Terrorism and Transnational Crime: Foreign
Policy Issues for Congress
John Rollins
Specialist in Terrorism and National Security
Liana Sun Wyler
Analyst in International Crime and Narcotics
October 19, 2012
Congressional Research Service
7-5700
www.crs.gov
R41004
CRS Report for Congress
Pr
epared for Members and Committees of Congress

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Terrorism and Transnational Crime: Foreign Policy Issues for Congress

Summary
This report provides an overview of transnational security issues related to patterns of interaction
among international terrorist and crime groups. In addition, the report discusses the U.S.
government’s perception of and response to the threat. It concludes with an analysis of foreign
policy options.
In recent years, the U.S. government has asserted that terrorism, insurgency, and crime interact in
varied and significant ways, to the detriment of U.S. national security interests. Although
unclassified anecdotal evidence largely serves as the basis for the current understanding of
criminal-terrorist connections, observers often focus on several common patterns.
• Partnership Motivations and Disincentives: Collaboration can serve as a force
multiplier for both criminal and terrorist groups, as well as a strategic weakness.
Conditions that may affect the likelihood of confluence include demand for
special skills unavailable within an organization, greed, opportunity for and
proclivity toward joint ventures, and changes in ideological motivations.
• Appropriation of Tactics: Although ideologies and motivations of an
organization may remain consistent, criminals and terrorists have shared similar
tactics to reach their separate operational objectives. Such tactics include acts of
violence; involvement in criminal activity for profit; money laundering;
undetected cross-border movements; illegal weapons acquisition; and
exploitation of corrupt government officials.
• Organizational Evolution and Variation: A criminal group may transform over
time to adopt political goals and ideological motivations. Conversely, terrorist
groups may shift toward criminality. For some terrorist groups, criminal activity
remains secondary to ideological ambitions. For others, profit-making may
surpass political aspirations as the dominant operating rationale. Frequently cited
terrorist organizations involved in criminal activity include Abu Sayyaf Group
(ASG), Al Qaeda’s affiliates, D-Company, Kurdistan Worker’s Party (PKK),
Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), Haqqani Network, and
Hezbollah.
To combat these apparent criminal-terrorist connections, Congress has maintained a role in
formulating U.S. policy responses. Moreover, recent Administrations have issued several strategic
documents to guide U.S. national security, counterterrorism, anti-crime, and intelligence
activities. In July 2011, for example, the Obama Administration issued the Strategy to Combat
Transnational Organized Crime, which emphasized, among other issues, the confluence of crime
and terrorism as a major factor in threatening the U.S. global security interests.
While the U.S. government has maintained substantial long-standing efforts to combat terrorism
and transnational crime separately, Congress has been challenged to evaluate whether the existing
array of authorities, programs, and resources sufficiently respond to the combined crime-
terrorism threat. Common foreign policy options have centered on diplomacy, foreign assistance,
financial actions, intelligence, military action, and investigations. At issue for Congress is how to
conceptualize this complex crime-terrorism phenomenon and oversee the implementation of
cross-cutting activities that span geographic regions, functional disciplines, and a multitude of
policy tools that are largely dependent on effective interagency coordination and international
cooperation.
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Terrorism and Transnational Crime: Foreign Policy Issues for Congress

Contents
Introduction...................................................................................................................................... 1
Perceived Threat........................................................................................................................ 2
U.S. Government Strategies ...................................................................................................... 4
Patterns in Crime-Terrorism Interaction .......................................................................................... 5
Partnership Motivations and Disincentives ............................................................................... 5
Appropriation of Tactics............................................................................................................ 7
Violence for Political Effect ................................................................................................ 7
Crime-for-Profit .................................................................................................................. 9
Illicit Support Activity....................................................................................................... 11
Organizational Evolution and Variation .................................................................................. 15
Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG) ................................................................................................. 16
Al Qaeda’s Affiliates ......................................................................................................... 16
D-Company ....................................................................................................................... 17
Kurdistan Worker’s Party (PKK) ...................................................................................... 17
Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC).......................................................... 18
Haqqani Network .............................................................................................................. 19
Hezbollah .......................................................................................................................... 19
Foreign Policy Responses.............................................................................................................. 20
Diplomacy ............................................................................................................................... 20
Foreign Assistance................................................................................................................... 22
Financial Actions ..................................................................................................................... 23
Intelligence .............................................................................................................................. 24
Military Actions....................................................................................................................... 24
Investigations........................................................................................................................... 25
Looking Ahead: Implications for Congress ................................................................................... 26

Tables
Table A-1. Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTOs): Reported Sources of External Aid ................ 29

Appendixes
Appendix. Terrorist Links to Criminal Financing.......................................................................... 29

Contacts
Author Contact Information........................................................................................................... 37
Acknowledgments ......................................................................................................................... 37

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Terrorism and Transnational Crime: Foreign Policy Issues for Congress

Introduction
Transnational terrorists and criminals may collaborate, appropriate shared tactics, and otherwise
benefit from interaction, resulting in bolstered capabilities, enhanced organizational
infrastructure, improved access to resources, and expanded geographic reach. Historical examples
also indicate that terrorist and transnational criminal groups may evolve, converge, transform, or
otherwise alter their ideological motivations and organizational composition to appear similar.
Although information on the extent and nature of criminal-terrorist relationships, including their
impact on U.S. national security, remains anecdotal, many view the potential confluence of
criminal and terrorist actors, skills, resources, and violent tactics as a cause for concern.1 Such
enhancements may in turn lengthen the duration of insurgencies, extend the longevity and
capabilities of criminal and terrorist organizations, and undermine the ability of fragile
governments to exert full control of their territory.
Some analysts have identified a series of potentially disturbing patterns that has hastened the
expansion of relationships between terrorist and transnational crime groups. First, criminal
syndicates appear to be growing in size, scope, and ambition. Globalization has extended their
transnational reach, while major developments in technology, trade, and the financial industry
have provided them with opportunities to exploit vulnerabilities in emerging criminal sectors,
such as cybercrime. Many now maintain a transnational footprint and a flexible and networked
membership roster that can adapt more readily to new market niches and establish more fluid
alliances with external individuals and groups.
Second, the nature and activities of terrorist organizations appear to have also changed. Terrorist
groups today, particularly those that most threaten U.S. global interests, appear to be motivated
primarily by religious rather than nationalist and ethnic separatist imperatives that were common
in the 1960s and 1970s. This shift has resulted in extremist movements that elicit sympathy well
beyond a specific country or geographic region.2 Further, terrorist groups appear to have become
more resilient, due to a combination of continued state sponsorship or support, as well as
entrepreneurial expansion into profitable criminal activities.
Combined, these trends may suggest an increase in geographic overlap where criminals and
terrorists could operate and interact. These patterns may also suggest an increase in the
opportunity for transformation from one type of group to the other or the adoption of activities
often attributed to the other. Key nodes, where interaction is most likely, include prisons;
cyberspace, particularly online opportunities for social networking; and ungoverned or difficult-
to-govern spaces, which include regions plagued by endemic corruption, conflict or post-conflict
zones where legitimate governance has yet to take root, border regions, free trade zones, and
urban mega cities where pockets of poverty, violence, criminality, and impunity from national law
prevails. Overlap may also be facilitated by the involvement of negligent or hostile governments
and kleptocratic or criminal states that may consider sponsorship or support of criminal or
terrorist activity of strategic value.

1 This report is based on unclassified interviews and open sources. While the focus of this report is on threats to U.S.
security interests manifested from terrorist organization-international organized crime syndicate partnering
arrangements, it is important to note that the issue has garnered the attention of the wider international security
community.
2 See for example Bruce Hoffman, Inside Terrorism (New York: Columbia University Press, 2006).
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Perceived Threat
The U.S. government has asserted that terrorism, insurgency, and crime interact in varied and
significant ways, to the detriment of U.S. national security interests. In January 2012, the Director
of National Intelligence (DNI) reported to Congress that transnational organized crime and its
links to international terrorism was among the nation’s most pressing national security concerns,
specifically identifying the following areas of concern for crime-terrorism interaction:
• Nuclear proliferation: “We are aware of the potential for criminal service
providers to play an important role in proliferating nuclear-applicable materials
and facilitating terrorism.”
• Kidnapping for ransom: “Kidnapping for ransom is increasing in many regions
worldwide and generates new and deep income streams for transnational criminal
networks... and terrorist networks.”
• Human smuggling: “Those who smuggle humans illegally have access to
sophisticated, forged travel papers and the ability to constantly change their
smuggling routes—routes that may span multiple continents before reaching their
destinations. Smugglers undermine state sovereignty and sometimes facilitate the
terrorist threat.”
• Illicit finance: “Terrorists and insurgents will increasingly turn to crime and
criminal networks for funding and logistics, in part because of U.S. and Western
success in attacking other sources of funding. Criminal connections and activities
of both Hizballah and AQIM [Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb] illustrate this
trend.”3
DNI James R. Clapper’s testimony to Congress in 2012 reiterated the findings of the U.S.
intelligence community’s 2010 review of threats posed by transnational organized crime. In that
review, the first of its kind in 15 years, the intelligence community ultimately concluded that such
illicit networks have “dramatically” increased in size, scope, and influence internationally. A
public summary of the assessment identified a “threatening crime-terror nexus” as one of five key
threats to U.S. national security:
Terrorists and insurgents increasingly will turn to crime to generate funding and will acquire
logistical support from criminals, in part because of successes by U.S. agencies and partner
nations in attacking other sources of their funding. In some instances, terrorists and
insurgents prefer to conduct criminal activities themselves; when they cannot do so, they turn
to outside individuals and facilitators. Proceeds from the drug trade are critical to the
continued funding of such terrorist groups as the Taliban and the Revolutionary Armed
Forces of Colombia (FARC). Terrorist organizations such as al-Shabaab and drug trafficking
organizations such as the cartels based in Mexico are turning to criminal activities such as
kidnapping for ransom to generate funding to continue their operations. Some criminals
could have the capability to provide weapons of mass destruction (WMD) material to other
terrorist groups, such as Hizballah and al-Qaida in the Islamic Maghreb, though the strength
of these drug links and support remain unclear. U.S. intelligence, law enforcement, and
military services have reported that more than 40 foreign terrorist organizations have links to

3 Prepared testimony of Director of National Intelligence (DNI) James R. Clapper, in U.S. Congress, Senate Select
Committee on Intelligence, Current and Projected National Security Threats to the United States, S.Hrg. 112-481,
112th Cong., 2nd sess., January 31, 2012 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 2012).
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the drug trade. Some criminal organizations have adopted extreme and widespread violence
in an overt effort to intimidate governments at various levels.4
Other U.S. government documents characterize the confluence of transnational organized crime
and international terrorism as a growing phenomenon. Whereas in previous decades criminal and
terrorism links occasionally occurred, such connections appear to be taking place with greater
frequency today and may be evolving into more of a matter of practice rather than convenience.
According to the U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ), recent investigations suggest that
international organized criminals are willing to provide logistical and other support to terrorists.5
According to the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA), 19 of 49 (39%) State
Department-designated foreign terrorist organizations (FTOs) have “confirmed links to the drug
trade” as of November 2011.6 In 2003, DEA reported that 14 of 36 (39%) FTOs were involved
“to some degree” in illicit narcotics activity.7 For FY2010, DOJ reported that 29 of the top 63
international drug syndicates, identified as such on the consolidated priority organization target
(CPOT) list, were associated with terrorists.8
The State Department’s 2011 Country Reports on Terrorism describes 19 FTOs as having
financially profited from criminal activity to sustain their terrorist operations (see the
Appendix).9 Such listed FTOs include Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG), Army of Islam, Communist
Party of the Philippines (New People’s Army), Continuity Irish Republican Army (CIRA),
Hezbollah, Jemaah Islamiya, Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), Lashkar I Jhangvi, Liberation
Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), Moroccan Islamic Combatant Group (GICM), National
Liberation Army, Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP), Al Qaeda in Iraq (AQI), Al Qaeda
in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM), Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), Revolution
People’s Liberation Party (Front Revolutionary Struggle), Shining Path (SL), Tehrik-e Taliban
Pakistan, and United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC).
Such government studies reinforce assessments from the late 1990s that predicted an increase in
crime-terrorism interactions. For example, in 1997, a U.S. Department of Defense (DOD) task
force study on transnational threats concluded that terrorists groups, religious extremists, anti-
government militias, narcotics traffickers, and global criminals were “increasingly linked in new
and more cooperative ways.”10 In 2000, a U.S. interagency assessment of international crime
threats further highlighted growing crime-terrorism interactions.11 The assessment identified the

4 U.S. National Intelligence Council (NIC), The Threat to U.S. National Security Posed by Transnational Organized
Crime, 2011.
5 U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ), Overview of the Law Enforcement Strategy to Combat International Organized
Crime, April 2008.
6 Prepared testimony of U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) Special Operations Division Special Agent in
Charge Derek S. Maltz, in U.S. Congress, House Committee on Foreign Affairs, Subcommittee on Terrorism,
Nonproliferation, and Trade, Narcoterrorism and the Long Reach of U.S. Law Enforcement, Part II, Serial No. 112-81,
112th Cong., 2nd sess., November 17, 2011 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 2011).
7 Prepared testimony of DEA Assistant Administrator for Intelligence Steven W. Casteel, in U.S. Congress, Senate
Committee on the Judiciary, Narco-Terrorism: International Drug Trafficking and Terrorism—A Dangerous Mix,
S.Hrg. 108-173, 108th Cong., 1st sess., May 20, 2003 (Washington: D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 2003).
8 Obama Administration, National Strategy to Combat Transnational Organized Crime, July 2011.
9 U.S. Department of State, Country Reports on Terrorism 2011, July 2012.
10 U.S. Department of Defense (DOD), Office of the Undersecretary of Defense for Acquisition and Technology,
Defense Science Board, 1997 Summer Study Task Force on DOD Responses to Transnational Threats, Vol. 1, final
report, October 1997.
11 Clinton Administration, International Crime Threat Assessment, December 2000.
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end of the Cold War as a major contributor to this development. As certain insurgent and
extremist groups were no longer able to rely on Soviet-affiliated state sponsors for aid, some
increasingly turned to crime as an alternative source of funds.12 The assessment also concluded
that most crime-terrorism interactions were often fleeting, or based on symbiotic arrangements
that were nevertheless strained and marked by suspicion. Some groups, however, viewed criminal
activity as not only a lucrative source of funding, but also an effective means to advance their
political or ideological objectives.13 Other groups, meanwhile, underwent transformations in
which their primary organization motivations would shift from political to (illicit) profit-driven.
U.S. Government Strategies
To combat this apparent criminal-terrorist connection, recent Administrations have issued several
key strategic documents to guide U.S. government efforts and approach the issue from the
perspectives of national security, counterterrorism, anti-crime, and intelligence. These are
described below in chronological order.
In August 2009, the Obama Administration issued its National Intelligence Strategy, which
included as a primary mission the goal of penetrating and supporting “the disruption of terrorist
organizations and the nexus between terrorism and criminal activities.”14
In May 2010, the Obama Administration issued its National Security Strategy, a broad-ranging
document that identified key priorities for the United States.15 One such priority was to combat
“transnational criminal threats and threats to governance”—including the “crime-terror nexus.”
The 2010 National Security Strategy encouraged a “multidimensional strategy” that emphasized
citizen security and harm reduction, disruption and dismantling of illicit networks, and bolstering
the capacity of foreign governments to enforce the rule of law.
In June 2011, the Obama Administration issued its National Strategy for Counterterrorism.
Included among its eight “overarching goals” was the goal to “deprive terrorists of their enabling
means”—terrorist financing and the facilitation of terrorist travel, materiel smuggling, and
communications.16 The Administration’s National Strategy for Counterterrorism sought to achieve
this goal by
• blocking the flow of financial resources to terrorist groups through sanctions,
prosecutions, international cooperation, and diplomatic pressure (money
laundering and kidnapping for ransom); and

12 See also Steven Hutchinson and Pat O’Malley, “A Crime-Terror Nexus? Thinking on Some of the Links Between
Terrorism and Criminality,” Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, Vol. 30, No. 12, December 2007, pp. 1095-1107; Angel
Rabasa et al., “Chapter Seven: The Convergence of Terrorism, Insurgency, and Crime,” in Beyond al-Qaeda, Part 2:
The Outer Rings of the Terrorist Universe, RAND Corporation, 2006, pp. 101-160.
13 The report states that some groups, particularly those that controlled territory, would encourage illicit activity in the
region to “isolate” it from the national economy, to “deprive the government of the region’s economic productivity,”
and to “increase the dependence of the local population on their control and authority.”
14 Obama Administration, National Intelligence Strategy of the United States of America, August 2009.
15 Obama Administration, National Security Strategy, May 2010.
16 Obama Administration, National Strategy for Counterterrorism, June 2011.
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• working with international partners to identify and prevent terrorist groups from
moving its recruits, operatives, and supplies across borders (human and weapons
smuggling)
In July 2011, the Obama Administration issued its Strategy to Combat Transnational
Organized Crime.17 Among its primary objectives was to “defeat transnational criminal
networks that pose the greatest threat to national security by targeting their infrastructures,
depriving them of their enabling means, and preventing the criminal facilitation of terrorist
activities.” Key actions described by the strategy to combat the crime-terrorism nexus included
the following:
• Enhancing intelligence collection on transnational organized crime threats,
particularly the potential role of criminal groups in facilitating WMD terrorism.
• Exposing vulnerabilities in the international financial system that could be
exploited by “terrorist and other illicit financial networks” and applying financial
tools and sanctions against such networks.
• Establishing a “whole-of-government plan” to combat kidnapping for ransom as
a means to finance terrorists, among other “bad actors.”
• Developing a “comprehensive approach” to dismantling drug trafficking
organizations with connections to terrorist groups.
• Enhancing foreign capabilities through counterterrorism capacity building,
foreign law enforcement cooperation, military cooperation, and the strengthening
of justice and interior ministries.
Patterns in Crime-Terrorism Interaction
Limited unclassified anecdotal evidence largely serves as the basis for the current understanding
of criminal-terrorist connections. In the absence of comprehensive data, it is difficult to assess
whether such anecdotal cases are indicative of a widespread problem, a growing trend, or isolated
observation.18 What is clear from existing literature on the subject, however, is that crime-
terrorism interactions can vary significantly and change over time. The following sections
summarize several common patterns of crime-terrorism links, with specific examples drawn from
a range of court cases, reports, and news articles.
Partnership Motivations and Disincentives
The underlying rationales for criminal and terrorist group partnerships as well as the conditions
that may facilitate the evolution or transformation of a criminal or terrorist group into the other
may vary. Collaboration can serve as a force multiplier for both criminal and terrorist groups,
bolstering their capabilities, strengthening their infrastructure, and increasing their wealth. On the

17 Obama Administration, Strategy to Combat Transnational Organized Crime, July 2011.
18 See also John T. Picarelli, “Osama bin Corleone? Vito the Jackal? Framing Threat Convergence Through an
Examination of Transnational Organized Crime and International Terrorism,” Terrorism and Political Violence, Vol.
24, No. 2 (2012), pp. 180-198.
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other hand, partnering could also have the potential of sowing seeds for distrust and competition
among illicit actors—vulnerabilities that could be exploited by international security authorities.19
From the perspective of a terrorist organization, the primary motivation for partnering or adopting
criminal tactics would be to sustain and grow the organization for purposes of pursuing or
financing its ideological-based activities. Out of this sense of perceived need, the organization
may turn to or rely more heavily on partnering with criminal syndicates for continued viability.
Common disincentives for partnering would include increased attention from government
authorities; fear of compromising internal security; ideological resistance to illicit endeavors; and
the availability of sufficient alternative funding sources, such as state sponsors.
From the perspective of a criminal syndicate, motivations for cooperating with terrorist
organizations would include the near singular purpose of increasing its financial stature. As with
terrorist organizations, common disincentives from the perspective of criminal groups may
involve increased and unwanted attention from authorities, risk of infiltration, and heightened
vulnerability of organization leadership to capture. Criminal groups already in control of lucrative
revenue streams may not find the potential for additional business with terrorist groups sufficient
to outweigh the costs. Criminal groups may also opt to avoid collaboration with terrorist groups if
such interactions would disrupt their relationships with corrupt government officials who are
willing to facilitate criminal activities, but not terrorism-related ones.
Conditions that may affect the likelihood of confluence include a lack of in-house capabilities and
demand for special skills to conduct particular operations. Some groups may be more hesitant to
collaborate with outsiders, depending in part on the nature of the operational environment, the
presence of competitors, and the opportunity for contact with and the strength of relations
between terrorist and criminal elements. Other barriers to cooperation may include cultural,
religious, or ideological differences across groups. On the other hand, motivations such as greed
or necessity for organizational viability or expansion may induce some groups to welcome or
seek out external partners.
Individual groups may also transition along an apparent crime-terrorism continuum. Over time,
ideologically motivated groups that initially avoid involvement with criminal activities may
become increasingly attracted by the lucrative nature of criminal activities.20 In other instances,
criminal groups may become radicalized and apply their criminal expertise to conduct operations
that not only result in lucrative illicit profits but also further ideologically oriented goals. In other
situations, individuals in a terrorist organization may not follow leadership directives to stay away
from individuals in a criminal organization (or vice versa) and may unilaterally develop external
relationships. Some analysts suggest that this phenomenon may occur with greater regularity due
to the increasingly decentralized nature of terrorist groups and other possible factors.21

19 Such considerations are predicated on the theory that the leaders of an organization think rationally about the near-
and long-term considerations and consequences, unintended or otherwise, of partnering with an entity that has differing
motivations and ideologies.
20 See, for example, Karen Ballentine and Jake Sherman, eds., The Political Economy of Armed Conflict: Beyond Greed
and Grievance (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2003); Paul Collier and Anke Hoeffler, “Greed and Grievance
in Civil War,” Oxford Economic Papers, Vol. 56, No. 4 (2004), pp. 563-595.
21 Richard Barrett, The Economic Crisis: Al-Qaeda’s Response, Washington Institute for Near East Policy, Policywatch
no. 1485, March 9, 2009.
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Appropriation of Tactics
Criminals and terrorists often share similar tactics to reach their operational goals.22 These include
acts of terrorism and political violence; involvement in criminal activity for profit; money
laundering; undetected cross-border movements; illegal weapons acquisition; and government
corruption. Changes in the selection of tactics may signify shifts in the strength and capacity of an
organization or the ideological desires of the organization’s leadership. A criminal group under
pressure by authorities or rival criminal groups may react by organizing violent attacks to
intimidate the public and deter the government from future pursuit. A terrorist group’s loss of
state sponsorship may prompt it to find illicit alternatives for funding and operational support.
The following sections describe several methods and tactics common to both criminal and
terrorist groups, including (1) the use of violence for political effect, (2) crime-for-profit
activities, and (3) illicit support activity.
Violence for Political Effect
Although more commonly associated with terrorist groups, criminal groups have also
occasionally used violence as a tactic to change political and public perceptions. Common past
examples have included the use of terrorist-style violence, intimidation, and hostage-taking
tactics by the Brazilian prison gang and drug trafficking organization (DTO) Primeiro Comando
da Capital (PCC) in 2006.23 In response to counternarcotics pressure in the 1980s and 1990s, the
Medellin cartel conducted a wave of violent attacks on Colombian government and civilian
targets, including the explosion of a commercial airliner and a truck bomb. The Italian mafia
targeted prominent landmarks, politicians, and government officials in response to law
enforcement pressure in the 1990s.24
Drug trafficking-related violence in Mexico, which
Further CRS Reading
surged in recent years due to a combination of increased
For more information on DTOs in Mexico,
counternarcotics pressure by the government and DTO-
see CRS Report R41576, Mexico’s Drug
on-DTO competition, has at times appeared similar to
Trafficking Organizations: Source and Scope of
terrorist-style attacks, with comparable tactics of
the Rising Violence, by June S. Beittel.
intimidation.25 Mexican government officials, for
example, have been targeted by traffickers, at times in reprisal for their role in cartel arrests. In
May 2008, one of Mexico’s highest-ranking law enforcement officials, Edgar Millan Gomez, was
assassinated in Mexico City by DTO-affiliated gunmen.26 In other cases, drug traffickers have
deployed small improvised explosive devices (IEDs) against law enforcement officials suspected
of working for rival gangs.

22 It should be noted that the adoption of a tactic by either a criminal or terrorist group that is traditionally used by the
other entity in and of itself does not change the ideology, motivation, and goals of the organization or how it might be
designated and approached by international security actors.
23 See for example Luciana M. Fernández, “Organized Crime and Terrorism: From the Cells Towards Political
Communication, A Case Study,” Terrorism and Political Violence, Vol. 21, No. 4 (2009), pp. 595-616.
24 See also Louise I. Shelley and Picarelli, “Methods Not Motives: Implications of the Convergence of International
Organized Crime and Terrorism,” Police Practice and Research, Vol. 3 No. 4 (2002), pp. 305-318.
25 See for example Sylvia M. Longmire and John P. Longmire IV, “Redefining Terrorism: Why Mexican Drug
Trafficking is More Than Just Organized Crime,” Journal of Strategic Security, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2008), pp. 35-51.
26 James C. McKinley, “Gunmen Kill Chief of Mexico’s Police,” The New York Times, May 9, 2008; McKinley, “6
Charged in Shooting of Officer in Mexico,” The New York Times, May 13, 2008.
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Observers continue to debate whether the use of political violence as a tactic by Mexican DTOs
warrants describing such groups as terrorist organizations. Most observers recognize that few
instances of Mexican DTO violence appear to be motivated by ideology or a desire to overthrow
the Mexican government.27 Some have suggested that one of these exceptions may have occurred
in September 2008, when a deadly attack on Mexico’s Independence Day involving throwing
grenades into a crowd of revelers that had gathered for a firework display was suspected to have
been organized by drug traffickers.28 Yet, in this case, some traffickers appeared to distance
themselves from the attack, joining in the victims’ outcry and refusing to take responsibility for
the attack. Other incidents that have raised questions about Mexican drug traffickers’ motives and
tactics include a casino fire that killed 52 civilians in 2011, and was allegedly instigated by Los
Zetas. Another exception may include the activities of the Mexican DTO La Familia Michoacana
and its spin-off group Los Caballeros Templarios. Unlike other Mexican DTOs, this group
purports to be motivated by both criminal and ideological rationales, describing itself as a
religious organization and defender of local political grievances.29
The Suspected 2011 Iranian Plot to Assassinate the Saudi Ambassador to the
United States
Highlighting the potential for cooperation among organized crime and terrorist groups to plan and conduct an act of
violence is the alleged plot to assassinate Saudi ambassador to the United States Adel al-Jubeir, publicly disclosed in
October 2011.30 According to U.S. authorities, Manssor Arbabsiar, a dual U.S.-Iranian national from Corpus Christi,
TX, and several members of the Iran-based Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps – Quds Force (IRGC-QF) planned to
assassinate al-Jubeir by bombing a local restaurant he frequented and also by bombing the Saudi Arabian and Israeli
embassies in Washington, D.C.
As part of the al eged bombing plot, Arbabsiar arranged to hire members of the Mexican DTO Los Zetas to conduct
the assassination for a fee of $1.5 million. A side deal was reportedly discussed in which several tons of opium from
the Middle East would be trafficked to Mexico. The al eged plot, however, was discovered because Arbabsiar’s
Mexican DTO intermediary was in fact an informant for the DEA. Arbabsiar was ultimately arrested in New York and
reportedly confessed to having been recruited, funded, and directed by the IRGC-QF to find Mexican DTO members
to conduct the assassination plot. In conjunction with Arbabsiar’s arrest, the U.S. Department of Treasury announced
financial sanctions against Arbabsiar and four others connected to the plot who were alleged members of the IRGC-
QF, an organization that the Treasury Department had designated pursuant to Executive Order (EO) 13224 in
October 2007. On October 17, 2012, Arbabsiar pleaded guilty in U.S. federal court to charges associated with the
murder-for-hire plot.31 In announcing the guilty plea, DEA Administrator Leonhart noted, “The dangerous connection

27 “Mexico: Rebranding the Cartel Wars,” Stratfor, December 25, 2010; Scott Stewart, “The Perceived Car Bomb
Threat in Mexico,” Stratfor, April 13, 2011.
28 “Mexico Independence Day Grenade Attack Kills 7,” USA Today, September 16, 2008; Marc Lacey, “Grenade
Attack in Mexico Breaks from Deadly Script,” The New York Times, September 25, 2008; E. Eduardo Castillo,
“Mexico Arrests 3 Suspects in Grenade Attack,” Associated Press, September 27, 2008.
29 Shawn Teresa Flanigan, “Terrorists Next Door? A Comparison of Mexican Drug Cartels and Middle Eastern
Terrorist Organizations,” Terrorism and Political Violence, Vol. 24, No. 2 (2012), pp. 279-294; Phil Williams, “The
Terrorism Debate Over Mexican Drug Trafficking Violence,” Terrorism and Political Violence, Vol. 24, No. 2 (2012),
pp. 259-278.
30 DOJ, “Two Men Charged in Alleged Plot to Assassinate Saudi Arabian Ambassador to the United States,” press
release, October 11, 2011; U.S. District Court, Southern District of New York (SDNY), United States of America v
Manssor Arbabsiar and Gholam Shakuri, criminal complaint, October 11, 2011; U.S. Department of the Treasury,
“Treasury Sanctions Five Individuals Tied to Iranian Plot to Assassinate the Saudi Arabian Ambassador to the United
States,” press release, October 11, 2011; Benjamin Weiser, “Not-Guilty Plea in Plot to Kill Saudi Ambassador to the
U.S.” The New York Times, October 24, 2011.
31 DOJ, “Man Pleads Guilty in New York to Conspiring with Iranian Military Officials to Assassinate Saudi Arabian
Ambassador to the United States,” press release, October 17, 2012.
32 Ibid.
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between drug trafficking and terrorism cannot be overstated.”32
Many observers have commented with incredulity that the IRGC-QF would partner with a non-Muslim DTO or use
non-professional Iranian-American operatives such as Arbabsiar, and that senior Iranian authorities would authorize
such an action on U.S. soil. It remains to be seen whether this alleged plot is indicative of greater crime-terrorism
cooperation or a one-time departure from conventional IRGC-QF tactics.
Crime-for-Profit
In addition to organized crime groups, some terrorist organizations may seek funding through
criminal activities. Often, the potential profits associated with criminal activity are a motivating
factor for both organized crime and terrorist groups. Since the end of the Cold War and
corresponding declines in traditional state-sponsored sources of funding, some observers suggest
that terrorist groups have become increasingly motivated to generate funds through criminal
activity to sustain organizational capabilities. Heightened international counterterrorism measures
in the past decade may have further depleted other traditional sources of funds, including private
sector donations, which reinforces the desire for terrorist groups to seek alternative funding
methods.
Criminal activities conducted for profit may range from local crimes of theft, burglary, and
extortion to illicit trafficking of high-value commodities on a transnational scale. Terrorist groups
may also “tax” other groups or charge a security or protection fee for permitting illicit trafficking
activity to take place in a certain region under their control. Although terrorist groups may engage
in criminal activity for fundraising, it is not always the case that such groups lose their ideological
motivations. As one researcher explains, “[C]riminality does not imply criminalization. It is
entirely possible for armed groups to exploit drugs, smuggling, and extortion without becoming
motivated by these activities. Resources do not speak for themselves: simply engaging in
criminality does not mean that an armed group exists to be criminal.” 33
The universe of potential crime-for-profit activities is vast. The following list describes three
common transnational manifestations: drug trafficking, cigarette smuggling, and kidnapping-for-
ransom.
• Drug trafficking: Illicit narcotics, particularly cocaine, heroin, hashish, and
methamphetamine, as well as the chemical precursors required to manufacture
such drugs, are attractive commodities to smuggle due to their high pecuniary
value, as well as the ease with which they can be appropriated, processed, stored,
and transported in small, difficult-to-detect movements and with limited static
infrastructure costs. Terrorist groups are associated with major drug-producing
countries, such as Afghanistan, Burma, Colombia, Morocco, and Peru, as well as
among countries through which key drug transit routes pass.34 In drug-producing
countries, the narcotics trade has the potential to provide terrorist groups with an
added bonus: recruits and sympathizers among impoverished, neglected, and

33 Paul Staniland, “Organizing Insurgency: Networks, Resources, and Rebellion in South Asia,” International Security,
Vol. 37, No. 1 (Summer 2012), pp. 142-177.
34 James A. Piazza, “The Opium Trade and Patterns of Terrorism in the Provinces of Afghanistan: An Empirical
Analysis,” Terrorism and Political Violence, Vol. 24, No. 2 (2012), pp. 213-234.
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isolated farmers who can not only cultivate drug crops but also popularize and
reinforce anti-government movements.35
Afghan Drugs and the Taliban
As the single largest source of illicit opium and heroin worldwide for the past decade, the narcotics trade is both a
major cause and consequence of criminality and insecurity in Afghanistan. Although historically not always the case,
the opiate trade today appears to be one of several key sources of funds for the Taliban.36 According to the U.N.
Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), Afghan opiates generated approximately $68 billion in proceeds in 2009, of
which some $140-170 million went to anti-government insurgency groups, such as the Taliban.37 U.S. reports further
indicate that some of the Taliban’s narcotics proceeds have been funneled in and out of Afghanistan and countries in
the Persian Gulf through hawala-style informal value transfer networks and money exchanges houses, such as the
New Ansari Money Exchange.38
Research indicates that the Taliban reportedly obtains drug-related proceeds in several ways.39 Taliban commanders
reportedly collect agricultural tithes (ushr) from poppy farmers and roadside levies (zakat) from traffickers.
Additionally, the Taliban reportedly receives money, vehicles, and weapons in exchange for protection against
interdiction and eradication.40 The Taliban also supports efforts to facilitate seasonal migrant flows toward opium
poppy farms for harvest. Opium traffickers pay the Taliban to transport narcotics throughout Afghanistan to
neighboring nations. 41 Moreover, Taliban fighters appear to provide security for processing labs and for shipments of
the chemicals needed to make heroin. 42 They also help drug lords fight Afghan government forces engaged in poppy
eradication efforts. Moreover, local Taliban commanders have at times directly engaged in drug trafficking activities to
supplement their incomes.43
• Illicit tobacco trade: The production, smuggling, and sale of tobacco products,
including genuine and counterfeit cigarettes, is a lucrative form of financing for
organized crime as well as terrorist groups, such as Hezbollah, Hamas, the
Kurdistan Worker’s Party (PKK), and the Real Irish Republican Army (RIRA). 44

35 Vanda Felbab-Brown, Shooting Up: Counterinsurgency and the War on Drugs (Washington, D.C.: Brookings
Institution Press, 2010).
36 In 2000, the Taliban implemented countrywide opium ban that resulted in the largest one-year reduction in opium
poppy cultivation recorded by the United Nations. See also United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) and
the World Bank, Afghanistan’s Drug Industry: Structure, Functioning, Dynamics, and Implications for Counter-
Narcotics Policy, Doris Buddenberg and William A. Byrd, eds., November 28, 2006.
37 UNODC, The Global Afghan Opium Trade: A Threat Assessment, July 2011.
38 U.S. Department of the Treasury, “Treasury Designates New Ansari Money Exchange,” press release, February 18,
2011; Ginger Thompson and Alissa J. Rubin, “Sanctions Placed on Afghan Exchange,” The New York Times, February
18, 2011.
39 See for example Barnett R. Rubin and Jake Sherman, Counter-Narcotics to Stabilize Afghanistan: The False Promise
of Crop Eradication, Center on International Cooperation, New York University, February 2008; Peters, How Opium
Profits the Taliban, United States Institute of Peace (USIP), Peaceworks No. 62, August 2009; Peters, Crime and
Insurgency in the Tribal Areas of Afghanistan and Pakistan, Combating Terrorism Center, Don Rassler, ed.,
Combating Terrorism Center (CTC) at West Point, harmony project, October 15, 2010.
40 James Risen, “Propping Up a Drug Lord, Then Arresting Him,” The New York Times, December 11, 2010; DOJ,
“Haji Bagcho Sentenced to Life in Prison on Drug Trafficking and Narco-Terrorism Charges,” press release, June 12,
2012; Ryan Evans, “The Micro-Level of Civil War: The Case of Central Helmand Province,” CTC Sentinel, CTC at
West Point, Vol. 5, Iss. 9 (September 2012), pp. 14-17.
41 Julia Preston, “Afghan Arrested in New York Said to Be A Heroin Kingpin,” The New York Times, April 26, 2005;
“Warlord or Druglord?” Time Magazine, February 8, 2007; Benjamin Weiser, “In Drug Trial, Sharply Differing
Portraits of Afghan With Ties to the Taliban,” The New York Times, September 11, 2008.
42 Theresa Cook, “Alleged Taliban-Linked Drug Trafficker Charged in U.S.,” ABC News, May 11, 2007.
43 DOJ, “Member of Afghan Taliban Sentenced to Life in Prison in Nation’s First Conviction on Narco-Terror
Charges,” press release, December 22, 2008.
44 U.S. District Court, Western District of North Carolina, Charlotte Division, United States of America v Mohamad
Youssef Hammoud et al., indictment, March 28, 2001; U.S. Department of Homeland Security (DHS), Immigration and
(continued...)
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Cigarette smuggling schemes as a means for financing terrorists have been
discovered in a range of countries and regions, including the United States,
Europe, Turkey, the Middle East and North Africa, and Iraq. Criminals and
terrorists may be drawn to the illicit tobacco trade to take advantage of price
differentials across jurisdictions, bootlegging small consignments from a low-tax
or duty-free outlet and re-selling the products elsewhere at a higher price. If
sufficiently resourced, some groups may conduct larger-scale operations that
divert and smuggle commercial-sized volumes, those in excess of 1 million
cigarettes per consignment, for subsequent distribution and sale.
• Kidnapping for ransom: A form of hostage taking, kidnapping for ransom
(KFR) is a popular means of collecting illicit profits for both organized crime as
well as terrorist groups. KFR is often perceived as a crime of low risk, low cost,
and high reward. As has reportedly been the case for groups such as AQIM, AQI,
the Taliban, and ASG, a single ransom payment has the potential to cover several
months of operating expenses.45 According to the Financial Action Task Force
(FATF), AQIM alone has collected at least $65 million (U.S. dollars) in KFR
payments from 2005 through 2011—a significant portion of its annual budget,
which is reported to total approximately 15 million Euros per year.46 Authorities
are particularly challenged to respond to KFR situations because they often take
place in insecure, politically volatile locations that are difficult to control or
access; involve third-party intermediaries who may facilitate negotiations of
ransom payments without the approval and knowledge of government officials;
and are characterized by opaque and difficult-to-track ransom payment
transactions that involve both alternative remittance mechanisms and the formal
international banking system.
Illicit Support Activity
Both criminal and terrorist groups rely on a variety of illicit support activities to further their
operations. Although some such activities can be conducted with in-house capabilities and assets,
others may require cooperation with external criminal specialists, corrupt “gatekeepers,” local

(...continued)
Customs Enforcement (ICE), “Mohamad Youssef Hammoud Sentenced to 30 Years in Terrorism Financing Case,”
press release, January 27, 2011; Sari Horwitz, “Cigarette Smuggling Linked to Terrorism,” The Washington Post, June
8, 2004; U.S. Congress, House Committee on Homeland Security, Tobacco and Terror: How Cigarette Smuggling is
Funding Our Enemies Abroad, minority staff report, April 2008. U.S. General Accounting Office (GAO), Terrorist
Financing: U.S. Agencies Should Systematically Assess Terrorists’ Use of Alternative Financing Mechanisms, GAO-
04-163, November 2003; Maarten van Dijck, “The Link Between the Financing of Terrorism and Cigarette Smuggling.
What Evidence is There? HUMSEC Journal, Vol. 1, Iss. 1 (June 2007), pp. 5-29; William Billingslea, “Illicit Cigarette
Trafficking and the Funding of Terrorism,” The Police Chief, Vol. 71, No. 2 (2004); Financial Action Task Force
(FATF), Illicit Tobacco Trade, June 2012; Matthew Levitt, Hamas: Politics, Charity, and Terrorism in the Service of
Jihad (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2006).
45 Peters, Crime and Insurgency in the Tribal Areas ... , October 2010; Peters, Haqqani Network Financing: The
Evolution of an Industry, CTC at West Point, harmony program, July 2012; Zia Ur Rehman, “Taliban Recruiting and
Fundraising in Karachi,” CTC Sentinel, CTC at West Point, Vol. 5, Iss. 7 (July 2012), pp. 9-11; McKenzie O’Brien,
“Fluctuations Between Crime and Terror: The Case of Abu Sayyaf’s Kidnapping Activities,” Terrorism and Political
Violence, Vol. 24, No. 2 (2012), pp. 320-336; FATF, Organised Maritime Piracy and Related Kidnapping for Ransom,
July 2011; U.S. Department of the Treasury, “Remarks of Under Secretary David Cohen at Chatham house on
‘Kidnapping for Ransom: The Growing Terrorist Financing Challenge,’” October 5, 2012.
46 FATF, Organised Maritime Piracy and Related Kidnapping for Ransom, July 2011.
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and regional “fixers,” and “shadow facilitators.”47 The depth and durability of these crime-
terrorism relationships for support activities vary. Some terrorist groups view links to outside
criminal networks as short-term marriages of convenience, where the actors build ephemeral
business ties. These interactions often appear to be distinctly transactional in nature, with one
criminal actor or organization providing a specific, tangible service to a terrorist group. In other
cases, these relationships will be more synergistic, with terrorist and criminal groups creating
enduring coalitions. In such coalition relationships, criminals and terrorists assume
complementary but separate roles.
• Money laundering: Illicit support activities may include money laundering
techniques to obfuscate the origins and recipients of funds through front
companies, charities, shell corporations, and other third-party business structures.
The movement and storage of money may also involve illicit support activities
such as bulk cash smuggling and cash couriers; the exploitation of informal
remittance mechanisms, international trade systems, and the formal international
banking sector; and the use of unregulated diamonds, gold, and other minerals
and commodities for stored value. 48

47 Douglas Farah, Fixers, Super Fixers and Shadow Facilitators: How Networks Connect, International Assessment and
Strategy Center, April 23, 2012; FATF, Global Money Laundering and Terrorist Financing Threat Assessment, July
2010; Shelley and Picarelli, “Methods Not Motives ... ,” 2002.
48 GAO, Terrorist Financing ... , November 2003; Rabasa et al., “Chapter Seven: The Convergence of Terrorism ... ,”
2006. In the late 1990s and early 2000s, Al Qaeda purportedly used illegal diamond trade in Africa as a means of stored
value transfer and as part of gems-for-weapons deals.
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Hezbollah, Narcotics, and Illicit Finance: Recent Developments
Hezbollah is a Shiite Islamist militia, political party, and social welfare organization, as well as a State Department-
listed FTO and a specially designated terrorist group pursuant to EOs 12947 and 13224.49 According to official U.S.
government statements, it derives financial benefits from a sprawling global commercial network of licit and illicit
businesses that not only generates revenue for the organization but also provide numerous outlets through which
il icit funds can be laundered, disguised, and moved (see also the “Hezbol ah” below, under “Organizational Evolution
and Variation”). Although anecdotal reports have long appeared to connect Hezbol ah global operations with drug
trafficking, money laundering, and other illicit activity, several recent cases in 2011 have highlighted the potential
transnational reach of Hezbollah’s illicit finance activities.50
In February 2011, the Treasury Department’s Financial Crimes Enforcement Network (FinCEN) designated Lebanese
Canadian Bank SAL as a financial institution of primary money laundering concern pursuant to Section 311 of the USA
PATRIOT Act (31 U.S.C. 5318A). In its public notice on the Section 311 finding, FinCEN described the Lebanese
Canadian Bank SAL as “routinely used by drug traffickers and money launderers operating in various countries in
Central and South America, Europe, Africa, and the Middle East” and that Hezbollah profited from the criminal
activities of this global il icit financial network.51
Central to the designation were law enforcement and other sources of information that linked the Colombia-based
narcotics trafficking kingpin Ayman Joumaa with a global network involving Hezbollah facilitators, such as Ali
Mohamad Saleh, and other linked money laundering operations, including those controlled by Jorge Fadlallah
Cheaitelly and Mohamad Zouheir El Khansa.52 In January 2011, the Treasury Department designated Joumaa as a drug
kingpin (SDNTs) and additionally identified him as a specially designated global terrorists (SDGT) in June 2012. In
December 2011, Joumaa was also indicted on drug charges in the United States. According to such charges, he
allegedly coordinated cocaine shipments in connection with the Mexican DTO Los Zetas and laundered as much as
$200 million per month through accounts held with Lebanese Canadian Bank SAL and other financial institutions.53
His South and Central American drug trafficking operations shipped cocaine to the United States and well as to West
Africa for further distribution to Europe. Joumaa reportedly paid undisclosed fees to Hezbollah to facilitate the
transportation and laundering of narcotics proceeds. For example, for bulk cash movements through Beirut
International Airport, Joumaa paid Hezbol ah security to safeguard and transport cash.
Joumaa also reportedly used trade-based money laundering (TBML) schemes to help conceal and disguise the true
source, nature, ownership, and control of the narcotics proceeds. Such schemes involved Asian suppliers of consumer
goods as well as used car dealerships in the United States. As part of the U.S. car sales-TBML scheme, for example,
Hezbol ah owned and control ed funds are transferred from Lebanon to the United States via banks, currency
exchange houses, and individuals in order to purchase used cars. The cars would be shipped to West Africa and sold
for cash. Cash proceeds, in turn, would be transferred to Lebanon through Hezbol ah-linked bulk cash smugglers,
hawaladars, and currency brokers.
Hezbol ah’s contacts in West Africa make this region in particular an attractive mid-point for exchanging contraband
and cash and connecting with like-minded, ideological y driven criminals. In another recent U.S. narcotics trafficking
case, for example, a West Africa-based criminal facilitator and member of the Free Patriotic Movement, a Lebanese
Christian party aligned with Hezbol ah in the Lebanese cabinet, reportedly provided extensive services to Hezbol ah.
According to his indictment, Maroun Saade would pay local bribes to release Hezbollah’s cash couriers who were
arrested in West Africa.54 In the DEA-led operation that ultimately caught Saade and several of his associates, he
agreed to provide individuals whom he thought were Taliban (though were in fact DEA confidential sources) with
cocaine in exchange for weapons and heroin.

49 For more on Hezbollah see CRS Report R41446, Hezbollah: Background and Issues for Congress, by Casey L.
Addis and Christopher M. Blanchard.
50 For other examples of Hezbollah’s reported illicit activity see Nathan Vardi, “Hezbollah’s Hoard,” Forbes, August
14, 2006; Prepared testimony of Washington Institute for Near East Policy Senior Fellow and Director of Terrorism
Studies Matthew Levitt, in U.S. Congress, Senate Committee on Homeland Security and Government Affairs,
Counterfeit Goods: Easy Cash for Criminals and Terrorists, S.Hrg. 109-202, 109th Cong., 1st sess., May 25, 2005
(Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 2005); Levitt, “Hizbullah Narco-Terrorism: A Growing Cross-
Border Threat,” IHS Defense, Risk, and Security Consulting, September 2012.
51 U.S. Department of the Treasury, Financial Crimes Enforcement Network (FinCEN), “Finding that the Lebanese
Canadian Bank SAL is a Financial Institution of Primary Money Laundering Concern,” Federal Register, Vol. 76, No.
33 (February 17, 2011), pp. 9403-9406. See also Jo Becker, “Beirut Bank Seen as a Hub of Hezbollah’s Financing,”
(continued...)
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• Illicit movements of people, arms, and equipment: Other common forms of
illicit support activities include the clandestine movement of people and the
acquisition of materiel and communications equipment—all of which also
require access to a variety of fraudulent international documents, including visas,
passports, end user certificates, business registrations, shipping licenses, etc. 55 In
one example, based on research conducted by the RAND Corporation and press
reports, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) apparently maintain a cadre
of criminal intermediaries for procuring and smuggling weapons. Such
affiliations between arms brokers and the terrorist group appear to have been
purposefully indirect in order to maintain sufficient distance between criminal
activities and the leaders of the Tamil Tigers.56 In another example, a traditional
human smuggling network along the Syrian-Iraqi border was transformed by AQI
into a key pathway used by foreign terrorists to clandestinely enter Iraq.57

(...continued)
The New York Times, December 13, 2011.
52 DOJ, “U.S. Charges Alleged Lebanese Drug Kingpin With Laundering Drug Proceeds For Mexican And Colombian
Drug Cartels,” press release, December 13, 2011; U.S. Department of the Treasury, “Treasury Targets Key Panama-
Based Money Laundering Operation Linked to Mexican and Colombian Drug Cartels,” press release, December 29,
2011; U.S. Department of the Treasury, “Treasury Targets Major Money Laundering Network Linked to Drug
Trafficker Ayman Joumaa and a Key Hizballah Supporter in South America,” press release, June 27, 2012.
53 U.S. District Court, Eastern District of Virginia, United States of America v Ayman Joumaa, indictment, November
23, 2011; U.S. District Court, SDNY, United States of America v Lebanese Canadian Bank SAL et al., complaint,
December 15, 2011.
54 U.S. District Court, SDNY, United States of America v Maroun Saade et al., indictment, unsealed February 14, 2011.
55 The 9/11 Commission Report: Final Report of the National Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States
(Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 2004). See also Daveed Gartenstein-Ross and Kyle Dabruzzi,
The Convergence of Crime and Terror: Law Enforcement Opportunities and Perils, Policing Terrorism Report No. 1,
Center for Policing Terrorism at the Manhattan Institute, June 2007.
56 Rabasa et al., “Chapter Seven: The Convergence of Terrorism ... ,” 2006; DOJ, “Man Sentenced for Conspiracy to
Provide Material Support to Terror Organization: Aided Tamil Tiger Terrorists in the Attempted Purchase of Surface to
Air Missiles, Night Vision Devices, Machine Guns and State of the Art Firearms,” press release, October 30, 2008;
DOJ, “Singapore Man Sentenced to More than 4 Years in Prison for Conspiracy to Provide Material Support to a
Foreign Terrorist Organization,” press release, December 16, 2010.
57 According to press accounts, Abu Ghadiyah (now deceased) and his family were reportedly long known to the U.S.
intelligence community as a human smuggling network along the Syrian-Iraqi border. Around the time when U.S.
forces invaded Baghdad in 2003, Abu Ghadiyah transformed his traditional smuggling operation into a key Al Qaeda in
Iraq (AQI) hub for logistics and financial support—including provisions of passports, weapons, money, guides, and
safe houses—to foreign terrorists seeking entry into Iraq. According to the Treasury Department, Abu Ghadiyah was
appointed in 2004 as AQI’s Syrian commander of logistics. In this position he not only continued his smuggling
activities but also reportedly became involved in organizing at least two attacks in Iraq. See Mark Hosenball,
“Targeting a ‘Facilitator’: A Commando Raid into Syria Aimed at Al Qaeda in Iraq,” Newsweek, October 27, 2008;
U.S. Department of the Treasury, “Treasury Designates Members of Abu Ghadiyah’s Network: Facilitates Flow of
Terrorists, Weapons, and Money From Syria to al Qaida in Iraq,” press release, February 28, 2008; Matthew Levitt,
“Al-Qa'ida’s Finances: Evidence of Organizational Decline? CTC Sentinel, CTC at West Point, Vol. 1, Issue 5 (April
2008), pp. 7-9.
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The Case of Victor Bout: Global Illicit Air Cargo Facilitator
Bout is believed to have been one of the world's most prodigious arms traffickers, notorious for his ability to
transport practical y anything anywhere with his fleet of airplanes, primarily former Soviet cargo planes. Prior to his
arrest and eventual conviction in 2011, Bout was widely believed to have had a hand in a range of international
contraband smuggling and sanctions-busting activities in Africa, southwest Asia, and elsewhere. Both the United
Nations and the U.S. government sought to freeze his assets, and Belgium issued an arrest warrant for him in 2002
for crimes related to money laundering and diamond smuggling. He has also been accused of illegal y transporting
arms to the Taliban and Al Qaeda, while legally providing air freight transport around the world, including under
contract for the U.S. military in Iraq.58 He was caught in Thailand in 2008 in a DEA sting operation after attempting to
sel surface-to-air missiles, AK-47s, ammunition, C-4 plastic explosives, and unmanned aerial vehicles to U.S.
confidential sources purporting to be members of the FARC. Although Bout was ultimately extradited to the United
States in November 2010, convicted in November 2011 on four counts, and sentenced to 25 years in prison in April
2012, other enterprising crime-terrorism facilitators may fill the vacuum he has left in the global illicit arms trade.59
• Corruption: Through bribery, financial inducements, and other forms of
coercion, including the credible threat of violence, both criminal and terrorist
elements can take advantage of corrupt actors to facilitate their operations and
reduce the likelihood of detection and capture. Corrupt actors may range from
border guards, financial regulators, justice sector officials, high-level
policymakers and political figures, to private bankers, small business owners, and
industry magnates. Government protection may take several forms, such as
selectively ignoring evidence of illicit activity perpetrated by certain groups;
actively providing intelligence and other support to illicit actors; or the wholesale
ceding of authority and legitimacy to an illicit group.
Organizational Evolution and Variation
Typically, criminal groups are primarily driven by profit motives, whereas terrorist groups are
ideologically driven. The motivations that drive terrorist and criminal groups, however, can
evolve with time. A purely criminal group may transform over time to adopt political goals and
ideological motivations. Terrorist groups, on the other hand, may shift toward criminality. For
some terrorist groups, criminal activity remains secondary to ideological ambitions. For others,
profit-making may surpass political aspirations as the dominant operating rationale. The level of
involvement and expertise in terrorist or criminal activities may vary, depending on the
organization’s current leadership, membership composition, geographic distribution of
sympathizers and diaspora networks, dependence on state sponsorship, and physical proximity or
access to illicit resources. 60 Frequently cited terrorist organizations involved in criminal activity

58 See for example Michael Wines, “A Nation Challenged: A Suspect; Russian Goes on the Air to Deny Al Qaeda
Ties,” The New York Times, March 1, 2002; Peter Landesman, “Arms and the Man,” The New York Times Magazine,
August 17, 2003; Douglas Farah and Stephen Braun, Merchant of Death: Money, Guns, Planes, and the Man Who
Makes War Possible (Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 2007); Nicholas Schmidle, “Disarming Viktor Bout,”
The New Yorker, March 5, 2012.
59 DOJ, “Viktor Bout Extradited to the United States to Stand Trial on Terrorism Charges,” press release, November
17, 2010; DOJ, “International Arms Dealer Viktor Bout Convicted in New York of Terrorism Crimes,” press release,
November 2, 2011; DOJ, “International Arms Dealer Viktor Bout Sentenced in Manhattan Federal Court to 25 Years in
Prison for Terrorism Crimes,” press release, April 5, 2012; Kathi Lynn Austin, Viktor Bout’s Gunrunning Successors:
A Lethal Game of Catch Me If You Can, Conflict Awareness Project, August 2012.
60 See also Victor Asal, Kathleen Deloughery, and Brian J. Phillips, “When Politicians Sell Drugs: Examining Why
Middle East Ethnopolitical Organizations Are Involved in the Drug Trade,” Terrorism and Political Violence, Vol. 24,
No. 2 (2012), pp. 199-212.
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include, among others, ASG, Al Qaeda’s affiliates, D-Company, PKK, FARC, Haqqani Network,
and Hezbollah. Brief descriptions of these groups’ criminal activities are described below.
Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG)
A Philippines-based terrorist group, ASG appears to
Further CRS Reading
have at times prioritized criminal activities over
For more information on ASG and other
ideological operations. Major shifts toward crime
internal security threats in the Philippines,
occurred in conjunction with leadership and membership
see CRS Report RL33233, The Republic of the
composition changes, which altered the relative
Philippines and U.S. Interests, by Thomas Lum.
importance of ideological zeal and criminal tendencies.
During its periods of high criminality, ASG became well known for its success in kidnappings for
ransom, maritime piracy, and arms trafficking.61 Observers suggest that the group’s overall drive
toward criminal activity has been perpetuated by the group’s ability to generate illicit profits, with
new recruits tending to be more motivated by ASG’s promise of financial wealth rather than
ideological convictions. The State Department has listed ASG as an FTO since 1997, and
President George W. Bush designated ASG a specially designated global terrorist (SDGT)
pursuant to EO 13224 in 2001.
Al Qaeda’s Affiliates
There is no conclusive evidence of senior-level Al
Further CRS Reading
Qaeda members directly involved with or motivated by
For more information on the global reach of
organized crime. Many speculate that this is because of
Al Qaeda, see CRS Report R41070, Al Qaeda
the group’s strict ideological beliefs and fear of a loss of
and Affiliates: Historical Perspective, Global
credibility if senior leaders were found to be directly
Presence, and Implications for U.S. Policy,
coordinated by John Rollins.
involved in such activities. Connections to organized
crime activity, however, can be drawn among mid-level
and low-level Al Qaeda members and supporters. Moreover, it appears that Al Qaeda’s affiliates
and franchises do not necessarily share the same aversion to criminal activity. Notable crime-
funded Al Qaeda affiliates include AQIM and AQI.62 Additionally, Al Qaeda’s disinclination
toward direct involvement in organized crime has not prevented it from cooperating, supporting,
and jointly training with other insurgent groups that are more entrenched in trafficking and
smuggling activities, including the Haqqani Network and the Taliban. The State Department
designated Al Qaeda as an FTO in October 1999, and President George W. Bush designated it as
an SDGT pursuant to EO 13224 in 2001. Several of its affiliates have also been designated
separately as FTOs, including AQI in December 2004, AQIM in February 2008 (AQIM was also
previously designated in March 2002 when it was called the Salafist Group for Call and Combat,
GSPC), and AQAP in January 2010.

61 McKenzie O’Brien, “Fluctuations Between Crime and Terror: The Case of Abu Sayyaf’s Kidnapping Activities,”
Terrorism and Political Violence, Vol. 24, No. 2 (2012), pp. 320-336. See also Rabasa et al., “Chapter Seven: The
Convergence of Terrorism ... ,” 2006.
62 U.S. Department of State, Country Reports on Terrorism 2011, July 2012; U.S. Department of the Treasury,
“Remarks of Under Secretary David Cohen at Chatham house on ‘Kidnapping for Ransom: The Growing Terrorist
Financing Challenge,’” October 5, 2012.
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The 2004 Madrid Bombing and Its Connections to Drugs
The Al Qaeda cel that committed the March 2004 train bombings in Madrid provides an example of terrorist cel
whose members used extensive criminal endeavors to fund its operations. One of the plot’s ringleaders and several
accomplices were drug dealers and traffickers before they became radicalized and joined the Madrid cell. These
operatives sold narcotics to pay for cars, safe houses, phones, and other logistical support, and weapons.
Furthermore, they reportedly exchanged drugs for the explosives used in the attacks.63 One of the masterminds of
the Madrid bombings was reportedly Jamal Ahmidan, a major drug dealer who ran a far-reaching narcotics ring that
sold hashish and Ecstasy throughout western Europe in the 1990s. Ahmidan appears to have first become interested
in extremist Islamic ideology while serving time in a Spanish prison in 1998, and then was fully radicalized in a
Moroccan jail from 2000 to 2003.64
D-Company
Dawood Ibrahim, the alleged leader of D-Company, is an INTERPOL fugitive and wanted in
connection with the 1993 Mumbai bombing and sanctioned under U.N. Security Council
Resolution 1267. Ibrahim was listed in October 2003 by the Treasury Department as a specially
designated global terrorist (SDGT), and both Ibrahim and his organization were listed as
significant foreign narcotics traffickers (SDNTKs) in May 2008, pursuant to the Foreign
Narcotics Kingpin Designation Act. His organization, D-Company, can be characterized as both a
transnational criminal syndicate as well as ideologically aligned with terrorist groups operating in
South Asia, including Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT). According to reports, D-Company originated as a
smuggling operation in the 1970s. It evolved in the 1990s into an organized crime group not only
motivated by profit but also one that engaged in insurgent activity, eventually supporting efforts
to smuggle weapons to militant and terrorist groups in the region. By the 1990s, it began to
conduct and participate in terrorist attacks, including the March 12, 1993, Bombay bombing. D-
Company’s criminal activities reportedly span extortion, smuggling, narcotics trafficking, and
contract killings.65
Kurdistan Worker’s Party (PKK)
Formed in the 1970s and operational since the early 1980s as a Kurdish nationalist group with
Marxist-Leninist leanings, the PKK increasingly turned to crime after it lost its state sponsors.66
By the late 1990s, and particularly after its leader Abdullah Ocalan was captured in 1999, the
PKK invested heavily in transnational organized crime activities, such as drug trafficking, arms
smuggling, human smuggling, extortion, money laundering, counterfeiting, and illegal cigarettes.
By the 1990s, the PKK had formed specialized units to variously carry out militant operations,

63 Dale Fuchs, “Spain Says Bombers Drank Water From Mecca and Sold Drugs,” The New York Times, April 15, 2004;
“Madrid Bombing Probe Finds No al-Qaida Link: Two-Year Investigation Concludes that Terrorists Were Homegrown
Radicals,” Associated Press, March 9, 2006.
64 Andrea Elliott, “Where Boys Grow Up to Be Jihadis,” The New York Times, November 25, 2007; Sebastian Rotella,
“Jihad’s Unlikely Alliance,” Los Angeles Times, Mary 23, 2004; Phil Williams, “In Cold Blood: The Madrid
Bombings,” Perspectives on Terrorism, Vol. 2, No. 9 (2008).
65 Sumita Sarkar and Arvind Tiwari, “Combating Organised Crime: A Case Study of Mumbai City,” Faultlines, Vol.
12, Art. 5 (2002); Gregory F. Treverton et al., Film Piracy, Organized Crime, and Terrorism, RAND Corporation,
2009; “Bad Company: South Asia’s Regional Criminal Organisation,” Jane’s Intelligence Review, August 2009;
Gilbert King, The Most Dangerous Man in the World: Dawood Ibrahim (New York, NY: Camberlain Bros., 2004).
66 Its state sponsors included Syria, which hosted the group’s leadership, as well as the Soviet Union, Iran, Iraq, and
Greece.
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contraband trafficking, political activities, and information campaigns. 67 As a result, some parts
of the PKK appear to behave more like a criminal organization rather than a terrorist or guerrilla
organization.68 According to the U.S. government, many of these criminal activities are centered
in Europe, where there is a significant Kurdish diaspora population. The State Department
designated the PKK as an FTO in October 1997. The PKK was also designated as an SDGT in
2001. For its alleged involvement in drug trafficking, the President designated the PKK as an
SDNTK in May 2008, pursuant to the Foreign Narcotics Kingpin Designation Act.
Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC)
Operational since the 1960s, the FARC has been
Further CRS Reading
described as one of the largest, oldest, most violent, and
For more on the FARC, see CRS Report
best-equipped terrorist organization in Latin America. Its
RS21049, Latin America: Terrorism Issues, by
longevity is due in part to its involvement in the drug
Mark P. Sullivan and June S. Beittel, and CRS
trade. The enormous profit opportunity that drug
Report RL32250, Colombia: Background, U.S.
Relations, and Congressional Interest, by June S.
trafficking has provided to the FARC is widely viewed
Beittel.
as the driving factor for its involvement in such criminal
activity. According to reports, the FARC first became
involved in the drug trade in the 1980s by levying protection fees on coca bush harvesters, buyers
of coca paste and cocaine base, and cocaine processing laboratory operators in territory under
FARC control. Over time, the FARC took a more direct role in drug production and distribution.
By the 2000s, the FARC had reportedly become the world’s largest supplier of cocaine. The
FARC also reportedly generates revenue from extortion rackets, kidnapping ransoms, and illegal
mining.69 The State Department designated the FARC as an FTO in October 1997.

67 Abdulkadir Onay, PKK Criminal Networks and Fronts in Europe, The Washington Institute for Near East Policy,
Policy Watch Report No. 1344, February 21, 2008; Vera Eccarius-Kelly, “Surreptitious Lifelines: A Structural
Analysis of the FARC and the PKK,” Terrorism and Political Violence, Vol. 24, No. 2 (2012), pp. 235-258; “Partiya
Karkeren Kurdistan (PKK), Jane’s World Insurgency and Terrorism, August 2012.
68 Since the 2003 U.S.-led invasion of Iraq, the PKK has used safe havens in northern Iraq to coordinate and launch
attacks against Turkish targets. PKK violence also appears to have resurged during the early stages of the “Arab
Spring” and particularly following the outbreak of civil conflict in Syria. Some reports speculate that the Asad regime
and Iran might be providing political and/or material support to these groups.
69 Rex A. Hudson et al., A Global Overview of Narcotics-Funded Terrorist and Other Extremist Groups, Library of
Congress, Federal Research Division, May 2002; Eccarius-Kelly, “Surreptitious Lifelines ... ,” 2012; U.S. Department
of State, Country Reports on Terrorism 2011, July 2012. It is also believed to have entered into strategic alliances with
external criminal syndicates and other terrorist organizations. The FARC, for example, reportedly maintains contacts
with Russian, Ukrainian, Croatian, and Jordanian crime families, and armed groups in more than a dozen foreign
countries, for the purposes of supplying the FARC with weapons and communications equipment. The FARC also
allegedly collaborates with other terrorist groups, including Basque Homeland and Freedom (ETA) and a smaller
insurgent group in Colombia, the National Liberation Army (ELN).
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Haqqani Network
The family-run Haqqani Network is commonly
Further CRS Reading
described as an insurgent group, in equal measures one
For more information on Haqqani Network
of the Taliban’s most capable militant factions as well as
attacks, background, and political
an enterprising transnational criminal organization.
implications, see CRS Report R41832,
Headquartered in North Waziristan, Pakistan, this
Pakistan-U.S. Relations, by K. Alan Kronstadt,
and CRS Report RL30588, Afghanistan: Post-
insurgent group is suspected of conducting major attacks
Taliban Governance, Security, and U.S. Policy, by
against allied coalition members of the North Atlantic
Kenneth Katzman.
Treaty Organization (NATO) and U.S. forces in
Afghanistan as well as active involvement in a wide range of highly profitable licit and illicit
activity. In the 1980s, Jalaluddin Haqqani first gained a reputation as an effective mujahedin
commander and U.S. ally against the Soviet Union. He later joined the Taliban regime in the
1990s when in power in Afghanistan. The group continues to maintain relationships not only with
Al Qaeda and other militant groups in the region, but also purportedly benefits from a relationship
with Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence Directorate (ISI)—a relationship strongly decried by
America’s top ranking military officer in September 2011. As part of a strategy of financial
diversification to ensure the organization’s resiliency against external pressures, the group also
benefits financially from extortion and protection rackets, robbery schemes, kidnapping for
ransom, and contraband smuggling (e.g., drugs, precursor chemicals, timber, and chromite).70 The
Haqqanis also reportedly control licit import-export, transportation, real estate, and construction
firms through which illicit proceeds can be laundered. Pursuant to the Haqqani Network Terrorist
Designation Act of 2012 (P.L. 112-168), the State Department designated the group as an FTO in
September 2012.
Hezbollah
Based in Lebanon, with established cells in Africa,
Further CRS Reading
North and South America, Asia, and Europe, Hezbollah
For more on Hezbol ah, see CRS Report
is known to have or suspected of having been involved
R41446, Hezbollah: Background and Issues for
in terrorist attacks against U.S. interests worldwide.
Congress, by Casey L. Addis and Christopher
Although primarily funded and trained with support
M. Blanchard.
from state sponsors, chiefly Iran, Hezbollah also
reportedly benefits from a sprawling global commercial network of licit and illicit businesses,
largely connected to expatriate Lebanese communities worldwide.71 Sources of funds include
private donors and large-scale investments in legitimate businesses. Criminal indictments and
statements by U.S. officials and other experts suggest that Hezbollah has also become well-
integrated in the domain of transnational organized crime, deriving profits from a wide range of
illicit enterprises, such as drug trafficking, precursor chemical trafficking, counterfeit

70 David Rhode, “Held By the Taliban,” The New York Times, November 17, 2009; Jeffrey A. Dressler, The Haqqani
Network: From Pakistan to Afghanistan, Institute for the Study of War, Afghanistan Report No. 6, October 2010;
Alissa Rubin and James Risen, “Costly Afghanistan Road Project is Marred by Unsavory Alliances,” The New York
Times, May 1, 2011; Mark Mazzetti, Scott Shane, and Alissa J. Rubin, “Brutal Haqqani Crime Clan Bedevils U.S. in
Afghanistan,” The New York Times, September 24, 2011; Peters, Haqqani Network Financing: The Evolution of an
Industry, CTC at West Point, harmony project, July 2012; U.S. Department of State, Report to Congress as Required
by The Haqqani Network Terrorist Designation Act of 2012, September 7, 2012; U.S. Congress, House Committee on
Foreign Affairs, Subcommittee on Terrorism, Nonproliferation, and Trade, Combating the Haqqani Terrorist Network,
112th Cong., 2nd sess., September 13, 2012.
71 U.S. Department of State, Country Reports on Terrorism 2011, July 2012.
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pharmaceutical trafficking, sales of counterfeit commercial goods and electronics, auto theft and
fraudulent re-sale, diamond smuggling, cigarette and baby formula smuggling, credit card fraud,
and insurance scams, among potentially many others.72 Pursuant to EO 12947, Hezbollah was
designated in January 1995 as a specially designated terrorist (SDT). The State Department
designated Hezbollah as an FTO in 1997. In October 2001, Hezbollah was also designated as an
SDGT pursuant to EO 13224.
Foreign Policy Responses
With recognition that every crime-terrorism partnering circumstance will be different and the
tools to identify and address such concerns may change, a wide range of anti-crime and
counterterrorism policy options can be considered. The variety of options available, however, also
challenges policymakers to consider several key questions in formulating responses. Should a
specific agency or an interagency coordinating body be designated as leading U.S. government
responses to crime-terrorism threats? Under what circumstances would U.S. responses to a crime-
terrorism threat be most appropriately led by the intelligence community, military, diplomatic
corps, or law enforcement agencies? How can resources and authorities be allocated and managed
to avoid excessive duplication while also ensuring effective policy response coverage?
The following sections describe selected key foreign policy responses to crime-terrorism nexus
threats and related policy considerations for Congress for each response. These may be applied in
various combinations or sequences, depending on the specific circumstances.
Diplomacy
U.S. diplomatic efforts to promote anti-crime and counterterrorism goals occur through bilateral,
regional, and multilateral mechanisms. Such efforts are often led by the U.S. Department of State
and include initiatives developed by its regional bureaus, the Bureau for International Narcotics
and Law Enforcement Affairs (INL), and the Bureau of Counterterrorism (CT). Relevant U.N.
treaties to which the United States is party to include the International Convention Against the
Taking of Hostages, International Convention for the Suppression of Terrorist Bombings,
International Convention for the Suppression of the Financing of Terrorism, U.N. Convention
against Transnational Organized Crime, and International Convention for the Suppression of Acts

72 In one example of Hezbollah-linked crime-terrorism activity within the United States, a group of individuals in
Pennsylvania, purportedly at the request of a member of Hezbollah’s political bureau in Beirut, Lebanon, sought to
provide material support to Hezbollah in the form of weapons as well as counterfeit and stolen cash generated from
trafficking in a wide range of counterfeit goods, such as fake passports, cell phones, computers, gaming systems, cars,
and designer sports jerseys. See DOJ, “Four Indicted for Conspiring to Support Hizballah; Six Others Charged with
Related Crimes,” press release, November 24, 2009; Hitha Prabhakar, Black Market Billions: How Organized Retail
Crime Funds Global Terrorists (Upper Saddle River, NJ: FT Press, 2012); Prepared testimony of Washington Institute
for Near East Policy Director of the Stein Program on Counterterrorism and Intelligence Matthew Levitt, in U.S.
Congress, House Homeland Security Committee, Iran, Hezbollah, and the Threat to the Homeland, 112th Cong., 2nd
sess., March 21, 2012. See also Rabasa et al., “Chapter Seven: The Convergence of Terrorism ... ,” 2006; Doug Farah,
Hezbollah’s External Support Network in West Africa and Latin America, International Assessment and Strategy
Center, August 4, 2006; Prepared testimony of U.S. Department of State Principal Deputy Coordinator of the Office of
the Coordinator for Counterterrorism Frank C. Urbancic, Jr., in U.S. Congress, House Committee on International
Relations, Subcommittee on International Terrorism and Nonproliferation and Subcommittee on Middle East and
Central Asia, Hizballah’s Global Reach, Serial No. 109-233, 109th Cong., 2nd sess., September 28, 2006.
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of Nuclear Terrorism. Through the U.N. Security Council, the United States also participates in
the Security Council Sanctions Committee. The Sanctions Committee administers and enforces a
range of sanctions and targeted measures against Al Qaeda and the Taliban, among others, which
include arms embargoes, travel bans, asset freezes, and diplomatic restrictions.
Bilaterally, the U.S. government maintains mutual legal assistance treaties (MLATs) and
extradition agreements with foreign countries to facilitate transnational investigations and
information sharing. Other options available to the State Department include designating entities
as FTOs, pursuant to the Immigration and Nationality Act (INA), as amended, and barring known
foreign terrorists and transnational organized criminals from entry into the United States and
providing grounds to remove and deport such individuals if in the United States, pursuant to
several visa ineligibility conditions.73 (See text box below for more on a recent FTO designation,
the Haqqani Network.) Additionally, the U.S. Department of the Treasury’s Office of Terrorist
Financing and Financial Crimes (TFFC) leads the U.S. delegation in meetings of the Financial
Action Task Force (FATF), an international body that develops global regulatory standards for
combating money laundering and terrorist financing.
Congress has provided direction to relevant federal departments to conduct diplomatic activities
to address crime-terrorism issues by enacting legislation that authorizes and appropriates funds to
relevant agencies to perform such tasks, as well as by conducting program oversight through
hearings and reporting requirements. Given the inherently transnational nature of many current
crime-terrorism challenges, diplomacy often plays a central role in responses. The extent to which
diplomacy can be effective in combating crime-terrorism threats, however, is limited by delays
associated with achieving consensus agreements and potentially long-lasting gaps in foreign
political will and capacity.

73 For further discussion of criminal aliens, see CRS Report RL32480, Immigration Consequences of Criminal Activity,
by Michael John Garcia. Pursuant to authorities under the INA, as amended, President Obama issued Presidential
Proclamation (PP) 8693, which elaborated on existing travel prohibitions against specially designated terrorists and
transnational organized criminals. See President Barack Obama, “Proclamation 8693 of July 24, 2011: Suspension of
Entry of Aliens Subject to United Nations Security Council Travel Bans and International Emergency Economic
Powers Act Sanctions,” Federal Register, Vol. 76, No. 144, pp. 44751-44755.
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Designating the Haqqani Network
As discussed above, the Haqqani Network is a militant faction of the Taliban, whose insurgent activities include acts of
terrorism as well as extensive involvement in transnational criminal activity. Although several senior members of the
group had previously been listed by the Treasury Department as SDGTs, the Haqqani Network was not designated
an FTO until September 2012. Congress contributed to its designation as an FTO with the passage of the Haqqani
Network Terrorist Designation Act 2012 (S. 1959/H.R. 6036). Enacted on August 10, 2012 (P.L. 112-168), the Act
established that it was the sense of Congress that the Haqqani Network met the criteria for designation as an FTO
pursuant to section 219 of the Immigration and Nationality Act (INA) and that the Secretary of State should designate
the group as such. The Act required that the Secretary of State report to appropriate congressional committees
within 30 days of enactment of the Act with a detailed report on whether the Haqqani Network fit the description of
FTOs. On September 7, 2012, the State Department transmitted its report to Congress, concluding that the Haqqani
Network met the criteria for designation as an FTO: according to the State Department, it is a “foreign organization
that engages in terrorism” and that its terrorist activity “threatens the security of U.S. nationals and the national
security of the United States.”
Foreign Assistance
Several U.S. departments and agencies administer programs to train foreign law enforcement
officials and other security forces; develop legal frameworks in partner nations to criminalize and
combat various crime-, drug-, and terrorism-related activities; and support institutional capacity
building for foreign internal security and border enforcement entities. U.S. foreign assistance
efforts to combat international terrorism or transnational crime can have mutually beneficial
implications. In cases of crime-terrorism confluence, some have cautioned that an increasingly
blurred line between counterterrorism and anti-crime assistance could reduce foreign aid
transparency and raise additional challenges in planning and coordinating projects to avoid
redundancy. In some cases, foreign development aid may also risk unintentionally providing
illicit groups with an additional source of funding. In regions where known crime-terrorist groups
are known to operate, such as Afghanistan, funds intended for development projects have at times
benefited illicit groups, who offer development contractors with security and protection
services.74
Most U.S. foreign police assistance is administered through the U.S. Departments of State and
Defense, and programs are variously implemented by other U.S. agencies and federal contractors
in host nations. In some situations, the U.S. government may be requested to support foreign
militaries in their efforts to combat crime-terrorism threats, such as the FARC in Colombia or the
Taliban in Afghanistan. In addition to U.S.-funded foreign security forces support efforts, the U.S.
Agency for International Development (USAID) is often involved in developing related justice
sector and rule of law assistance programs. DOJ maintains in-house expertise through its Office
of Overseas Prosecutorial Development Assistance and Training (OPDAT) and International
Criminal Investigative Training Assistance Program (ICITAP) to implement capacity building
projects that support foreign countries investigate and prosecute cases involving transnational
crime and international terrorism. U.S. federal prosecutors may serve as Resident Legal Advisors
(RLAs) overseas to support related justice sector training, institution building, and legislative
drafting.

74 For one example in Afghanistan that may have resulted in development aid diverted to the Haqqani Network among
other local militant groups, see Alissa J. Rubin and James Risen, “Costly Afghanistan Road Project is Marred by
Unsavory Alliances,” The New York Times, May 1, 2011.
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Congress has played an active role in establishing the scope and amount of U.S. assistance that
can be provided for the purposes of counterterrorism and anti-crime. Specific authorities are
outlined in the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, as amended, Title 10 of the U.S. Code, and
periodic National Defense Authorization Acts. Additional conditions may also be included in
appropriations acts for the various agencies involved in administering foreign assistance for
counterterrorism and anti-crime.
Financial Actions
Several unilateral and multilateral policy mechanisms are available to block transactions and
freeze assets of specified terrorist or criminal entities, as well as to strengthen international
financial systems through enhanced regulatory requirements. Unilaterally, the Treasury
Department’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) administers and enforces unilateral
targeted financial sanctions against a list of foreign entities and individuals (specially designated
nationals, or SDNs) that include SDGTs, FTOs, Middle Eastern terrorist organizations found to
undermine and threaten Middle East peace process efforts (specially designated terrorists, or
SDTs), transnational criminal organizations (TCOs), and specially designated narcotics traffickers
and trafficking kingpins (SDNTs and SDNTKs). Authorities for OFAC to designate such entities
are derived from executive order and legislative statutes, which include the International
Emergency Economic Powers Act (EEPA), the Antiterrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act of
1996 (AEDPA), and the Foreign Narcotics Kingpin Designation Act.
Additionally, Title II of the USA PATRIOT ACT of 2001 (P.L. 108-56, as amended) introduced
several policy tools that strengthened the existing U.S. framework to combat illicit finance.
Among other provisions, this Act developed a procedure, popularly known as Section 311, to
apply enhanced regulatory requirements, called “special measures,” against designated
jurisdictions, financial institutions, and international transactions that are found to be involved in
criminal or terrorist financing activities.75 At the multilateral level, the United Nations administers
several sanctions programs to freeze funds related to persons involved in acts of terrorism,
including individuals and entities associated with Al Qaeda and the Taliban, pursuant to U.N.
Security Council Resolution 1373 (2001), U.N. Security Council Resolution 1267 (1999), and
U.N. Security Council Resolution 1988 (2011).
Many observers have argued that a key tool to combat the confluence of crime and terrorism is to
follow their overlapping money trails and apply financial sanctions and heightened regulatory
conditions to vulnerable financial sectors. Both types of groups require funds to sustain
operations, and such funds often intersect with the formal international banking system. Critics of
such tools to counter illicit financial transaction suggest that they are often laborious and time-
intensive to implement, and not necessarily effective in dismantling crime or terrorism networks.
Policymakers have acknowledged that criminals and terrorists continue to exploit opportunities to
move funds and hide their financial tracks in multiple ways: in the formal financial system;
through centuries-old techniques such as bulk cash smuggling, trade-based money laundering,
and hawala-type informal value transfer systems; and through modern technologies such as pre-
paid cards, mobile banking systems, and the Internet.

75 Also highlighting the Treasury Department’s awareness in the aftermath of September 11 that both criminals and
terrorists seek to exploit the international financial system, it established in 2004 the Office of Intelligence and Analysis
(OIA), now a formal member of the intelligence community.
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Intelligence
Although few details are publicly available about the intelligence community’s role in combating
crime-terrorism threats, intelligence can play a significant role in developing strategic analyses
that prioritize crime-terrorism trends of national security significance, as well as in developing
operational and tactical responses to detect, influence, and target specific crime-terrorism
networks, nodes, plans, and actors. The 2009 National Intelligence Strategy described the nexus
between terrorism and criminal activities as among the intelligence community’s priorities.
In the past, some have suggested that there appeared to be limited, if any, systematic gathering of
intelligence related to the nexus between crime and terrorism and, as a result, an incomplete
understanding of the scope and nature of relationships between and convergence among terrorists
and criminal actors. The Obama Administration’s 2011 Strategy to Combat Transnational
Organized Crime acknowledged that “a shift in U.S. intelligence collection priorities” since 9/11
resulted in “significant gaps” related to transnational organized crime.76 The 2011 Strategy also
identified the enhancement of “U.S. intelligence collection, analysis, and counterintelligence” on
transnational organized crime as “a necessary first step.” Since 9/11, numerous bills have
addressed terrorism as well a transnational crime-related issues. Similarly, a number of
congressional hearings have focused on issues relating to international terrorism and transnational
crime. Some observers suggest that heightened congressional focus on the confluence of crime
and terrorism may have an impact on the executive branch’s approach to the issue and
appreciation for the risks and vulnerabilities associated with crime-terrorism partnering
arrangements.
Military Actions
In some cases, particularly in non-permissive security environments in which traditional law
enforcement units may have difficulty operating, the U.S. military has been called upon to
contribute to certain joint counternarcotics and counterterrorism or counterinsurgency activities.
In 2002, for example, Congress first authorized DOD to support a “unified campaign against
narcotics trafficking ... [and] activities by organizations designated as terrorist organizations such
as the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), the National Liberation Army (ELN),
and the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC).”77 Although Congress renewed this
authority through FY2012 in the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2012 (P.L.
112-81), it has not been codified and is limited only to activities in Colombia. Military operations
in Afghanistan provide another example in which DOD has taken an expanded approach to crime-
terrorism nexus issues. In late 2008, DOD amended its rules of engagement in Afghanistan to
allow U.S. military commanders to target drug traffickers and others who provide material
support to insurgent or terrorist groups such as the Taliban and members of hybrid crime-
terrorism groups such as the Haqqani Network.78 DOD further clarified that the U.S. military may
accompany and provide force protection in counternarcotics field operations.79 In some cases, the

76 Obama Administration, Strategy to Combat Transnational Organized Crime, July 2011.
77 Section 305 of P.L. 107-206.
78 James Risen, “U.S. to Hunt Down Afghan Drug Lords Tied to Taliban,” The New York Times, August 9, 2009.
79 GAO, Afghanistan Drug Control: Strategy Evolving and Progress Reported, but Interim Performance Targets and
Evaluation of Justice Reform Efforts Needed, GAO-10-291, March 2010.
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U.S. military has chosen to take lethal action to rescue or attempt to rescue hostages in
kidnapping for ransom situations.80
U.S. military involvement in situations where there are overlaps between anti-crime and
counterterrorism goals is not necessarily warranted or desired. In some situations, political
sensitivities and rules of engagement may prevent or prohibit the U.S. armed forces from direct
involvement. Some observers caution that militarized counternarcotics or anti-crime policies may
risk escalating suppression tactics and contribute to violations of human rights.
Investigations
Various elements of the U.S. Departments of Justice (DOJ) and the Department of Homeland
Security (DHS) are tasked with investigating cases that involve alleged prohibited acts related to
international terrorism and transnational crime. These include the U.S. Federal Bureau of
Investigation (FBI), the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA), the International
Organized Crime Intelligence and Operations Center (IOC-2), and Immigration and Customs
Enforcement (ICE). The State Department, DOD, and FBI also publicize rewards programs for
citizen tips that lead to the apprehension of selected high-profile international war criminals, drug
traffickers, and terrorists.
Some observers see the nexus between crime and terrorism as a potential benefit for detection and
law enforcement prosecution that could be further exploited. Even if prosecutors do not have
sufficient evidence to convict a suspected terrorist of terrorism-related charges, other criminal
charges may be effectively used. Furthermore, some criminal charges, such as violations related
to drug trafficking, can lead to jail sentences and penalties similar in magnitude to terrorism ones.
It remains unclear, however, how effective such law enforcement and prosecution approaches
have been to combat terrorism or how frequently such strategies have been implemented in
practice, both in the United States and among partner nations, due to the lack of consistency in
tracking cases with crime-terrorism nexus connections. Congress may have an interest in
assessing how existing statutes have been used to support investigative and prosecution-related
activities in response to entities suspected of engaging in terrorism-crime partnering activities.
Assessing investigative, prosecution, and sentencing data collected in the 11 years since the
attacks of 9/11 may provide Congress with information regarding statutes that have been
effectively used to address crime-terrorism partnering activities and areas where additional
legislative assistance might be required.

80 In January 2012, for example, U.S. special forces reportedly rescued two hostages in Somalia, killing all nine
kidnappers. In another instance, from February 2011, U.S. special forces attempted to rescue four hostages off the coast
of Somalia, but their captors, reportedly Somali pirates, killed or fatally wounded all four before they could be rescued.
Jeffrey Gettleman, Eric Schmitt, and Thom Shanker, “U.S. Swoops in to Free 2 from Pirates in Somali Raid,” The New
York Times, January 25, 2012; Adam Nagourney and Gettleman, “Pirates Brutally End Yachting Dream,” The New
York Times, February 22, 2011.
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Investigation and Enforcement of International Narcoterrorism Cases
Section 122 of the USA PATRIOT Improvement and Reauthorization Act of 2005 (P.L. 109-177) added a new
prohibition against narco-terrorism with enhanced criminal penalties. This provision, codified at 21 U.S.C. 960a,
makes it a violation of U.S. law to engage in narcotics-related crimes anywhere in the world while knowing,
conspiring, or intending to provide support, directly or indirectly, for a terrorist act or to a terrorist organization. In
order to pursue these complex, transnational narco-terrorism cases against high-level, often foreign or foreign-
located targets, DEA established the Counter-Narco-Terrorism Operations Center within its Special Operations
Division (SOD) to manage its worldwide activities. In some countries, such as in Afghanistan, narco-terrorism
operations are implemented on the ground through Foreign-Deployed Advisory and Support Teams (FAST) that
col aborate on joint investigations together with host country counterparts.
There have been several publicly reported investigations and prosecutions involving alleged violations of 21 U.S.C.
960a. Such cases have involved individuals al egedly affiliated with groups, such as the Taliban, the United Self-Defense
Forces of Colombia (AUC), Al Qaeda, Hezbollah, and the FARC.
International narco-terrorism prosecutions appear to have gained prominence since enactment of the USA PATRIOT
Improvement and Reauthorization Act of 2005. For example, the Office of the U.S. Attorney for the Southern
District of New York internally restructured its organizational units in January 2010 and merged its Terrorism and
National Security Unit with its International Narcotics Trafficking Unit. This internal reorganization was designed to
facilitate greater coordination with DEA on narco-terrorism cases. Explaining the apparent increased emphasis on
narco-terrorism, the U.S. Attorney for the Southern District of New York stated:
Since January 2010, this Office, in partnership with the DEA, has focused its attention even more
closely on the serious threat that narco-terrorism poses to our national security. Combating the
lethal nexus of drug trafficking and terrorism requires a bold and proactive approach. And as crime
increasingly goes global, and national security threats remain global, the long arm of the law has to get
even longer.81
Meanwhile, some observers have raised questions about the implementation of 21 U.S.C. 960a and related statutes in
practice. Some have questioned whether the U.S. government approach to investigating and, ultimately, prosecuting
individuals under 21 U.S.C. 960a sufficiently targets the most significant foreign drug and terrorism threats to U.S.
interests.82 Others question whether pursuit of foreign narco-terrorism suspects overseas and subsequent
prosecution in U.S. courts is the most appropriate policy tool choice.
Looking Ahead: Implications for Congress
Policy issues related to the interaction of international crime and terrorism are inherently
complex. While the U.S. government has maintained substantial long-standing efforts to combat
terrorism and transnational crime separately, questions remain about how and whether issues
related to the interaction of the two threats are handled most effectively across the multiple U.S.
agencies involved. Efforts to combat transnational crime can result in positive and negative
outcomes with counterterrorism policies, raising fundamental questions about how to prioritize
combating crime or terrorism aspects of a case when both elements are present. Further, questions
remain on how links between terrorist-criminal activity and potentially related U.S. polices—

81 DOJ, “United States v. Henareh, et al., and Taza Gul Alizai,” prepared remarks for U.S. Attorney Preet Bharara, July
26, 2011.
82 See, for example, John E. Thomas, Jr. “Narco-Terrorism: Could the Legislative and Prosecutorial Responses
Threaten Our Civil Liberties?” Washington and Lee Law Review, Vol. 66 (2009), pp. 1881-1920; Johnny Dwyer, “The
DEA’s Terrorist Hunters: Overreaching Their Authority?,” Time Magazine, August 8, 2011; Benjamin Weiser, “For
Prosecutors in New York, A Global Beat,” The News York Times, March 28, 2011; Mike Scarcella, “Define Narco-
Terrorist; The DEA’s Expanded Enforcement Power Faces its First Appellate Case,” The National Law Journal,
November 21, 2011.
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Terrorism and Transnational Crime: Foreign Policy Issues for Congress

including but not limited to WMD proliferation, cyber security, post-conflict reconstruction
efforts, and counterinsurgency—are integrated across agencies.
Since the September 11 attacks, Congress has enacted several landmark bills that have given the
U.S. government greater authority and additional tools to counter the convergence of organized
crime and terrorism. Less than six weeks after the attack, Congress enacted the USA PATRIOT
Act (P.L. 107-56) to strengthen the U.S. government’s ability to detect, report, and prevent
terrorist activities, including potential connections between organized crime and terrorism.83
Additionally, Congress enacted the Intelligence Reform and Terrorism Prevention Act of 2004
(P.L. 108-458) and the USA PATRIOT Improvement and Reauthorization Act of 2005 (P.L. 109-
177), which further enhanced U.S. government efforts to crack down on terrorist financing and
money laundering.84
Based on recent U.S. assessments, transnational crime and international terrorism appear to
intersect and overlap in ways that will, at times, affect U.S. national interests. To this end,
Congress may choose to continue to evaluate existing approaches and programs to combat the
confluence of crime and terrorism through hearings and requesting or legislating reports to be
issued by relevant executive branch agencies and inspector general offices. Congress may also
choose to modify, adapt, or enhance existing legislative authorities and mandates to target various
dimensions of the problem. Such approaches may be region- or group-specific, or global in the
scope.
Examples of legislation from the 112th Congress that address crime-terrorism concerns include
the following:
• Western Hemisphere Security Cooperation Act of 2012 (H.R. 6067):
Addressing security issues from a regional perspective, this bill describes recent
activities of several foreign terrorist organizations (FTOs) in Latin America,
including Hezbollah, Hamas, and the FARC. The bill would also amend existing
counternarcotics and counterterrorism policies to draw explicit connections
between the two phenomena and apply corresponding policy responses.
• To direct the Secretary of State to designate as foreign terrorist
organizations certain Mexican drug cartels and submit a report on the
activities the Department of State is taking to assist Mexico with drug cartel
violence, and for other purposes(H.R. 4303): Addressing the issue of specific
groups and whether their tactics qualify them to be designated as FTOs, this bill
would require the Secretary of State to designate seven Mexican DTOs: the

83The PATRIOT Act, for example, stiffened money laundering penalties, granted the Secretary of the Treasury new
powers, established mechanisms to report money laundering transactions through private banks, permitted the transfer
of financial records among agencies if relevant to intelligence activities, created Federal jurisdiction over foreign
money launderers, and made licensed money senders, including informal hawala networks, subject to mandatory
reports on transactions.
84 Among other provisions, the Intelligence Reform and Terrorism Prevention Act of 2004 expanded the authority and
tools of the Department of the Treasury’s Financial Crimes Enforcement Network (FinCEN), directed the Secretary of
the Treasury to prescribe regulations requiring financial institutions to report certain cross-border money transfers, and
directed the president to submit to Congress a report evaluating U.S. efforts to curtail international financing of
terrorism. Pertaining to potential crime-terrorism connections, the USA PATRIOT Improvement and Reauthorization
Act of 2005 increased penalties for terrorism financing, expanded the purview of the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt
Organizations (RICO) Act (P.L. 91-452), broadened the parameters of money laundering offenses, and made the
receipt of military training from a foreign terrorist organization a predicate to a money laundering offense.
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Terrorism and Transnational Crime: Foreign Policy Issues for Congress

Arellano Felix Organization, Los Zetas Cartel, Juarez Cartel, Beltran Leyva
Organization, La Familia Michoacana, Sinaloa Cartel, and Gulf Cartel or New
Federation. In 2011, Representative McCaul introduced a similar bill, H.R. 1270,
“To direct the Secretary of State to designate as foreign terrorist organizations
certain Mexican drug cartels, and for other purposes.”
• Department of State Rewards Program Update and Technical Corrections
Act of 2012 (H.R. 4077 and S. 2318): Enhancing the flexibility of an existing
program to authorize rewards that lead to the apprehension of suspected narcotics
traffickers and international terrorists, this bill would authorize the State
Department to extend its rewards program to apply to transnational organized
criminals as well. The extension of the reward program to apply to transnational
organized crime was also included as a provision in H.R. 6018 (which passed the
House) and H.R. 6067.
More broadly, as policymakers consider the crime-terrorism nexus issue and relevant policy
responses, key questions for Congress may include the following:
• What is the scope of the crime-terrorism issue? What types of crimes are
involved? Which groups and actors of both kinds pose the greatest threat to U.S.
national security?
• What political, social, economic, geographic, and demographic circumstances
facilitate the interaction between transnational crime and international terrorism?
• Has the United States successfully exploited the partnering arrangements and
differences in motivations and capabilities of terrorist groups and criminal
organizations? If so, what lessons learned could apply to current and future
activities by such actors?
• What prevents the U.S. government and international community from disrupting
and dismantling current crime-terrorism threats?
• Which federal government entities have the lead roles for addressing various
aspects of the crime-terrorism phenomenon?
• How are government funds being spent to address concerns about crime-
terrorism links?
• Is there a need to expand or adjust existing congressional authorities to combat
the combined crime-terrorism threat? Are the available U.S. foreign policy tools
sufficient to meet today’s crime-terrorism concerns—and are such tools
effectively implemented? If not, what can be improved?


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Appendix. Terrorist Links to Criminal Financing
The following table summarizes the State Department’s descriptions of how current foreign
terrorist organizations (FTOs) raise funds and whether, if at all, an FTO is involved in criminal
activities as a source of revenue.
Table A-1. Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTOs): Reported Sources of External Aid
based on the State Department’s Country Reports on Terrorism 2011
Foreign
Terrorist
Designation
State
Criminal
Other Sources of
Additional
Organization
Date
Sponsors?
Financing?
Support?
Description
Abu Nidal
October 8,




Organization
1997
Abu Sayyaf
October 8,
Yes,
including
May receive
“[T]he goals of the
Group (ASG)
1997
“kidnapping for
“remittances from
group appear to
ransom and
overseas Filipino
have vacillated
extortion.”
workers and Middle
over time between
East-based
criminal objectives
extremists.” Also
and a more
receives “funding
ideological intent.”
from regional
“The ASG engages
terrorist groups
in kidnappings for
such as Jemmah
ransom, bombings,
Islamiya.”
beheadings,
assassinations, and
extortion.”
Al-Aqsa
March 27,
Yes, Iran,



Martyrs
2002
“mostly
Brigade
through
Hizballah
facilitators.”
Ansar Al-Islam
March 22,
Yes,
“assistance

2004
from a loose
network of
associates in Europe
and the Middle
East.”
Army of Islam
May 19, 2011

Yes, “AOI


(AOI)
receives the bulk
of its funding
from a variety of
criminal activities
in Gaza.”
Asbat Al-Ansar
March 27,


“It is likely that the

2002
group receives
money through
international Sunni
extremist
networks.”
Aum Shinrikyo
October 8,
Yes,
“primarily...

1997
from member
contributions.”
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Foreign
Terrorist
Designation
State
Criminal
Other Sources of
Additional
Organization
Date
Sponsors?
Financing?
Support?
Description
Basque
October 8,

Although
Fatherland and
1997
“extortion.... was a
Liberty (ETA)
major source of
ETA’s income,”
ETA announced in
September 2011
that “it had ceased
collecting
‘revolutionary
taxes’ from Basque
businesses.
Communist
August 9,
Yes,
extortion.


Party of the
2002
Philippines /
New People’s
Army
Continuity Irish July 13, 2004

Yes, “criminal
“CIRA may have

Republican
activities,
acquired arms and
Army (CIRA)
including
materiel from the
smuggling.”
Balkans, in
cooperation with
the RIRA.”
Gama’a Al-
October 8,




Islamiya
1997
Hamas October
8,
Yes, “funding,

Yes, “the group

1997
weapons, and
raises funds in the
training from
Persian Gulf
Iran.”
countries and
receives donations
from Palestinian
expatriates around
the world, through
its charities, such as
the Union of Good.
Some fundraising
and propaganda
activity takes places
in Western Europe.
Harakat-Ul
August 6,




Jihad Islami
2010
(HUJI)
Harakat Ul-
March 5,
“Several

Jihad-I-Islami /
2008
international Islamic
Bangladesh
non-governmental
(HUJI-B)
organizations may
have funneled
money to HUJI-B
and other
Bangladeshi militant
groups.”
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Terrorism and Transnational Crime: Foreign Policy Issues for Congress

Foreign
Terrorist
Designation
State
Criminal
Other Sources of
Additional
Organization
Date
Sponsors?
Financing?
Support?
Description
Harakat Ul-
October 8,
Yes,
“donations

Mujahideen
1997
from wealthy and
grassroots donors in
Pakistan, Saudi
Arabia, and other
Gulf states.”
Hizbal ah October
8,
Yes, Iran
Yes, “supporters
Yes, “private
“The Barakat
1997
provides
are often
donations... profits
Network – a
“training,
engaged in a
from legal...
criminal network
weapons, and
range of criminal
businesses... financial operating in the
explosives, as
activities,
support from the
tri-border area
well as
including
Lebanese Shia
between Paraguay,
political,
smuggling
communities in
Brazil, and
diplomatic,
contraband
Europe, Africa,
Argentina – is an
monetary, and
goods; passport
South America,
example of such
organizational
falsification;
North America, and
criminal activity.
aid.”
credit card,
Asia.
Furthermore, two
immigration, and
separate U.S.
bank fraud;
government
trafficking in
investigations
narcotics; and
implicated the
money
Lebanese Canadian
laundering.”
Bank as a key
conduit for drug
money being
funneled to
Hizballah.”
Indian
September
“Suspected
to

Mujahedeen
19, 2011
obtain funding and
support from other
terrorist
organizations, such
as LeT and HUJI,
and from sources in
the Middle East.”
Islamic Jihad
June 17, 2005



Union
Islamic
September
Yes,
“receives

Movement of
25, 2000
support from a large
Uzbekistan
Uzbek diaspora,
terrorist
organizations, and
donors from
Europe, Central and
South Asia, and the
Middle East.”
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Terrorism and Transnational Crime: Foreign Policy Issues for Congress

Foreign
Terrorist
Designation
State
Criminal
Other Sources of
Additional
Organization
Date
Sponsors?
Financing?
Support?
Description
Jaish-e-
December


Yes, “JEM col ects

Mohammed
26, 2001
funds through
(JEM)
donation requests in
magazines and
pamphlets,
sometimes using
charitable causes to
solicit donations.”
JEM also “invested in
legal businesses,
such as commodity
trading, real estate,
and production of
consumer goods.”
Jemaah Islamiya
October 23,
Yes
Yes,
including

2002
“membership
donations” and
“financial,
ideological, and
logistical support
from Middle Eastern
contacts and non-
governmental
organizations.
Jundal ah November
4,




2010
Kahane Chai
October 8,
Yes,
“support
from

1997
sympathizers in the
United States and
Europe.”
Kata’ib
July 2, 2009
Yes, “almost



Hizballah
entirely
dependent on
support from
Iran and
Lebanese
Hizballah.”
Kurdistan
October 8,
Previously,
Yes
Yes, “from the

Workers’ Party 1997
“the PKK
Kurdish diaspora in
(PKK)
received safe
Europe.”
haven and
modest aid
from Syria,
Iraq, and Iran.”
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Foreign
Terrorist
Designation
State
Criminal
Other Sources of
Additional
Organization
Date
Sponsors?
Financing?
Support?
Description
Lashkar e-
December
Yes,
“donations

Tayyiba (LeT)
26, 2001
from Pakistani
expatriate
communities in the
Middle East and
Europe....; Islamic
non-governmental
organizations; and
Pakistani and
Kashmiri business
people.
Lashkar I
January 30,
Yes,
“including
Yes, “wealthy

Jhangvi
2003
extortion and
donors in Pakistan
protection
as well as the Middle
money.”
East, particularly
Saudi Arabia.”
Liberation
October 8,
In
one
reported
Yes, “LTTE used its

Tigers of Tamil
1997
case from 2010,
international
Eelam (LTTE)
alleged LTTE
contacts and the
members in
large Tamil diaspora
Germany were
in North America,
using blackmail
Europe, and Asia to
and extortion to
procure weapons,
raise funds.
communications,
funding, and other
needed supplies.
The group
employed charities
as fronts to col ect
and divert funds for
their activities.”
Libyan Islamic
December




Fighting Group
17, 2004
Moroccan
October 11,

“In the past,


Islamic
2005
GICM has been
Combatant
involved in
Group (GICM)
narcotics
trafficking in
North Africa and
Europe to fund
its operations.”
Mujahadin-E
October 8,
Prior to 2003,

Since 2003, MEK has [Note that the
Khalq
1997
the MEK
“increasingly” relied
Secretary of State
Organization
“received all of
“on front
removed MEK
(MEK)
its military
organizations to
from the FTO list
assistance and
solicit contributions
in September
most of its
from expatriate
2012.]
financial
Iranian
support from
communities.”
Saddam
Hussein.”
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Terrorism and Transnational Crime: Foreign Policy Issues for Congress

Foreign
Terrorist
Designation
State
Criminal
Other Sources of
Additional
Organization
Date
Sponsors?
Financing?
Support?
Description
National
October 8,
Yes,
“the


Liberation
1997
narcotics trade,”
Army
“extortion of oil
and gas
companies,” and
“kidnapping
ransoms.”
Palestine
October 8,
Yes, “financial



Islamic Jihad –
1997
assistance and
Shaqaqi Faction
training
primarily from
Iran.”
Palestine
October 8,




Liberation
1997
Front – Abu
Abbas Faction
Popular Front
October 8,
Yes, leadership



for the
1997
“received safe
Liberation of
haven in Syria.”
Palestine
Popular Front
October 8,
Yes, “received



for the
1997
safe haven and
Liberation of
logistical and
Palestine-
military
General
support, from
Command
Syria and
financial
support from
Iran.”
Al-Qa’ida October
8,
Yes,
“donations
Some funds are
1999
from like-minded
diverted from
supporters as well
Islamic charitable
as from individuals
organizations.”
who believe that
their money is
supporting a
humanitarian cause.”
Al-Qa-ida in
January 19,
Yes,
“primarily
Yes, “donations

the Arabian
2010
from robberies
from like-minded
Peninsula
and kidnap for
supporters” but “to
ransom
a lesser degree”
operations.”
than criminal
activity.
Al-Qa’ida in
December
Yes,
from
Yes, “from a variety

Iraq
17, 2004
unspecified
of businesses... in
“criminal
Iraq.”
activities within
Iraq.”
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Terrorism and Transnational Crime: Foreign Policy Issues for Congress

Foreign
Terrorist
Designation
State
Criminal
Other Sources of
Additional
Organization
Date
Sponsors?
Financing?
Support?
Description
Al-Qa’ida in the March 27,
Yes,
“kidnapping
Yes, “Algerian

Islamic
2002
for ransom and
expatriates and
Maghreb
criminal
AQIM supporters
(AQIM)
activities.”
abroad, many
residing in Western
Europe, provide
limited financial and
logistical support.”
Real Irish
May 16, 2001


“RIRA is suspected

Republican
of receiving funds
Army (RIRA)
from sympathizers
in the United States
and of attempting to
buy weapons from
U.S. gun dealers.”
Also “reported to
have purchased
sophisticated
weapons from the
Balkans and to have
occasionally
col aborated with
the Continuity Irish
Republican Army.”
Revolutionary
October 8,
Yes, “Cuba
Yes, the FARC

“The FARC often
Armed Forces
1997
provided some
has “well-
use Colombia’s
of Colombia
medical care,
documented ties
border areas with
(FARC)
safe haven, and to the ful range
Venezuela,
political
of narcotics
Panama, and
consultation.”
trafficking
Ecuador for
activities,
incursions into
including
Colombia; and
taxation,
Venezuelan and
cultivation, and
Ecuadorian
distribution.”
territory for safe
The FARC is also
haven, although
involved in
the degree of
extortion at gold
government
mines reportedly
acquiescence is
under its control
not always clear.”
in the Bolivar
Department. The
FARC targets
foreign citizens
for kidnapping
for ransom.
Revolutionary
October 8,




Organization
1997
17 November
Revolutionary
October 8,

Yes, extortion.
Yes, fundraising in

People’s
1997
Europe.
Liberation
Party / Front
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Terrorism and Transnational Crime: Foreign Policy Issues for Congress

Foreign
Terrorist
Designation
State
Criminal
Other Sources of
Additional
Organization
Date
Sponsors?
Financing?
Support?
Description
Revolutionary
May 18, 2009




Struggle
Al-Shabaab March
18, Yes,
“al-Shabaab
Yes, “it receives
“The loss of
2008
leaders and many significant donations
Mogadishu as a
rank-and-file
from the global
source of tax
fighters have
Somali diaspora;
revenue caused al-
successfully
however, the
Shabaab’s revenue
garnered
donations are not al to diminish in
significant
intended to support
2011.”
amounts of
terrorism.”
money from port
revenues and
through criminal
enterprises,
especially in
Kismayo.”
Shining Path
October 8,

Yes, “SL is


(SL)
1997
primarily funded
by the narcotics
trade.”
Tehrik-e
September 1,

Yes, most funds
Stolen
military
Taliban
2010
are raised
equipment is
Pakistan
through
subsequently sold
kidnapping for
in Afghan and
ransom and
Pakistani markets.
“operations that
target
Afghanistan-
bound military
transport trucks
for robbery.”
United Self-
September
Previously,
drug

“As much as 70
Defense Forces 10, 2001
trafficking.
percent of the
of Colombia
AUC’s paramilitary
(AUC)
operational costs
were financed with
drug-related
earnings. Some
former members
of the AUC never
demobilized or a
recidivists, and
these elements
have continued to
engage heavily in
criminal activities.”
Source: U.S. Department of State, Country Reports on Terrorism 2011, July 2012.

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Terrorism and Transnational Crime: Foreign Policy Issues for Congress

Author Contact Information

John Rollins
Liana Sun Wyler
Specialist in Terrorism and National Security
Analyst in International Crime and Narcotics
jrollins@crs.loc.gov, 7-5529
lwyler@crs.loc.gov, 7-6177




Acknowledgments
Updates to this report continue to benefit from the substantive contributions provided by Seth Rosen,
former research associate at CRS in 2009.
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