
month of the fiscal year.19 The FY2014 Consolidated Appropriations Act (P.L. 113-76) states that
“the funds appropriated under this heading for assistance for Israel shall be disbursed within 30
days of enactment of this Act.” Once disbursed, Israel’s military aid is transferred to an interest
bearing account with the U.S. Federal Reserve Bank. Israel has used interest collected on its
military aid to pay down its bilateral debt (non-guaranteed) to U.S. government agencies, which,
according to the U.S. Treasury Department, stood at $318 million as of October 2013.20 Israel
cannot use accrued interest for defense procurement inside Israel.
FMF for In-Country Purchase
Israel’s ability to use a significant portion of its annual military aid for procurement in Israel is a
unique aspect of its assistance package; no other recipient of U.S. military assistance has been
granted this benefit.21 Since FY1988, the FMF procurement earmark for purchases within Israel
has been incorporated into annual foreign assistance legislation. Currently, approximately 26.3%
of Israel’s FMF funds may be used for domestic defense purchases ($815.3 million in FY2014).
Since the earmark is linked to a percentage and not a specific dollar amount, the amount set aside
for defense purchases in Israel has increased as U.S. military aid to Israel has increased.

18 Cash flow financing is defined in section 25(d) of the Arms Export Control Act and section 503(a)(3) of the Foreign
Assistance Act.
19 In instances when government operations are funded by a continuing appropriations resolution, Congress may at
times include provisions in such resolutions that would prevent the early transfer of FMF to Israel (presumably until a
final year appropriations bill is passed). For example, see Section 109 of P.L. 113-46, the Continuing Appropriations
Act, 2014.
20 CRS correspondence with U.S. Treasury Department.
21 Israel was first granted FMF for use in Israel in 1977, when it asked for and received permission to use $107 million
in FY1977 FMF funds to develop the Merkava tank (prototype completed in 1975 and added to Israeli arsenal in 1979).
Several years later, Israel asked for a similar waiver to develop the Lavi ground-attack aircraft, and Congress responded
with legislation allowing Israel to spend $250 million of FMF in Israel to develop the Lavi. It was estimated that the
United States provided between $1.3 and $1.8 billion in Lavi development costs before the United States and Israel
agreed to terminate the project in 1988. In order to defray the cancellation costs of the Lavi program, the United States
agreed to raise the FMF earmark for procurement in Israel to $400 million. For background on the cancellation of the
Lavi fighter, see Dan Raviv and Yossi Melman, Friends in Deed: Inside the U.S.-Israeli Alliance, New York:
Hyperion, 1994, pp. 263-268.
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Successive Administrations and many lawmakers routinely assert that a strong domestic Israeli
defense industry is crucial to maintaining Israel’s technological edge over its neighbors. The
proceeds to Israeli defense firms22 from purchases with U.S. funds have allowed the Israeli
defense industry to achieve economies of scale and produce highly sophisticated equipment for
niche markets. Defense experts note that high annual amounts of U.S. military assistance
incentivize private and semi-private Israeli defense companies to place a greater business
emphasis on exports, since a large portion of Israeli government weapons procurement is spent on
American equipment.
The Israeli defense industry has thus become a major exporter, including to the U.S. military.
According to Beth McCormick, former acting director of the U.S. Defense Technology Security
Administration, Israeli manufacturers must export as much as 75% of their output to stay
profitable—a far higher share than U.S. military contractors.23 Some supporters of continued U.S.
assistance to Israel suggest that Israel is now exporting more equipment to the U.S. military than
in the past and that many Israeli-origin systems are now in use by U.S. forces.24
Some weapons systems that were originally designed in Israel using Off-Shore Procurement
(OSP) FMF funds are now being manufactured in the United States. Those who assert that U.S-
Israeli military ties are and should remain strong cite this as evidence that OSP is mutually
beneficial. According to one report, Israeli defense planners “point to a considerable increase in
funding earmarked for local development of sensors, munitions and unmanned systems that can
later be transitioned to FMF-funded U.S.-based production.”25
F-35 Joint Strike Fighter
After years of negotiations, the United States and Israel announced in 2010 that Israel will
purchase 19 F-35s at a cost of $2.75 billion. The F-35 is a fifth-generation stealth aircraft
considered to be the most technologically advanced fighter jet ever made. Israel will pay for the
F-35s entirely using FMF grants.26 Israel may purchase additional squadrons of F-35s in the
future and has received U.S. approval to purchase up to 75 aircraft–potentially leading to as much
as $15.2 billion in purchases if all options are exercised.27 As part of the F-35 deal, the United
States agreed to make reciprocal purchases of equipment from Israel’s defense industries
estimated at $4 billion.28 In the fall of 2013, Israeli defense manufacturer Elbit Systems and its

22 The primary state-owned and private Israeli defense contractors are Israel Aerospace Industries Ltd (IAI), Elbit
Systems Ltd, Rafael Ltd (Rafael Advanced Defence Systems Ltd), Elisra Group, and Israel Military Industries (IMI).
23 “Pentagon says Israel Improves Arms-Export Controls,” Reuters, September 5, 2007.
24 See Table 1 “Select Israeli-Origin Systems in Recent Use by the U.S. Military,” page 18, in Michael Eisenstadt and
David Pollock, Asset Test: How the United States Benefits from its Alliance with Israel, Washington Institute for Near
East Policy, Strategic Report 7, September 2012.
25 “Israel Leverages Local R&D for Overseas Buys,” Defense News, November 12, 2012.
26 In 2010, during extensive Obama Administration negotiations with the Israeli government over Israeli settlement
activity in the West Bank, the Administration reportedly offered Israel, among other things, 20 additional F-35s in
exchange for a 90-day extension of a partial moratorium on settlement construction. Israel did not accept the offer.
Harel, op. cit.
27 DSCA’s notification to Congress of the F-35 sale is available at http://www.dsca.mil/PressReleases/36-b/2008/
Israel_08-83.pdf.
28 “Israel set to build wings for some 800 F-35s,” Reuters, August 30, 2010.
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American corporate partner Rockwell Collins were awarded a contract to construct the helmet for
all F-35 pilots.
Prior to the agreement, the two sides had negotiated over the level of Israeli customization of the
F-35. In the summer of 2012, the Department of Defense and Lockheed Martin finalized a $450
million agreement to modify the baseline F-35 model to accommodate electronic warfare and
munitions systems for Israel’s future F-35 squadrons. Due to delays in the overall F-35 program,
the expected delivery of the aircraft to Israel has been pushed back from 2015 to sometime
between 2016 and 2017.
Excess Defense Articles
The Excess Defense Articles (EDA) program provides one means by which the United States can
advance foreign policy objectives—assisting friendly and allied nations through provision of
equipment in excess of the requirements of its own defense forces. The Defense Security
Cooperation Agency (DSCA) manages the EDA program, which enables the United States to
reduce its inventory of outdated equipment by providing friendly countries with necessary
supplies at either reduced rates or no charge.29 As a designated “major non-NATO ally,”30 Israel is
eligible to receive EDA under Section 516 of the Foreign Assistance Act and Section 23(a) of the
Arms Export Control Act.
Defense Budget Appropriations for U.S.-Israeli
Missile Defense Programs
Congress and successive Administrations have demonstrated strong support for joint U.S.-Israeli
missile defense projects designed to thwart a diverse range of threats, from short-range missiles
and rockets fired by non-state actors, such as Hamas and Hezbollah, to mid- and longer-range
ballistic missiles in Syria’s and Iran’s arsenals. Congress provides regular U.S. funding for Israeli
and U.S.-Israeli missile defense programs in defense authorization and appropriations bills. Such
efforts are not formally considered to constitute direct bilateral aid, but many U.S. and Israeli
officials and observers consider them to be a vital component of the bilateral strategic

29 To access DSCA’s Excess Defense Articles database, see http://www.dsca.mil/programs/eda.
30 On November 4, 1986, the President signed into law P.L. 99-661, the National Defense Authorization Act for
FY1987. In Section 1105 of that Act, Congress called for greater defense cooperation between the United States and
countries that the Secretary of Defense could designate as a “major non-NATO ally” (MNNA). Such cooperation could
entail U.S. funding for joint research and development and production of U.S. defense equipment. In February 1987,
the United States granted Israel MNNA status along with several other countries (Egypt, Japan, South Korea, and
Australia). According to press reports at the time, in the absence of a U.S.-Israeli mutual defense agreement, supporters
of Israel had been advocating for Israel to receive “equal treatment” with regard to certain special military benefits
(such as the ability to bid on U.S. defense contracts) that NATO allies shared with the United States. See, “Israel seeks
to obtain the kind of Financial Aid that NATO Members get from U.S. Government,” Wall Street Journal, February 3,
1987. Nearly a decade later, Congress passed additional legislation that further solidified Israel’s major non-NATO ally
status. Section 517 of P.L. 104-106 amended the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 by requiring the President to notify
Congress 30 days before designating a country as a major non-NATO. According to the Act, Israel, along with several
other countries, “shall be deemed to have been so designated by the President as of the effective date of this section,
and the President is not required to notify the Congress of such designation of those countries.”
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relationship. Israel and the United States each financially contribute to several weapons systems
and co-develop and share technology from some of these projects.
Multi-Tiered Missile and Rocket Defense
In addition to the supply of U.S.-origin Hawk and Patriot missile batteries to Israel, U.S.-Israeli
missile defense cooperation has evolved in the past several years to include the co-development
of several systems. Israel also has developed its own missile defense programs without U.S.
collaboration.
Iron Dome
In order to counter rockets fired from the Gaza Strip, Syria, Lebanon, or the Sinai Peninsula,
Israel has developed a short-range anti-rocket system, dubbed “Iron Dome.” Iron Dome is
designed to intercept very short-range rocket threats between two and forty-five miles. Iron
Dome’s selective targeting system and radar are designed to fire its Tamir interceptors only at
incoming projectiles that pose threats to population centers—it is not configured to fire on rockets
headed toward uninhabited areas. In order to expand Iron Dome’s population coverage, Israel
claims that it requires between 10 to 15 Iron Dome batteries in operation at all times (Iron Dome
is portable and can be transported by truck to areas in need of coverage).
To date, the United States has provided over $704 million to Israel for Iron Dome batteries,
interceptors, co-production costs, and general maintenance. Congress appropriated $235.309
million for Iron Dome in P.L. 113-76, the FY2014 Consolidated Appropriations Act, including
$15 million for “non-recurring engineering costs in connection with the establishment of a
capacity for co-production in the United States by industry of the United States of parts and
components for the Iron Dome short-range rocket defense program.” In March 2014, the United
States and Israeli governments signed a co-production agreement to enable components of the
Iron Dome system to be manufactured in the United States, while also providing the U.S. Missile
Defense Agency with full access to what had been proprietary Iron Dome technology. Iron Dome
was originally developed by Israel’s Rafael Advanced Defense Systems, which is expected to
partner with U.S.-based Raytheon for co-production in the United States.31
Section 234 of P.L. 113-66, the FY2014 National Defense Authorization Act, requires the Missile
Defense Agency to report to Congress on the implementation of the Iron Dome co-production
agreement. It also requires the Secretary of Defense to report to Congress on the status of missile
defense cooperation between the United States and Israel, including a description of how the
governments of the United States and Israel are working to improve the “coordination,
interoperability, and integration of the missile defense capabilities.”
David’s Sling
In August 2008, Israel and the United States officially signed a “project agreement” to co-develop
the David’s Sling system. David’s Sling (aka Magic Wand) is a short/medium-range system
designed to counter long-range rockets and slower-flying cruise missiles fired at ranges from 40

31 “Rafael, Raytheon Expand Active Defense Alliance,” Defense News, January 6, 2014.
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km to 300 km, such as those possessed by Hezbollah in Lebanon, as well as by Syria. David’s
Sling is designed to intercept missiles with ranges and trajectories for which Israel’s Arrow
ballistic missile interceptor is not optimally configured. It is being developed jointly by Rafael
Advanced Defense Systems and Raytheon. David’s Sling uses Raytheon’s Stunner missile for
interception, and each launcher can hold up to 16 missiles. In November 2013, almost a year after
Israel announced the first successful test of the Stunner interceptor, David’s Sling passed its
second intercept trial, downing a short-range ballistic missile at a test range in southern Israel.
According to Israel’s Defense Ministry, “David’s Sling will allow, in the near future, the State of
Israel to deal with threats with far higher efficiency.”32
The Arrow and Arrow II
Since 1988, Israel and the United States have been jointly developing the Arrow Anti-Missile
System.33 Arrow is designed to counter short-range ballistic missiles. The United States has
funded just under half of the annual costs of the development of the Arrow Weapon System, with
Israel supplying the remainder. The Arrow II program (officially referred to as the Arrow System
Improvement Program or ASIP), a joint effort of Boeing and Israel Aerospace Industries (IAI), is
designed to defeat longer-range ballistic missiles. One Arrow II battery is designed to protect
large swaths of Israeli territory.
Table 1. U.S. Contributions to the Arrow Program (Arrow, Arrow II, and Arrow III)
$s in millions
Fiscal Year
Total
Fiscal Year
Total
1990 52.000
2004
144.803
1991 42.000
2005
155.290
1992 54.400
2006
122.866
1993 57.776
2007
117.494
1994 56.424
2008
118.572
1995 47.400
2009
104.342
1996 59.352
2010
122.342
1997 35.000
2011
125.393
1998 98.874
2012
125.175
1999 46.924
2013
115.500
2000 81.650
2014
119.070
2001 95.214
2002 131.700
Total
2,365.31
2003 135.749
Source: U.S. Missile Defense Agency.

32 “David’s Sling Shoots down Ballistic Missile in Trial,” Jerusalem Post, November 21, 2013.
33 Shortly after the start of the Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI) in 1985, the Reagan Administration sought allied
political support through various cooperative technology agreements on ballistic missile defense (BMD). Israeli interest
in BMD was strengthened by the missile war between Iran and Iraq in the later 1980s, and the experience of being
attacked by Scud missiles from Iraq during Operation Desert Storm in 1991. A memorandum of understanding was
signed with Israel on May 6, 1986, to jointly develop an indigenous Israeli capability to defend against ballistic
missiles. Subsequently, a number of additional agreements were signed, including, for example, an April 1989
Memorandum of Agreement (MOA) to develop an Israeli computer facility as part of the Arrow BMD program, a June
1991 agreement to develop a second generation Arrow BMD capability, and a September 2008 agreement to develop a
short-range BMD system to defend against very short-range missiles and rockets.
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Under the 1986 agreement (see footnote 33) allowing Israel to participate in the Strategic Defense
Initiative (SDI), the United States and Israel have co-developed different versions of the Arrow
anti-ballistic missile. The total U.S. financial contribution exceeds $2.3 billion. The system
became operational in 2000 in Israel and has been tested successfully. Since 2001, Israel and the
United States have conducted a joint biennial exercise, called Juniper Cobra, to work on
integrating their weapons, radars, and other systems.
High Altitude Missile Defense System (Arrow III)
Fearing a potential nuclear threat from Iran, Israel has sought a missile interceptor that operates at
a higher altitude and greater range than the Arrow. In October 2007, the United States and Israel
agreed to establish a committee to evaluate Israel’s proposed “Arrow III,” an upper-tier system
designed to intercept medium-range ballistic missiles. The Arrow III will be a more advanced
version—in terms of speed, range and altitude—of the current Arrow II interceptor. According to
various industry sources, Arrow III interceptors also will be smaller and cheaper than their
predecessors. In the spring and summer of 2008, Israel decided to begin production of the Arrow
III and the United States agreed to co-fund its development despite an initial proposal by
Lockheed Martin and the Department of Defense (DOD) urging Israel to purchase the Terminal
High-Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) missile defense system instead. The Arrow III, made (like
the Arrow II) by Israel Aerospace Industries (IAI) and Boeing, is expected to be deployed by
2014 or 2015. In July 2010, the United States and Israel signed a bilateral agreement to extend
their cooperation in developing and producing the Arrow III. In January 2014, Israel successfully
tested Arrow III for the second time, as an interceptor flew through space at speeds faster than the
Arrow II. The Arrow III’s interceptor also can maneuver in space.
X-Band Radar
One of the most significant gestures of U.S. support for Israel’s missile defense architecture has
been the deployment of the AN/TPY-2 X-Band radar system (built by Raytheon) to Israel in late
2008. Not only is the X-Band system reportedly far more capable of detecting incoming missiles
than Israel’s natively produced radar system,34 but the United States also has linked the X-Band to
its global network of satellites in the U.S. Defense Support Program (DSP) and to the global U.S.
Ballistic Missile Defense System (BMDS). The DSP is the principal component of the U.S.
Satellite Early Warning System to detect missile launches.35 According to various media reports,
the X-Band system is now operational. It will remain U.S.-owned and is operated by U.S. troops
and defense contractors—the first indefinite U.S. military presence to be established on Israeli
soil. Reportedly, the system has been deployed to a classified location in the southern Negev
desert.36

34 The X-Band system can detect incoming missiles from 500-600 miles. Currently, Israel’s early warning system is
only able to detect missiles from 100 miles out.
35 Israel was first given access to DSP in 2001 but only on a per-request, rather than constant, basis.
36 P.L. 110-417, the Duncan Hunter National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2009, authorized up to $89
million for the activation and deployment of the AN/TPY-2 forward-based X-band radar to a “classified location.” In
report language (H.Rept. 110-652) accompanying H.R. 5658, the House-passed FY2009 Defense Authorization bill,
Members stated that “The State of Israel faces a real and growing threat from short- and medium-range ballistic
missiles from states such as the Syrian Arab Republic and the Islamic Republic of Iran. The committee believes that the
deployment of a U.S. Army-Navy/Transportable-2 (AN/TPY-2) missile defense discrimination radar to Israel would
greatly increase the capabilities of both Israel and U.S. forces deployed in support of Israel to defend against ballistic
(continued...)
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Table 2. Defense Budget Appropriations for U.S.-Israeli Missile Defense:
FY2006-FY2014 Request
(Current $ in millions)
Arrow III
(High
David’s Sling
Iron
Fiscal Year
Arrow II
Altitude)
(Short-Range)
Dome
Total
FY2006 122.866 —
10.0
— 132.866
FY2007 117.494 —
20.4
— 137.894
FY2008 98.572 20.0
37.0
— 155.572
FY2009 74.342 30.0
72.895
— 177.237
FY2010 72.306 50.036 80.092
— 202.434
FY2011 66.427 58.966 84.722
205.0
415.115
FY2012 58.955 66.220 110.525
70.0a
305.700
FY2013 After
40.800 74.700 137.500
194.0
447.000
Sequestration
FY2014
44.363
74.707
149.712
235.309
504.091
FY2015
— — —
175.972
272.775b
Request
a. These funds were not appropriated by Congress but reprogrammed by the Obama Administration from
other Department of Defense accounts.
b. The Missile Defense Agency’s (MDA) FY2015 request includes $96.803 million for all three Israeli
Cooperative Programs (Arrow II, Arrow III, and David’s Sling) and a separate request for $175.9 million for
Iron Dome. The MDA forecasts Israeli Cooperative spending over several fiscal years in advance. Congress
has appropriated funding for joint U.S.-Israeli missile defense cooperation exceeding MDA’s request over
the past several fiscal years. MDA requests for Israeli Cooperative programs (not including Iron Dome)
from FY2011 to FY2014 have been $122 million (FY2011), $106.1 million (FY2012), $99.83 million
(FY2013), and $95.78 million (FY2014).
Emergency U.S. Stockpile in Israel
In the early 1980s, Israeli leaders sought to expand what they called their “strategic
collaboration” with the United States military by inviting U.S. arms and equipment to be
stockpiled at Israeli bases for use in wartime.37 Nearly a decade later, the United States agreed to
establish munitions stockpiles in Israel for use by the United States and, with U.S. permission, for
use by Israel in emergency situations. The United States European Command (EUCOM) manages
the War Reserves Stock Allies-Israel (WRSA-I) program. The United States stores missiles,
armored vehicles, and artillery ammunition in Israel.38 According to one Israeli officer,
“Officially, all of this equipment belongs to the US military…. If however, there is a conflict, the

(...continued)
missile threats. Therefore, the committee urges the Department of Defense to begin discussions with Israel about the
possibility of deploying an AN/TPY-2 radar on its territory at the earliest feasible date.” The Senate version, S. 3001,
included an amendment making funds available for the deployment of the AN/TPY-2 forward-based X-band radar.
37 “U.S.- Israel Strategic Link: Both Sides Take Stock,” New York Times, October 2, 1981.
38 The government of Israel pays for approximately 90% of transportation, storage, and maintenance costs associated
with the WRSA-I program.
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IDF [Israel Defense Forces] can ask for permission to use some of the equipment.”39 During the
2006 war against Hezbollah in Lebanon, the United States granted Israel access to the stockpile.
The initial value of the U.S. materiel stored in Israel was set at $100 million. It increased over
time to $800 million in 2010. In the 111th Congress, lawmakers passed P.L. 111-266, the Security
Cooperation Act of 2010. Section 302 of the act amended the Department of Defense
Appropriations Act, 2005, to extend the President’s authority to transfer to Israel surplus defense
items that are stockpiled in Israel and intended for use as Israeli reserve stocks. This amendment
increased the statutorily permitted maximum value of U.S. materiel stored in Israel from $800
million to $1.2 billion.40 The U.S.-Israel Enhanced Security Cooperation Act of 2012 (P.L. 112-
150) further extended the WRSA-I program through FY2014, and, as discussed above, the U.S.-
Israel Strategic Partnership Act (H.R. 938, S. 462) would extend it through FY2015.
Aid Restrictions and Possible Violations
Although U.S. assistance to Israel has remained high for several decades, the United States has
sometimes restricted aid or rebuked Israel for possible improper use of U.S.-supplied military
equipment. The 1952 Mutual Defense Assistance Agreement and subsequent arms agreements
between Israel and the United States limit Israel’s use of U.S. military equipment to defensive
purposes.41 The Arms Export Control Act states that the United States may stop aid to countries
which use U.S. military assistance for purposes other than “legitimate self-defense.”42 The
Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, as amended, also contains general provisions on the use of U.S.-
supplied military equipment.43 Some U.S. citizens and interest groups periodically call upon
Congress to ensure that U.S. military assistance to Israel is conditioned on the Israeli
government’s “compliance with applicable U.S. laws and policies.”44
In some instances, U.S. assistance to Israel may only be used in areas subject to the
administration of Israel prior to June 1967. For example, U.S. State Department-provided
Migration and Refugee (MRA) assistance (see below), per agreement between the State
Department and United Israel Appeal, may only be used for absorption centers, ulpanim
(intensive Hebrew-language schools with particular focus on immigrants to Israel), or youth
aliyah (relocation to Israel) institutions located within Israel’s pre-June 1967 borders.45 In
addition, according to agreements between the U.S. and Israeli governments, programs funded by
certain U.S.-Israeli bi-national foundations, such as the U.S.-Israel Binational Science Foundation

39 “US may give Israel Iraq Ammo ,” Jerusalem Post, February 11, 2010.
40 “US to boost weapons stockpile in Israel,” Agence France Presse, November 11, 2010.
41 See, CRS Report R42385, U.S. Defense Articles and Services Supplied to Foreign Recipients: Restrictions on Their
Use, by Richard F. Grimmett.
42 22 U.S.C. § 2754.
43 For example, see (among other sections), Section 502B, Human Rights (22 U.S.C. 2304), Section 505, Conditions of
Eligibility (22 U.S.C. § 2314), and Section 511, Considerations in Furnishing Military Assistance (22 U.S.C. § 2321d).
44 One example from October 2012 featured representatives of Baptist, Lutheran, Catholic, Presbyterian, Methodist,
Orthodox, Quaker and other Christian groups. Available online at http://www.pcusa.org/news/2012/10/5/religious-
leaders-ask-congress-condition-israel-mi/
45 This stipulation is found in grant agreements between the U.S. State Department’s Bureau of Population, Refugees,
and Migration (PRM) and United Israel Appeal (clause 8. F. 2 – Use in Territories Subject to the Administration of the
State of Israel Prior to June 1967). The FY2013 agreement (S-PRMCO-13-GR-1041 – March 13, 2013) is for $15
million. CRS Correspondence with U.S. State Department, March 2014.
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(see below), “may not be conducted in geographic areas which came under the administration of
the Government of Israel after June 5, 1967 and may not relate to subjects primarily pertinent to
such areas.”46
Israeli Arms Transfers to Third Parties
As previously mentioned, Israel has become a global leader in arms exports47 and, over the last
two decades, the United States and Israel have periodically disagreed over Israeli sales of
sensitive U.S. and Israeli technologies to third party countries, most notably China.48 In 2005, the
United States suspended Israel from participating in the development of the Joint Strike Fighter
(JSF) and imposed other restrictions in defense ties because of Israeli plans to upgrade Chinese
Harpy Killer drone aircraft. Israel ultimately canceled the sale.
U.S. restrictions effectively have curtailed almost all Israeli arms sales to China.49 According to
one unnamed Israeli official, “Our policy remains the same today.... We do not sell them anything
that is defense related and that would jeopardize our ties with the US.”50 In recent years, Israeli
and Chinese military officials have exchanged visits, in what some observers believe has been an
attempt by both countries to slowly expand bilateral relations.51 China has already become one of
Israel’s primary economic (non-military) trading partners, serving as Israel’s second or third
largest export market.52 According to one analyst, “Militarily, China is interested not only in
original technologies but also in broader knowledge, and Israel, with its vast operational
experience, is viewed by China as an authoritative source.... As for the transmission of military
technologies, China with its political experience and patience may assume that current export
limitations could one day be lifted, and may therefore continue to raise the issue on different
occasions.”53

46 http://www.bsf.org.il/BSFPublic/DefaultPage1.aspx?PageId=221&innerTextID=221
47 Israel’s customers include Germany, Spain, France, Canada, Australia, Turkey, Azerbaijan, Singapore, South Korea,
Brazil, India, Italy, the Netherlands, Poland and Romania. Israel is also reportedly seeking to expand arms exports in
Latin America.
48 According to one former State Department intelligence analyst, “We started having a problem with Israel in the
1990s, especially after the 1996 Chinese missile threats against Taiwan when we got the feeling that China’s ballistic
missile technology was modernizing way too fast.” See, “U.S.-Israeli Defense Technology Teamwork Began With
Confrontation,” Washington Times, May 24, 2011.
49 According to one report, since U.S. restrictions on Israeli sales to China were put in place, “Washington has
approved only a few, non-offensive, homeland security-related sales to China.” See, “Israel-China Revive Military
Ties, But Not Defense Trade,” Defense News, August 17, 2011.
50 “The Chinese Connection,” Jerusalem Post, July 6, 2012.
51 In June 2011, Israeli Defense Minister Ehud Barak visited China, following a May 2011 visit from Chinese Admiral
Wu Shengli. According to one Israeli defense official, “We are trying to explain to the Chinese the severity of the
Iranian nuclear threat and to get better co-operation.” Then in August 2011, General Chen Bingde, chief of General
Staff of the People’s Liberation Army, visited Israel for consultations with Israeli officials. See, Yoram Evron, “The
Chinese Chief of Staff Visits Israel: Renewing Military Relations?” INSS Insight ,No. 275, August 17, 2011.
52 “China now Israel’s third-largest destination for exports,” Jerusalem Post, November 24, 2011. According to one
report, bilateral trade reached a record high of $7.5 billion in the January-November period of 2011, surpassing the
$6.8b. recorded for the full year of 2010. See, “Israel and China - Toward the next 20 years,” Jerusalem Post, January
24, 2012.
53 “Israel seeks rapport with China over Iran,” Jane’s Defence Weekly, June 16, 2011.
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In order to create a more transparent arms transfer process, then U.S. Defense Secretary Donald
Rumsfeld and then Israeli Defense Minister Shaul Mofaz signed a 2005 bilateral agreement
mandating Israeli consultation with the U.S. government on sensitive arms transfers to third
parties. The Israeli government also has established its own arms export controls agency to
supervise military sales. On August 17, 2005, DOD and the Israeli Ministry of Defense issued a
joint press statement reporting that they had signed an understanding “designed to remedy
problems of the past that seriously affected the technology security relationship and to restore
confidence in the technology security area.” Sources have reported that this understanding has
given the United States de facto veto power over Israeli third-party arms sales that the United
States deems harmful to its national security interests.54 In June 2005, the Israeli newspaper
Ha’aretz reported that Israel would voluntarily adhere to the Wassenaar Arrangement on Export
Controls for Conventional Arms and Dual-Use Goods and Technologies, without actually being a
party to it.55
On July 17, 2007, the Israeli Knesset passed a Law on Control of Defense Exports that
established a new authority in the Defense Ministry to oversee defense exports—involving the
Foreign Ministry in the process for the first time. As a result, the United States agreed to establish
a High Technology Forum to institutionalize senior-level U.S.-Israel dialogue to address bilateral
high technology trade, investment, and related issues.
In December 2013, the then head of Israel’s Defense Export Control Agency (DECA), Meir
Shalit, resigned after a joint US-Israeli investigation concluded that an Israeli miniature cooling
system that can be used for missiles, and that had been licensed for sale to a French company, had
been retransferred to China.56 In the months prior to this development, the Israeli state
comptroller had reportedly published a report indicating that DECA was inadequately enforcing
proper defense export controls.57

54 “U.S. OKs Israel-China Spy Sat Deal,” Defense News, October 12, 2007. This article quotes a U.S. official as saying,
“We don't officially acknowledge our supervisory role or our de facto veto right over their exports.... It’s a matter of
courtesy to our Israeli friends, who are very serious about their sovereignty and in guarding their reputation on the
world market.”
55 Ze’ev Schiff et al., “Bowing to U.S. pressure, Israel to curb arms deals,” Ha’aretz, June 26, 2005. The participants to
the Wassenaar Arrangement have agreed to (1) maintain national export controls on certain conventional arms and
dual-use goods and technologies, (2) report on transfers and denials of specified controlled items to destinations outside
the Arrangement, and (3) exchange information on sensitive dual-use goods and technologies. Participants include the
United States and 40 other countries (including Russia, Japan, South Korea, Australia, New Zealand, South Africa,
Canada, and most European countries). More information is available at http://www.wassenaar.org/.
56 “Israel Replaces Export Control Chief After Tech Transfer to China,” Defense News, January 3, 2014.
57 “Report finds failings in Defense Export Supervision,” Jerusalem Post, July 18, 2013.
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Other Ongoing Assistance and
Cooperative Programs
Migration & Refugee Assistance
Since 1973, Israel has received grants from the State Department’s Migration and Refugee
Assistance account (MRA)58 to assist in the resettlement of migrants to Israel. Funds are paid to
the United Israel Appeal, a private philanthropic organization in the United States, which in turn
transfers the funds to the Jewish Agency for Israel.59 Between 1973 and 1991, the United States
gave about $460 million for resettling Jewish refugees in Israel. Annual amounts have varied
from a low of $12 million to a high of $80 million, based at least partly on the number of Jews
leaving the former Soviet Union and other areas for Israel.
Table 3. Migration and Refugee Assistance Funding Levels
FY2000: $60
million
FY2001: $60
million
FY2003: $60
million
FY2004: $59.6
million
FY2005: $49.7
million
FY2006: $50
million
FY2007: $40
million
FY2008: $40
million
FY2009: $30
million
FY2010: $25
million
FY2011: $25
million
FY2012 $20
million
FY2013
$15 million
FY2014 $15
million
FY2015 Request
$10 million
Source: U.S. State Department.
Congress has changed the earmark language since the first refugee resettlement funds were
appropriated in 1973. At first, the congressional language said the funds were for “resettlement in
Israel of refugees from the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and from Communist countries in
Eastern Europe.” But starting in 1985, the language was simplified to “refugees resettling in
Israel” to ensure that Ethiopian Jews would be covered by the funding. Technically, the legislative
language designates funds for refugee resettlement, but in Israel little differentiation is made

58 The MRA account is authorized as part of the State Department’s institutional budget but is appropriated through the
Foreign Operations Appropriations bill.
59 The Jewish Agency for Israel’s website is available at http://www.jafi.org.il/.
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between “refugees” and other immigrants, and the funds are used to support the absorption of all
immigrants.
Loan Guarantees
Overview
Since 1972, the United States has extended loan guarantees to Israel to assist with housing
shortages, Israel’s absorption of new immigrants from the former Soviet Union and Ethiopia, and
its economic recovery following the 2000-2003 recession, which was probably partly caused by
Israeli-Palestinian conflict due to a Palestinian uprising (known as the second intifada). Loan
guarantees are a form of indirect U.S. assistance to Israel, since they enable Israel to borrow from
commercial sources at lower rates. Congress directs that subsidies be set aside in a U.S. Treasury
account for possible default. These subsidies, which are a percentage of the total loan (based in
part on the credit rating of the borrowing country; in the case of the loan guarantees in the 1990s,
the subsidy amount was 4.1%), have come from the U.S. or the Israeli government. Israel has
never defaulted on a U.S.-backed loan guarantee.
Loan Guarantees for Economic Recovery
In 2003, then Prime Minister Ariel Sharon requested an additional $8 billion in loan guarantees to
help Israel’s ailing economy. The loan guarantee request accompanied a request for an additional
$4 billion in military grants to help Israel prepare for possible attacks during an anticipated U.S.
war with Iraq. P.L. 108-11, the FY2003 Emergency Wartime Supplemental Appropriations Act,
authorized $9 billion in loan guarantees over three years for Israel’s economic recovery and $1
billion in military grants. P.L. 108-11 stated that the proceeds from the loan guarantees could be
used only within Israel’s pre-June 5, 1967, borders; that the annual loan guarantees could be
reduced by an amount equal to the amount Israel spends on settlements in the occupied territories;
that Israel would pay all fees and subsidies; and that the President would consider Israel’s
economic reforms when determining terms and conditions for the loan guarantees. On November
26, 2003, the Department of State announced that the $3 billion loan guarantees for FY2003 were
reduced by $289.5 million because Israel continued to build settlements in the occupied territories
and continued construction of the security barrier separating Israelis and Palestinians. In FY2005,
the U.S. government reduced the amount available for Israel to borrow by an additional $795.8
million. Since then, no other deductions have been made. Israel has not borrowed any funds since
FY2005.
According to the U.S. Treasury Department, Israel is legally obligated to use the proceeds of
guaranteed loans for refinancing its government debt and also has agreed that proceeds shall not
be used for military purposes or to support activities in areas outside its pre-June 5, 1967, borders
(the West Bank—including East Jerusalem—and Gaza). However, U.S. officials note that since
Israel’s national budget is fungible, proceeds from the issuance of U.S.-guaranteed debt that are
used to refinance Israeli government debt free up domestic Israeli funds for other uses.60

60 CRS correspondence with the U.S. Treasury Department’s Office of International Affairs, October 2009.
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P.L. 108-447, the FY2005 Consolidated Appropriations Act, first extended the authority of the
loan guarantees from FY2005 to FY2007. In the aftermath of the 2006 Israel-Hezbollah conflict,
President Bush stated that he would ask Congress to again extend the authorization of loan
guarantees to Israel. P.L. 109-472, the 2006 Department of State Authorities Act, extended the
authority to provide loan guarantees through FY2011. Under that legislation, the loan guarantee
program had a stated end of September 30, 2011; however, there was also a “carryover” provision
in the statute under which Israel could draw on unused U.S. guarantees until September 30, 2012.
In the summer of 2012, Congress passed and the President signed into law P.L. 112-150, the
United States-Israel Enhanced Security Cooperation Act of 2012. Section 5(b) of the law extends
the loan guarantee authority until September 30, 2015.61
As of 2014, Israel is still authorized to issue up to $3.8 billion in U.S.-backed bonds. In general,
Israel may view U.S. loan guarantees as a “last resort” option, which its treasury could use if
unguaranteed local and international bond issuances become too expensive. According to one
Israeli official, “We consider the loan guarantees as preparation for a rainy day.... This is a safety
net for war, natural disaster and economic crisis, which allows Israel to maintain economic
stability in unstable surroundings.”62 Israeli officials may believe that although they have not
needed to use the loan guarantees in the last nine years, maintaining the program boosts the
country’s fiscal standing among international creditors in capital markets.
Table 4. U.S. Loan Guarantees to Israel: FY2003-FY2013
( current $ in millions)
Amount
Deductions for
Amount
Available for
Settlement
Borrowed by
Israel to
Fiscal Year
Activity
Israel
Borrow
FY2003
289.5 1,600.0
1,110.5
FY2004
— 2,500.0
1,610.5
FY2005
795.8 —
1,814.7
FY2006
— —
2,148.0
FY2007
— —
2,481.4
FY2008
— —
2,814.7
FY2009
— —
3,148.0
FY2010
— —
3,481.0
FY2011
— —
3,814.0
FY2012
— —
3,814.0
FY2013
— —
3,814.0
FY2014
— —
3,814.0
Source: U.S. Department of the Treasury and U.S. State Department.

61 A 2011 internal report by the State Department’s Office of Inspector General reportedly recommended that the loan
guarantee program be terminated. According to a purported excerpt of the report published by Ha’aretz, “Planning
should begin now for [the loan-guarantee program's] orderly termination.... Israel has been admitted to the Organization
for Economic Cooperation and Development, an indication that it is now a modern, self-sufficient economy capable of
supporting its citizens as an industrialized country. The OIG team found a broad consensus that the loan guarantee
program can prudently be terminated in accordance with the sunset clause in the original legislation, which provided
that it would end by 2011.” See, “U.S. Report Recommends Ending Loan Guarantees to Israel at end of 2011,”
Ha'aretz, July 28, 2011.
62 “U.S. to Grant Three-year Extension of Loan Guarantees to Israel,” Ha’aretz, January 24, 2012.
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American Schools and Hospitals Abroad Program (ASHA)63
Through Foreign Operations appropriations legislation, Congress has funded the ASHA program
as part of the overall Development Assistance (DA) appropriation to the United States Agency for
International Development (USAID). According to USAID, ASHA is designed to strengthen self-
sustaining schools, libraries, and medical centers that best demonstrate American ideals and
practices abroad. ASHA has been providing support to institutions in the Middle East since 1957,
and a number of Israeli universities and hospitals have been recipients of ASHA grants. Over the
past several years, institutions in Israel such as Nazareth Hospital, Shaare Zedek Medical Center
in Jerusalem, The Feinberg Graduate School of the Weizmann Institute of Science, the Sackler
Faculty of Medicine of the Tel Aviv University, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, the
Hadassah Medical Organization, and the Sanz Medical Center-Laniado Hospital have received
ASHA funding. The Hadassah Medical Organization was nominated for the 2005 Nobel Peace
Prize for its equitable treatment of Palestinians and Israeli patients. According to USAID,
institutions based in Israel have received the most program funding in the Middle East region.
Table 5. ASHA Program Grants from Israel Account, FY2000-FY2012
Fiscal year
Amount
FY2000 $2.75
million
FY2001 $2.25
million
FY2002 $2.65
million
FY2003 $3.05
million
FY2004 $3.15
million
FY2005 $2.95
million
FY2006 $3.35
million
FY2007 $2.95
million
FY2008 $3.90
million
FY2009 $3.90
million
FY2010 $3.80
million
FY2011 $4.225
million
FY2012 $3.00
million
FY2013
not yet available
Total $41.925
million
Source: USAID.

63 According to USAID, recipients of ASHA grants on behalf of overseas institutions must be private U.S.
organizations, headquartered in the United States, and tax-exempt. The U.S. organization must also serve as the
founder and/or sponsor of the overseas institution. Schools must be for secondary or higher education and hospital
centers must conduct medical education and research outside the United States. Grants are made to U.S. sponsors for
the exclusive benefit of institutions abroad. See http://www.usaid.gov/our_work/cross-cutting_programs/asha/.
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U.S.-Israeli Scientific & Business Cooperation
In the early 1970s, Israeli academics and businessmen began looking for ways to expand
investment in Israel’s high technology sector. At the time, Israel’s nascent technology sector,
which would later become the driving force in the country’s economy, was in need of private
capital for research and development. The United States and Israel launched several programs to
stimulate Israeli industrial and scientific research, and Congress has on several occasions
authorized and appropriated64 funds for the following organizations:
• The BIRD Foundation (Israel-U.S. Binational Research & Development
Foundation).65 BIRD, which was established in 1977, provides matchmaking
services between Israeli and American companies in research and development
with the goal of expanding cooperation between U.S. and Israeli private high tech
industries. The mission of the Foundation is “to stimulate, promote and support
joint (non-defense) industrial R&D of mutual benefit to…” the two countries.66
Projects are supported in the areas of homeland security, communications,
electronics, electro-optics, software, life sciences, and renewable and alternative
energy, among others.67 According to the Foundation, $295 million in grants have
been awarded to almost a thousand projects. While support for military projects
are not a part of the program, several of the completed ventures have yielded
products that might be useful in a military setting, including the Aircraft
Enhanced Vision System (EVS) camera, “which is designed to provide day/night
improved orientation during taxiing or flying. It allows visual landing in reduced
visibility conditions, such as fog, haze, dust, smog etc.” The Foundation also
funded the creation of a Through-Wall Location and Sensing System that is
portable and “detects whether people are present behind walls, how many, and
where they are situated.”68
• The BSF Foundation (U.S.-Israel Binational Science Foundation).69 BSF, which
was started in 1972, promotes cooperation in scientific and technological
research.
• The BARD Foundation (Binational Agriculture and Research and Development
Fund). BARD was created in 1978 and supports U.S.-Israeli cooperation in
agricultural research.70

64 With the exception of recent funding for U.S.-Israeli energy cooperation (see “U.S.-Israeli Energy Cooperation”
section below), Congress has not appropriated funding for binational foundations since the mid-1980s. At this point,
the foundations are able to sustain grant making with interest earned from their respective endowments and fees
collected from companies who successfully profited after receiving research support from the foundations.
65 See http://www.birdf.com/default.asp. Congress helped establish BIRD’s endowment with appropriations of $30
million and $15 million in 1977 and 1985, respectively. These grants were matched by the Israeli government for a
total endowment of $90 million.
66 Eitan Ydilevich, “Building U.S.-Israel Economic Partnerships, The BIRD Model,” Washington, DC. June 10, 2010,
p. 2.
67 BIRD Foundation, What is BIRD?, available at http://www.birdf.com/Index.asp?CategoryID=22&ArticleID=79
68 Information from the BIRD Foundation website, http://www.birdf.com.
69 See http://www.bsf.org.il/Gateway4/. Congress helped establish BSF’s endowment with appropriations of $30
million and $20 million in 1972 and 1984 respectively. These grants were matched by Israel for a total endowment of
$100 million. According to the treaty establishing the Foundation, the Foundation shall use the interest, as well as any
funds derived from its activities, for the operations of the Foundation.
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• In 1995, the United States and Israel established The U.S.-Israel Science and
Technology Foundation (USISTF) to fund and administer projects mandated by
the U.S.-Israel Science and Technology Commission (USISTC)71, a bilateral
entity jointly established by the United States Department of Commerce and the
Israel Ministry of Industry, Trade, and Labor in 1994 to foster scientific,
technological, and economic cooperation between the two countries.
U.S.-Israeli Energy Cooperation
In 2005, Congress began to consider legislation to expand U.S.-Israeli scientific cooperation in
the field of renewable energy. Lawmakers reviewed legislation in the House and the Senate
entitled, “The United States-Israel Energy Cooperation Act.” Various forms of the bill would have
authorized the Department of Energy to establish a joint U.S.-Israeli grant program to fund
research in solar, biomass, and wind energy, among other directives. Section 917 of P.L. 110-140,
the Renewable Fuels, Consumer Protection, and Energy Efficiency Act of 2007, contains the
original language of the U.S.-Israel Energy Cooperation Act (H.R. 1838). Although it did not
appropriate any funds for joint research and development, it did establish a grant program to
support research, development, and commercialization of renewable energy or energy efficiency.
The law also authorized the Secretary of Energy to provide funds for the grant program as
needed. Congress authorized the program for seven years from the time of enactment, which was
on December 19, 2007.
To date, Congress and the Administration have provided a total of $9.7 million for the grant
program, known as BIRD Energy.
• In FY2009, Congress provided $2 million for the program in P.L. 111-8, the
Omnibus Appropriations Act, 2009.72
• In FY2010, Congress provided an additional $2 million in P.L. 111-85, the
Energy and Water Development and Related Agencies Appropriations Act, 2010.
• In FY2011, the Department of Energy allocated $300,000 in discretionary
spending for BIRD Energy.
• For FY2012, Congress provided an additional $2 million in funding. In report
language (H.Rept. 112-331) accompanying P.L. 112-74, the Consolidated

(...continued)
70 See http://www.bard-isus.com/. Congress helped establish BARD’s endowment with appropriations of $40 million
and $15 million in 1979 and 1985 respectively. These grants were matched by the State of Israel for a total endowment
of $110 million. In recent years, Congress has provided funds for BARD in annual Agriculture Appropriations
legislation at approximately $500,000 a year.
71 The U.S.-Israel Science and Technology Commission (USISTC) was established in 1993 to facilitate cooperative
ventures between high tech industries in the two countries. The goal of the program is to “to maximize the contribution
of technology to economic growth.” While the collaborative work may be somewhat similar to that supported by the
BIRD Foundation, “the Science and Technology Commission assists in the commercialization of new technologies
with longer lead times to market. These projects involve higher risk and require substantial capital commitments.” The
ventures are funded and administered by the U.S.-Israel Science and Technology Foundation. The U.S. and Israeli
governments each committed $15 million to the effort over three years for a total of $30 million.
72 P.L. 111-8 did not specify an amount for the program but adopted the House version of the energy and water
appropriations bill that recommended $2 million to fund the U.S.-Israeli cooperative agreement. The Senate version
had recommended $5 million for FY2009.
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Appropriations Act 2012, lawmakers directed the Department of Energy “to only
fund activities within the International Program that directly benefit domestic
industry, increase American energy self-sufficiency, further United States
research efforts, or reduce domestic pollution. Within available funds, the
conference agreement includes $2,000,000 for the U.S.-Israel energy cooperative
agreement.”
• For FY2013, the Department of Energy allocated $1.4 million in discretionary
spending for BIRD Energy.
• For FY2014, Congress directed in the Joint Explanatory Statement
accompanying the FY2014 Consolidated Appropriations Act (P.L. 113-76) that
the Department of Energy allocate $2 million toward BIRD Energy out of the
$23.55 million Energy Efficiency and Renewable Energy Strategic Programs
account.

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Appendix A. Historical Background
1948-1970
U.S. government assistance to Israel began in 1949 with a $100 million Export-Import Bank
Loan.73 For the next two decades, U.S. aid to Israel was modest and was far less than in later
years.74 Although the United States provided moderate amounts of economic aid (mostly loans),
Israel’s main early patron was France, which provided Israel with advanced military equipment
and technology.75 In 1962, Israel purchased its first advanced weapons system from the United
States (Hawk antiaircraft missiles).76 In 1968, a year after Israel’s victory in the Six Day War, the
Johnson Administration, with strong support from Congress, approved the sale of Phantom
aircraft to Israel, establishing the precedent for U.S. support for what later came to be referred to
as Israel’s qualitative military edge over its neighbors.77
1970-Present
Large-scale U.S. assistance for Israel increased considerably after several consecutive Arab-
Israeli wars in the late 1960s and early 1970s created an apparent sense among many Americans
that Israel was continually under siege.78 Consequently, Congress, supported by broad U.S. public
opinion, committed to strengthening Israel’s military and economy through large increases in
foreign aid. From 1966 through 1970, average aid per year increased to about $102 million and
military loans increased to about 47% of the total. In 1971, the United States provided Israel with
military loans of $545 million, up from $30 million in 1970. Also in 1971, Congress first
designated a specific amount of aid for Israel in legislation (an “earmark”). Economic assistance
changed from project aid, such as support for agricultural development work, to a Commodity
Import Program (CIP) for the purchase of U.S. goods.79 In effect, the United States stepped in to
fill the role that France had relinquished when French President Charles de Gaulle refused to
supply Israel with military hardware to protest its preemptive launch of the Six Day War in June
1967. Israel became the largest recipient of U.S. foreign assistance in 1974, and has only been
superseded at various times by Iraq and Afghanistan in the past decade because of short-term U.S.

73 In 1948, President Harry Truman, who sympathized with the plight of Israel in its early days and recognized its
statehood over the objections of some of his top advisors, placed an arms embargo on Israel and her Arab neighbors in
order to keep the United States neutral in the ongoing Arab-Israeli conflict. The Tripartite Declaration of 1950
reaffirmed U.S., British, and French opposition to the development of Arab-Israeli arms races.
74 From 1949 through 1965, U.S. aid to Israel averaged about $63 million per year, over 95% of which was economic
development assistance and food aid. A modest military loan program began in 1959.
75 France supplied Israel with military equipment mainly to counter Egypt. In the 1950s and early 1960s, Egypt
antagonized France by providing arms and training for Algeria’s war for independence against France.
76 “America’s Staunchest Mideast Ally,” Christian Science Monitor, August 21, 2003.
77 Section 303 of P.L. 90-554, Foreign Assistance Act of 1968, expresses the sense of Congress to see the United States
negotiate the sale of supersonic aircraft to Israel.
78 Between 1967 and 1973, Israel and its Arab neighbors fought the June 1967 War, the ensuing War of Attrition
(1969), and the October 1973 War. Israel also was engaged in low level guerrilla warfare with the Palestinian
Liberation Organization and other groups, which had bases in Jordan and later in Lebanon. The 1974 emergency aid for
Israel, following the 1973 war, included the first U.S. military grant aid to Israel.
79 The Commodity Import Program for Israel ended in 1979 and was replaced with direct, largely unconditional cash
transfers.
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aid aimed at building those countries’ indigenous security capabilities. From 1971 to the present,
U.S. aid to Israel has averaged over $2.6 billion per year, two-thirds of which has been military
assistance.
The 1979 Israeli-Egyptian Peace Treaty
The 1979 peace treaty between Israel and Egypt ushered in the current era of U.S. financial
support for peace between Israel and its Arab neighbors. To facilitate a full and formal cessation
of hostilities and Israel’s return of the Sinai Peninsula to Egypt, the United States provided a total
of $7.5 billion to both parties in 1979. The “Special International Security Assistance Act of
1979” (P.L. 96-35) provided military and economic grants to Israel and Egypt at a ratio of 3:2,
respectively.80
Emergency Aid
U.S. assistance also has been used to help ease financial pressures on the Israeli treasury during
recession.81 In 1985, the United States significantly increased U.S. assistance to Israel, with
Congress passing a special economic assistance package of $1.5 billion in order to help the Israeli
economy cope with soaring inflation and economic stagnation.82 As part of the assistance
agreement, the United States and Israel formed the U.S.-Israel Joint Economic Development
Group (JEDG) to support Israeli economic reforms.83 In addition, U.S. economic aid was
converted to a cash grant transfer in 1981, and all U.S. military aid to Israel was converted from
loans into grants in 1985.84
During difficult times for Israel, U.S. aid to Israel has increased. In 1991, Congress provided
Israel $650 million in emergency grants to pay for damage and other costs from Operation Desert
Storm, as well as Patriot missiles to defend against Iraqi Scud missile attacks. After the 1991
collapse of the Soviet Union and the ensuing increase in migration of Russian and other Eastern
bloc Jews to Israel, Congress approved $10 billion in loan guarantees for Israel to help it absorb
immigrants and provide them with adequate social services. Finally, in the aftermath of the 2003
Iraq invasion and during a time of Israeli-Palestinian conflict (the second Palestinian intifada),
Congress passed the FY2003 Emergency Supplemental Appropriations Act (P.L. 108-11), which

80 This ratio is not found in the text of the 1978 Camp David Accords and or the 1979 Israel-Egypt treaty. U.S. officials
have not formally recognized the ratio. Egyptian officials often assert that, since Egypt took political risks in making
peace with Israel, the United States should be even-handed in its assistance policy to the region. The Egyptian
government claims that a 3:2 ratio between Israel and Egypt was established during the negotiations.
81 Beginning in the mid-1970s, Israel could no longer meet its balance of payments and government deficits with
imported capital (gifts from overseas Jews, West German reparations, regular U.S. aid) and began to rely more on
borrowed capital. Growing debt servicing costs, mounting government social services expenditures, perennial high
defense spending, and a stagnant domestic economy combined with worldwide inflation and declining foreign markets
for Israeli goods to push the Israeli economy into a near crisis situation in the mid-1980s.
82 See Title I, Chapter V of P.L. 99-88, Economic Support Fund Assistance for Israel, Egypt, and Jordan. In 1985, the
United States and Israel also concluded a Free Trade Agreement, which dramatically boosted Israeli exports to the
United States.
83 The JEDG meets on an annual basis to discuss financial sector and labor market reforms, trade liberalization, and
privatization. The JEDG also monitors the disbursement of U.S. loan guarantees to Israel.
84 The 1974 emergency aid for Israel, following the 1973 war, included the first U.S. military grant aid.
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included $9 billion in loan guarantees over three years for Israel’s economic recovery and $1
billion in military grants.
Using Aid to Support the Peace Process
During the 1990s, the United States provided aid to support the Israeli-Palestinian peace process.
In late 1998, Israel requested $1.2 billion in additional U.S. aid to fund the movement of troops
and military installations out of areas of the West Bank as called for in the October 23, 1998, Wye
Agreement.85 The Clinton Administration requested this amount for Israel despite the fact that the
Wye Agreement’s implementation had stalled. President Clinton vetoed H.R. 2606, the FY2000
foreign operations appropriations bill, in part because it did not include the Wye funding. On
November 29, 1999, the President signed the consolidated appropriations bill, H.R. 3194 (P.L.
106-113), which included in Division B passage of H.R. 3422, the Foreign Operations
Appropriations bill. Title VI of H.R. 3422 included the $1.2 billion Wye funding for Israel.



85 The full text of the 1998 Wye River Memorandum, a U.S.-brokered Israeli-Palestinian security agreement, is
available at http://www.mfa.gov.il/NR/exeres/EE54A289-8F0A-4CDC-93C9-71BD631109AB.htm.
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Appendix B. Bilateral Aid to Israel
Table B-1 shows cumulative U.S. aid to Israel for FY1949 through FY1996, and U.S. aid to
Israel for each fiscal year since. Detail for the years 1949-1996 is shown in Table B-2 and Table
B-3.
Table B-1. Recent U.S. Bilateral Aid to Israel
(millions of dollars)
Military
Economic
Immig.
Year Total Grant
Grant
Grant
ASHA All
other
1949-1996 68,030.9
29,014.9 23,122.4
868.9
121.4 14,903.3
1997 3,132.1
1,800.0 1,200.0 80.0 2.1
50.0
1998 3,080.0
1,800.0 1,200.0 80.0 —
—
1999 3,010.0
1,860.0 1,080.0 70.0 —
—
2000 4,131.85
3,120.0 949.1 60.0 2.75 —
2001 2,876.05
1,975.6 838.2 60.0 2.25 —
2002 2,850.65
2,040.0 720.0 60.0 2.65 28.0
2003 3,745.15
3,086.4 596.1 59.6 3.05 —
2004 2,687.25
2,147.3 477.2 49.7 3.15
9.9
2005 2,612.15
2,202.2 357.0 50.0 2.95 —
2006 2,534.5
2,257.0 237.0 40.0 —
0.5
2007 2,503.15
2,340.0 120.0 40.0 2.95
0.2
2008 2,423.9
2,380.0
0
40.0 3.90
0
2009 2,583.9
2,550.0
0
30.0 3.90
0
2010 2,803.8
2,775.0
0
25.0 3.80
0
2011 3,029.22
3,0000.0
0
25.0 4.225 0
2012 3,098.0
3,075.0
0
20.0 3.00
0
2013
2,943.234 (After
3,100.0 0 15.0
—
0
Sequestration)
2014
3,115.0 3,100.0
0
15.0
— 0
Estimate
FY2015
3,110.0 3,100.0
0
10.0
— 0
Request
Total 121,190.804
70,523.4 30,897.0 1,673.2
162.075 14,991.9
Notes: ESF was earmarked for $960 million for FY2000 but was reduced to meet a 0.38% rescission. FY2000
military grants include $1.2 billion for the Wye agreement and $1.92 billion in annual military aid. Final amounts
for FY2003 are reduced by 0.65% mandated rescission, and final amounts for FY2004 are reduced by 0.59%.
The $600 million in housing loan guarantees, $5.5 billion in military debt reduction loan guarantees, $9.2 billion in
Soviet Jew resettlement loan guarantees, and $9 billion in economic recovery loan guarantees are not included in
the tables because the United States government did not transfer funds to Israel. The United States underwrote
loans to Israel from commercial institutions.

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Table B-2. U.S. Assistance to Israel, FY1949-FY1996
(millions of dollars)
Military
Military
Economic
Economic
FFP
Year Total
Loan
Grant
Loan
Grant FFP
Loan Grant
1949 100.0 -
-
-
-
-
-
1950 - - - - - - -
1951 35.1 -
-
-
0.1
-
-
1952 86.4 -
-
-
63.7
- 22.7
1953 73.6 -
-
-
73.6
-
a
1954 74.7 -
-
-
54.0
- 20.7
1955 52.7 -
-
20.0 21.5 10.8 0.4
1956 50.8 -
-
10.0 14.0 25.2 1.6
1957 40.9 -
-
10.0 16.8 11.8 2.3
1958 85.4 -
-
15.0
9.0 34.9 2.3
1959 53.3 0.4 - 10.0 9.2 29.0 1.7
1960 56.2 0.5 - 15.0 8.9 26.8 4.5
1961 77.9 a
-
16.0
8.5 13.8 9.8
1962 93.4 13.2 -
45.0
0.4 18.5 6.8
1963 87.9 13.3 -
45.0
-
12.4 6.0
1964 37.0 -
-
20.0
-
12.2 4.8
1965 65.1 12.9 -
20.0
-
23.9 4.9
1966 126.8 90.0
-
10.0
-
25.9 0.9
1967
23.7
7.0 - 5.5 -
- 0.6
1968 106.5 25.0
-
-
-
51.3 0.5
1969 160.3 85.0
-
-
-
36.1 0.6
1970 93.6 30.0 -
-
-
40.7 0.4
1971 634.3 545.0
-
-
-
55.5 0.3
1972 430.9 300.0
-
-
50.0
53.8 0.4
1973 492.8 307.5
-
-
50.0
59.4 0.4
1974 2,621.3 982.7 1,500.0
-
50.0
-
1.5
1975 778.0 200.0 100.0
-
344.5
8.6 -
1976 2,337.7 750.0 750.0
225.0
475.0
14.4
a
TQ
292.5 100.0 100.0
25.0
50.0
3.6
-
1977 1,762.5 500.0 500.0
245.0
490.0
7.0
-
1978 1,822.6 500.0 500.0
260.0
525.0
6.8
-
1979 4,888.0 2,700.0 1,300.0
260.0
525.0
5.1
-
1980 2,121.0 500.0 500.0
260.0
525.0
1.0
-
1981 2,413.4 900.0 500.0
-
764.0
-
-
1982 2,250.5 850.0 550.0
-
806.0
-
-
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Military
Military
Economic
Economic
FFP
Year Total
Loan
Grant
Loan
Grant FFP
Loan Grant
1983 2,505.6 950.0 750.0
-
785.0
-
-
1984 2,631.6 850.0 850.0
-
910.0
-
-
1985 3,376.7
- 1,400.0
-
1,950.0
-

1986
3,663.5
-
1,722.6 -
1,898.4 - -
1987
3,040.2
-
1,800.0 -
1,200.0 - -
1988
3,043.4
-
1,800.0 -
1,200.0 - -
1989
3,045.6
-
1,800.0 -
1,200.0 - -
1990
3,034.9
-
1,792.3 -
1,194.8 - -
1991
3,712.3
-
1,800.0 -
1,850.0 - -
1992
3,100.0
-
1,800.0 -
1,200.0 - -
1993
3,103.4
-
1,800.0 -
1,200.0 - -
1994
3,097.2
-
1,800.0 -
1,200.0 - -
1995
3,102.4
-
1,800.0 -
1,200.0 - -
1996
3,144.0
-
1,800.0 -
1,200.0 - -
Total 68,030.9 11,212.5 29,014.9
1,516.5 23,122.4
588.5
94.1
Notes: a = less than $50,000
- = None
NA = Not Available
TQ = Transition Quarter, when the U.S. fiscal year changed from June to September.
FFP = Food for Peace
Cooperative Development Grant: Three programs are in the cooperative development category: Middle East
Regional Cooperation (MERC) intended for projects that foster economic growth and economic cooperation
between Israel and its neighbors; Cooperative Development Program (CDP); and the Cooperative Development
Research (CDR), both of which fund Israel’s foreign aid program. Israel received about one half of the $94
million MERC, and all of the $53 million CDP and $39 million CDR.
“Other Loan” is a CCC loan. “Other Grants” are $20 million in 1975 for a seawater desalting plant and $50
million in 1996 for anti-terrorism.
Definition of Aid: Under the category of foreign aid, some people include other funds transferred to Israel, such
as the $180 million for research and development of the Arrow missile, or the $7.9 billion in loan guarantees





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U.S. Foreign Aid to Israel

Table B-3. U.S. Assistance to Israel, FY1949-FY1996
(millions of dollars)
Ex-Im. Bank
Jewish Refug.
Amer. Schools &
Other
Coop. Devel.
Other
Year
Loan
Resettle Grant
Hosp. Grant
Loan
Grant
Grant
1949 100.0
-
-
-
-
-
1950 -
-
-
- -
-
1951 35.0
-
-
-
-
-
1952 -
-
-
- -
-
1953 -
-
-
-
-
-
1954 -
-
-
- -
-
1955 -
-
-
- -
-
1956 -
-
-
- -
-
1957 -
-
-
- -
-
1958 24.2
-
-
-
-
-
1959 3.0
-
-
- -
-
1960 0.5
-
-
- -
-
1961 29.8
-
-
-
-
-
1962 9.5
-
-
- -
-
1963 11.2
-
-
-
-
-
1964 -
-
-
- -
-
1965 3.4
-
-
- -
-
1966 -
-
-
- -
-
1967 9.6
-
1.0
- -
-
1968 23.7
-
6.0
-
-
-
1969 38.6
-
-
-
-
-
1970 10.0
-
12.5
-
-
-
1971 31.0
-
2.5
-
-
-
1972 21.1
-
5.6
-
-
-
1973 21.1 50.0
4.4
-
-
-
1974 47.3 36.5
3.3
-
-
-
1975 62.4 40.0
2.5
-
-
20.0
1976 104.7
15.0
3.6
-
-
-
TQ
12.6 -
1.3
- - -
1977 0.9 15.0
4.6
- -
-
1978 5.4 20.0
5.4
- -
-
1979 68.7 25.0
4.2
-
-
-
1980 305.9
25.0
4.1
-
-
-
1981 217.4
25.0
2.0
-
5.0
-
1982 6.5 12.5
3.0
17.5 5.0
-
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U.S. Foreign Aid to Israel

Ex-Im. Bank
Jewish Refug.
Amer. Schools &
Other
Coop. Devel.
Other
Year
Loan
Resettle Grant
Hosp. Grant
Loan
Grant
Grant
1983 - 12.5
3.1
- 5.0
-
1984 - 12.5
4.1
- 5.0
-
1985 - 15.0
4.7
- 7.0
-
1986 15.0 12.0
5.5
- 10.0
-
1987 - 25.0
5.2
- 10.0
-
1988 - 25.0
4.9
- 13.5
-
1989 - 28.0
6.9
- 10.7
-
1990 - 29.9
3.5
- 14.4
-
1991 - 45.0
2.6
- 14.7
-
1992 - 80.0
3.5
- 16.5
-
1993 - 80.0
2.5
- 20.9
-
1994 - 80.0
2.7
- 14.5
-
1995 - 80.0
2.9
- 19.5
-
1996 - 80.0
3.3
- 14.0 50.0
Total 1218.5
868.9
121.4
17.5 185.7
70.0
Notes: a = less than $50,000
- = None
NA = Not Available
TQ = Transition Quarter, when the U.S. fiscal year changed from June to September.
FFP = Food for Peace
Cooperative Development Grant: Three programs are in the cooperative development category: Middle East
Regional Cooperation (MERC) intended for projects that foster economic growth and economic cooperation
between Israel and its neighbors; Cooperative Development Program (CDP); and the Cooperative Development
Research (CDR), both of which fund Israel’s foreign aid program. Israel received about one half of the $94
million MERC, and all of the $53 million CDP and $39 million CDR.
“Other Loan” is a CCC loan. “Other Grants” are $20 million in 1975 for a seawater desalting plant and $50
million in 1996 for anti-terrorism.
Definition of Aid: Under the category of foreign aid, some people include other funds transferred to Israel, such
as the $180 million for research and development of the Arrow missile, or the $7.9 billion in loan guarantees for
housing or settling Soviet Jews in Israel. None of these funds is included in this table.

Author Contact Information

Jeremy M. Sharp

Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs
jsharp@crs.loc.gov, 7-8687

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