Kuwait: Security, Reform, and U.S. Policy
Kenneth Katzman
Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs
September 26, 2011
Congressional Research Service
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Kuwait: Security, Reform, and U.S. Policy
Summary
Kuwait has been pivotal to two decades of U.S. efforts to end a strategic threat posed by Iraq and
then to stabilize that country in its transition to democracy. After U.S. forces liberated Kuwait
from Iraqi invading forces in February 1991, Kuwait was the central location from which the
United States contained Saddam during 1991-2003, and Kuwait hosted nearly all of the U.S.-led
force that invaded Iraq in March 2003 to remove Saddam from power. It is the key route through
which U.S. troops have been withdrawing from Iraq during 2009-2011. Kuwait’s relations with
the current government of Iraq are hampered, in part, by longstanding territorial, economic, and
political issues—issues not resolved by an outwardly positive exchange of high level visits in
early 2011. With the strategic threat from Iraq sharply reduced, Kuwait is cooperating with U.S.-
led efforts to contain Iranian power in the Gulf. At the same time, like other Gulf states, Kuwait
seeks to maintain relatively normal economic and political relations with Iran so as not to
provoke Iran to try to empower pro-Iranian elements in Kuwait.
Kuwait’s ruling elites have been in a continuous power struggle for over five years, but Kuwait
has not faced the mass popular unrest that other governments throughout the Middle East have
faced in 2011. The disputes have taken the form of infighting between the elected National
Assembly and the ruling Al Sabah family primarily over the political and economic dominance of
the Al Sabah. In March 2009, the infighting led to the second constitutional dissolution of the
National Assembly in one year, setting up new parliamentary elections on May 16, 2009. That
produced an Assembly that was considered more pro-government, and included four women, the
first to be elected to the Assembly in Kuwait since women were given the vote in 2005. However,
over the subsequent two years, oppositionists in the Assembly continued to challenge the ruling
family, producing two unsuccessful attempts to vote no confidence in Prime Minister Shaykh
Nasser al-Muhammad al-Ahmad Al Sabah and forcing him to dismiss and rename a cabinet seven
times since 2006. The latest cabinet, little different from the previous one, was formed on May
10, 2011 and has again come under challenge from the opposition in the Assembly.
Despite the elite infighting, and in contrast with Libya, Egypt, Tunisia, Syria, and other Middle
East countries in 2011, Kuwait is a relatively wealthy society where most citizens apparently do
not want to take risks to achieve greater freedoms. At the popular level, demonstrations by
opposition groups over official corruption, security force brutality, citizenship eligibility, and
other issues have been held, but they have been small and their demands limited. The Assembly
passage of a record national budget in late June 2011—a budget loaded with subsidies and salary
increases—appeared intended to ensure that demonstrations to do not broaden. Still, the
government also has used a measure of repression, including beatings of demonstrators and
imprisonments of journalists and activists.
On other regional issues, Kuwaiti leaders are struggling with continued disputes with Iraq – some
stemming from the August 1990 Iraqi invasion but others developing only in the post-Saddam
period. Border and border-area development issues appear to be the focus of most recent Iraq-
Kuwait differences. On other regional issues, Kuwait tends to defer to consensus positions within
the Gulf Cooperation Council; this deference is evident in Kuwait’s stances on the Israel-
Palestinian dispute, the uprisings in Libya and in Yemen, and the Bahrain unrest. On the latter
issues, in March 2011, it joined a Gulf Cooperation Council to intervene on the side of the
government of Bahrain but, unlike Saudi Arabia and UAE, Kuwait did not send ground forces
there.
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Kuwait: Security, Reform, and U.S. Policy
Contents
Kuwaiti Government Changes and Political Reform....................................................................... 1
The National Assembly and Disputes With the Ruling Family................................................. 1
Post-Succession Crises: Assembly Suspensions and Elections in 2006 and 2008.............. 2
Political Crisis Continues: 2009 Election and Subsequent Disputes................................... 3
Broader Arab Uprisings Add to Kuwait’s Political Crises .................................................. 4
Prospects and U.S. Responses............................................................................................. 5
Broader Human Rights Issues ................................................................................................... 6
Women’s Rights .................................................................................................................. 6
Trafficking in Persons and Status of “Bidoons”.................................................................. 7
Freedom of Expression and Media Freedoms..................................................................... 7
Labor Rights........................................................................................................................ 8
Religious Freedom .............................................................................................................. 8
U.S. Efforts to Promote Democracy and Human Rights..................................................... 8
U.S.-Kuwait Relations and Defense Cooperation............................................................................ 8
Current Defense Relations....................................................................................................... 10
Foreign Policy Issues..................................................................................................................... 11
Iraq........................................................................................................................................... 11
Residual Issues Related to the 1990 Iraqi Invasion........................................................... 12
Arab-Israeli Dispute ................................................................................................................ 13
Iran........................................................................................................................................... 14
Positions and Actions on 2011 Uprisings in the Arab World................................................... 15
Kuwaiti Cooperation Against Islamic Militancy ........................................................................... 16
Kuwaiti Economic Policy .............................................................................................................. 16
Figures
Figure 1. Map of Kuwait................................................................................................................ 18
Tables
Table 1. Composition of the National Assembly: 2008–2011 ......................................................... 6
Table 2. U.S. Aid to Kuwait and Purposes..................................................................................... 11
Contacts
Author Contact Information........................................................................................................... 19
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Kuwait: Security, Reform, and U.S. Policy
Kuwaiti Government Changes and Political Reform1
Kuwait’s optimism after the 2003 fall of its nemesis, Saddam Hussein, soured after the January
15, 2006, death of Amir (ruler) Jabir Ahmad al-Jabir Al Sabah. Since then, Kuwait has lurched
from one political crisis to the next, preventing or delaying movement on some key issues. At the
time of Amir Jabir’s death, his successor, Shaykh Sa’ad bin Abdullah Al Sabah, was very ill (he
later died), and a brief succession dispute among rival branches of the ruling Al Sabah family
ensued. It was resolved with Prime Minister Shaykh Sabah al-Ahmad al-Jabir Al Sabah (who is
now about 80, the younger brother of the late Amir) becoming Amir on January 29, 2006. The
succession dispute was unprecedented in Kuwait and the broader Gulf region for the first use of
an elected legislature’s constitutional ability to formally remove a leader.
Although the leadership struggle was resolved, it produced a suspension of the tacit agreement to
alternate succession between the Jabir and Salem branches of the family. Amir Sabah appointed
his half-brother, Shaykh Nawwaf al-Ahmad Al Sabah, age 71 and a member of his own Jabir
branch, as crown prince/heir apparent. The crown prince post required concurrence of the
National Assembly. Amir Sabah appointed another member of the Jabir branch as prime
minister—his nephew, Shaykh Nasser al Muhammad al-Ahmad Al Sabah, also age 71. The
highest-ranking member of the Salem branch in the government is Dr. Mohammad Al Sabah, who
kept his foreign minister post and simultaneously is a deputy prime minister.
Tensions between the two branches of the family have since continued to simmer, and no
permanent alternative mechanism has been agreed to replace the previous power-sharing
arrangement between the branches. The whole family has nonetheless attempted to maintain
solidarity against growing political challenges from the National Assembly and other elites. Many
in the family fear that family disunity could open Kuwait to popular unrest such as that seen
throughout the Middle East in 2011.
The National Assembly and Disputes With the Ruling Family
Differences between the government and a coalition of reformist and Islamist deputies in the
elected National Assembly have added to the tensions within the ruling family to produce the
political deadlock since Amir Jabir’s death in 2006. Those opposing the government have tended
to seek greater authority for the Assembly and a limitation of the powers of the government and
by extension, limitations of the political and economic power of the Al Sabah.
The Assembly, established by Kuwait’s November 1962 constitution, is the longest-serving all-
elected body among the Gulf monarchies. Fifty seats are elected, and members of the cabinet
serve in it ex-officio. Amirs of Kuwait have, on several occasions (1976-1981, 1986-1992, 2003,
2006, 2008, and 2009), used their constitutional authority to dissolve the Assembly when it
aggressively challenged the government. The Assembly does not confirm cabinet nominees but it
can, by simple majority of elected members, vote no confidence in individual ministers. It can
1 Much of this section is from the State Department’s country report on human rights practices for 2009 (released
March 11, 2010), http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2009/nea/136072.htm; the International Religious Freedom
Report for 2010 (November 17, 2010), http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/irf/2010/148828.htm; and the Trafficking in
Persons Report for 2010 (June 14, 2010), http://www.state.gov/g/tip/rls/tiprpt/2010/142760.htm.
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vote no confidence in the prime minister by voting “inability to cooperate with the government,”
and it can veto government decrees issued during periods of Assembly suspension.
Political parties are still not permitted, but factions can compete as “currents,” “trends,” or
“political societies.” Kuwaitis have a parallel tradition of informal political consultations in
nightly diwaniyyas—social gatherings held by elites of all political ideologies and backgrounds.
There are a growing number of diwaniyyas led by women.
While Kuwait’s constitution enshrines the hereditary monarchy, there has been progress over the
past two decades in extending the franchise for the National Assembly and other elected positions
(such as the Kuwait City municipal council). The extent of the franchise has been a closely
watched indicator of Kuwait’s political liberalization. The government has expanded the
electorate gradually, first by extending the franchise to sons of naturalized Kuwaitis and Kuwaitis
naturalized for at least 20 (as opposed to 30) years. The long deadlock on female suffrage began
to break in May 2004, after the government submitted to the Assembly a bill to give women the
right to vote and run. (A government attempt in May 1999 to institute female suffrage by decree
was vetoed by the Assembly.) In May 2005, then Prime Minister Shaykh Sabah (now Amir)
pressed the Assembly to adopt the government bill, which it did on May 16, 2005 (35-23); the bill
was effective as of the 2006 National Assembly elections.
Post-Succession Crises: Assembly Suspensions and Elections in 2006 and 2008
The post-2006 deadlock has manifested as repeated Assembly suspensions and subsequent
elections, none of which has resolved differences over the fundamental power balances between
the executive and the legislature. Only five months after becoming leader, Amir Sabah suspended
the Assembly in May 2006 when 29 “opposition” members—an alliance of liberals and
Islamists—demanded to question the prime minister over the government’s refusal to endorse a
proposal to reduce the number of electoral districts to five, from the current 25. The opposition
wanted to increase the size of each district so that it would be more difficult to influence the
outcome through alleged “vote buying” or tribal politics. In the June 29, 2006, election, the
opposition, which attracted youth support under the “Orange” banner, won 34 out of the 50 seats.
The election was the first in which women could vote or run, but none of the 27 female
candidates (out of 249) won. The Amir did, however, ultimately accept the opposition’s demand
to reduce the number of electoral districts to five; a law to implement that went into effect.
The schisms between the opposition and the government produced another crisis in March 2008
when the Assembly insisted on a second pay raise for state employees, beyond one granted by the
cabinet in February 2008, as a response to spiraling inflation. The government refused, the
cabinet resigned, and the Amir dissolved the Assembly and set new elections for May 17, 2008.
With the compression to five electoral districts implemented, Sunni Islamists and conservative
tribal leaders won a total of 24 seats—an increase of four. Their allies—the so-called “liberals”—
won seven seats. Shiites increased their representation by one to a total of five seats. Pro-
government and other independent tribalists held the remaining 14 seats. As in the 2006 election,
none of the 27 women candidates was elected.
Almost immediately after the 2008 elections and related cabinet appointments, Islamists agitated
unsuccessfully against the appointment of two women to the cabinet. The two female cabinet
members were Nuriya al-Sebih, who was reappointed as the education minister (after surviving a
January 2008 no-confidence vote), and Mudhi al-Humoud, a liberal academic, who was
appointed as state minister for two positions: housing affairs and development affairs. Another
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woman, Ms. Masouma Mubarak, who was the first female minister ever in Kuwait, had resigned
in September 2007 after some members of parliament blamed her for mismanagement.
Sunni-Shiite tensions added to the dissension within the Kuwaiti elite. Possibly as a spillover of
sectarian tensions in post-Saddam Iraq, recriminations flared in February 2008 after several Shiite
politicians attended a public ceremony commemorating the killing earlier that month of Lebanese
Hezbollah militant Imad Mughniyah. The sectarian tensions erupted even though the Shiite
representation in the cabinet was expanded to two ministers, up from one that was customary. In
November 2008, the cabinet resigned when three Sunni Assembly deputies requested to question
the prime minister over corruption allegations and his decision to permit the visit of an Iranian
Shiite cleric who was perceived as having slighted Sunnis. However, on December 1, 2008, the
Amir reappointed Shaykh Nasser as prime minister, pending formation of a new cabinet, but he
did not suspend the Assembly, hoping to avoid yet another early election.
Political Crisis Continues: 2009 Election and Subsequent Disputes
The power struggle between the government and opposition deputies in the Assembly resumed in
March 2009, when the Assembly insisted on questioning the prime minister over his management
of the global financial crisis and alleged misuse of public funds. The disputes had held up passage
of a proposed $5 billion fiscal stimulus and financial guarantees program to address economic
weakness and the severe decline in Kuwait’s stock market, which had triggered protests from
investors who lost substantial portions of their portfolios. The suspension enabled the government
to go forward with the stimulus. On March 19, 2009, the Amir again suspended the Assembly,
triggering a requirement for new Assembly elections by May 19, 2009, under the constitution (60
days from suspension). They were held on May 16, 2009.
The election, in which turnout was relatively light at about 55% of the 385,000 eligible voters,
produced more than 20 new parliamentarians, including four women—the first females to be
elected to the Assembly since women were given the vote in 2005. They included Masouma
Mubarak, mentioned above (a Shiite), as well as Rola Dashti, who was narrowly defeated in
2006. The other women victors were Aseel al-Awadhi and Salwa al-Jassar, both professors.
However, the election of the women did not lead to an expansion of women in the cabinet; there
is only one in the current cabinet: Dr. Amani Khalid Burisli, who serves as Minister of Commerce
and Industry.)
Perhaps reflecting the strengthened government position, immediately after the election, the Amir
reappointed Shaykh Nasser as prime minister. There had been pre-election speculation that the
Amir would appoint the crown prince, Shaykh Nawwaf, as prime minister, concurrently. This
move would produce some measure of stability because the Assembly is not able,
constitutionally, to question the crown prince. The move would have restored the tradition of
appointing one official to hold the two positions, a tradition which was adhered to until July 2003.
The election of the women, and the setback for Sunni Islamists, signaled to some that Kuwaiti
voters wanted a less assertive Assembly that would work with rather than challenge the
government. However, those hopes were proved incorrect. In November 2009, Assembly
members filed motions to question four ministers, including the defense minister, for alleged
corruption in the arms sale process. The Assembly also demanded to question Prime Minister
Nasser for corruption involving the 2008 elections. On December 8, 2009, the prime minister
agreed to the questioning, which marked the first time in the Gulf region that a head of
government had been successfully summoned by an elected body. A separate motion by 10
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members cited the prime minister for “non-cooperation” with the Assembly, although a majority
of members later issued a statement expressing confidence in the prime minister. Votes on the
motions were held on December 17, 2009, and a new election was avoided when deputies voted
35-13 on a motion to express confidence in the prime minister.
2010-2011 Parliamentary Session
The political deadlock continued through the summer of 2010. The fall session of parliament was
opened on October 26, 2010, by the Amir, and included presentation of the government’s program
for the coming year, delivered by Prime Minister Nasser. In his opening statement, the Amir
called for unity and an end to widening sectarian (Sunni-Shiite) splits. During the opening
meetings, the government was able to achieve appointment of its allies to key permanent
committees, including interior and defense, and the legal and legislative committee.2
However, opposition deputies resumed their criticism of the government in subsequent days,
threatening to question Interior Minister Jabir (for the third time in two parliamentary sessions)
for his decision to release from custody two Iranian drug traffickers. Others sought to question
why the government was slow to implement a privatization law passed in the winter-spring 2010
session, but which entered into force in September 2010.
The tensions that built throughout 2010 carried over into 2011. A demonstration by
parliamentarians and civil society activists on December 8, 2010, protesting what they asserted
were government attempts to limit National Assembly powers, was broken up by security forces;
several parliamentarians were reportedly beaten. That incident sparked another call to formally
question the prime minister on December 28, 2010, (the eighth time he appeared before the
Assembly) and a date of January 5, 2011, was set for a no-confidence motion. Of the 50 elected
Assembly members, 22 supported the no-confidence motion and 25 opposed it, with one
abstention, and two not voting.3 Some saw the vote as indicating that the government is losing
support among tribal deputies mainly from the outer districts of Kuwait City, which are inhabited
by generally less affluent, naturalized citizens.4
Broader Arab Uprisings Add to Kuwait’s Political Crises
The January 5, 2011, no-confidence vote by no means resolved the conflict between the
government and the opposition within the Assembly. Concurrently, the broader Arab uprisings
affected the schisms within Kuwait. Oppositionists in the Assembly, supported by youths under a
banner called the “Fifth Fence,” and who might have been inspired by the uprisings in Tunisia
and Egypt, called for the resignation of Interior Minister Jabir al-Khalid Al Sabah on the grounds
of “undemocratic practice.” They accused him of failing to prevent the alleged torturing to death
of a man in custody for illegal liquor sales. February 8, 2011, was set for a public protest—the
same day the interior minister was to be questioned by the Assembly. However, in advance of the
questioning, the minister resigned and was replaced by Shaykh Ahmad al Humud Al Sabah, and
the Fifth Fence subsequently postponed the protest until March 8, 2011. The protest was held but
2 “Govt Controls Key Assembly Panels.” Kuwait Times, October 27, 2010.
3 “Kuwait’s Prime Minister Survives Parliament Vote.” Al Jazeera TV, January 5, 2011.
4 Kristin Smith Diwan, “Kuwait: Too Much Politics, or Not Enough?,” Foreign Policy online, January 10, 2011.
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reportedly attracted only a few hundred demonstrators. A demonstration by the stateless Kuwaiti
residents known as “bidoons,” demanding citizenship, was held on March 11.
Although popular protests did not broaden, suggesting that popular frustration with governance in
Kuwait is not as broad as it was in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Syria and other countries, the crisis
within the elite continued. On March 31, 2011, Shiite parliamentarian Saleh Ashour asked to
question the foreign minister about Kuwait’s backing for Gulf Cooperation Council military
intervention to assist Bahrain’s government. Many of Kuwait’s Shiites, including some members
of the National Assembly, strongly questioned the government’s decision to send a small naval
force to Bahrain’s coast, in support of the GCC intervention on behalf of the Sunni-dominated
government there. Kuwaiti Shiites viewed the GCC deployments as unjustly supporting the Sunni
Bahraini monarchy’s repression of its mainly Shiite opposition.
Rather than face questioning on the Bahrain issue, the cabinet resigned. Prime Minister Nasser
was re-appointed to a caretaker government, and a new cabinet, with few changes, was formed on
May 8, 2011. (The only ministers changed were those for oil and for commerce.) This was the
seventh cabinet formed by Shaykh Nasser since he became Prime Minister in 2006. Two days
later, a fresh challenge came with the request by two National Assembly deputies to question the
prime minister over economic issues, although the Assembly voted, on May 17 (37 out of 47
members presented) to approve a government request to put off the questioning for one year.
After a few months of relative quiet, the government came under major popular pressure in
September 2011 following reports that two of Kuwait’s largest banks had deposited $92 million
into the accounts of two National Assembly members. These transfers, and those to seven other
parliamentarians, were placed under investigation. If the reports are accurate, they suggest the
government has sought to buy the loyalty of parliamentarians, and that some have accepted the
bribes. The corruption case caused thousands of Kuwait protesters to take to the streets on
September 21, 2011, calling for the resignation of the Prime Minister. Probably as a direct
response, on September 25, 2011, the cabinet adopted an anti-corruption draft law, although the
draft needs to be approved by the Amir and then enacted by the National Assembly.
The corruption case left the government with several choices it dislikes. Observers in Kuwait say
the ruling family does not want to suspend the Assembly outright and trigger a new election, on
the grounds that oppositionists sympathetic to the 2011 Arab uprisings might win a substantial
number of seats and pose an even stronger challenge to the government. However, refusing to call
a new election portrays the government as attempting to cover up its own alleged corruption.
Prospects and U.S. Responses
In consideration of Kuwait’s relative affluence and tradition of free expression through editorials
and commentary, most experts have predict that Kuwait would avoid a broad popular uprising in
Kuwait along the lines of those seen elsewhere in the Middle East. To try to ensure that unrest
does not broaden, on June 28 the Assembly, working with the government, passed a record $70
billion budget, of which a substantial portion would go to fuel subsidies and salary increases for
public employees. Some parliamentarians denounced the budget as highly bloated and
irresponsible, because the budget would result in a deficit for the year of nearly $22 billion.
However, the September 2011 allegations of corruption could spark unrest at a level not seen in
Kuwait previously in 2011, particularly if the government fails to conduct a transparent,
consequential investigation, or uses excessive force to suppress demonstrations on the issue.
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Perhaps because the unrest in Kuwait has been relatively minor, the Obama Administration has
not made any high profile comments on it or on the Kuwaiti government’s responses.
Table 1. Composition of the National Assembly: 2008–2011
Ideology/Affiliation
Post-2008 Election
Post-2009 Election
Sunni Islamist (Muslim Brotherhood and Salafi)
24
16
Liberals
7
8
Shiite Islamist
5
5
Independents (includes tribalists, the Popular Action
14 21
bloc of former Speaker Ahmad al-Sadun, and
women). This bloc is considered a base of support
for the government, although some observers say the
government is losing substantial support in it.
Broader Human Rights Issues
On broader human rights issues, the State Department Country Report on Human Rights Practices
for 2010,5 released April 8, 2011, reiterates comments in previous reports that the government
limits “freedoms of speech, press, assembly, association, and religion,” and that “women [do] not
enjoy equal rights.” On May 10, 2011, Kuwait took over Syria’s bid for a seat on the U.N. Human
Rights Council when Syria, violently suppressing serious popular unrest, decided to compete for
the seat in 2013 instead of 2011.
Women’s Rights
The issue of women in high-level positions in Kuwait, their long struggle to be allowed to vote
and run for election, and their results as candidates, is discussed above. More broadly, women in
Kuwait can drive, unlike their counterparts in neighboring Saudi Arabia, and there are several
non-governmental organizations run by Kuwaiti women, such as the Kuwait Women’s Cultural
and Social Society, that are dedicated to improving rights for women and to agitating on several
different issues unrelated to gender. Still, women are subject to a broad array of discriminatory
practices and abuses. The State Department report notes that violence against women, particularly
expatriate women working in domestic service roles, remains “a problem.” A New York Times
report of August 2, 2010, reports difficulties faced by expatriate female domestic workers in
Kuwait, including non-payment of wages, physical or sexual abuse, and withholding of
passports.6
5 State Department human rights report for 2010. http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2010/nea/154465.htm.
6 Fahim, Kareem. “Away From Home, Fleeing Domestic Life.” New York Times, August 2, 2010.
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Trafficking in Persons and Status of “Bidoons”
Kuwait was, for the fifth year in a row, designated by the State Department’s Trafficking in
Persons report for 2011 (issued June 27, 2011) as a “Tier Three” (worst level) country. The Tier
Three designation has been maintained because, according to the 2011 report, Kuwait is “not
making sufficient efforts” to comply with minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking.
The report emphasizes that the National Assembly still has not enacted an anti-trafficking law that
has been on its agenda since November 2009. Non-Gulf Arabs and Asians, and approximately
100,000 stateless residents (known as “bidoons”) continue to face discrimination. On October 26,
2010, Prime Minister Nasser said the government would soon implement a plan to resolve the
legal and economic status of the bidoons, although the lack of resolution contributed to the March
11, 2011, demonstration discussed above.
Some Basic Facts
Leadership
Amir: Shaykh Sabah al-Ahmad al-Jabir Al Sabah. Crown Prince/heir
apparent: Shaykh Nawwaf al-Ahmad al-Jabir Al Sabah. Prime Minister:
Shaykh Nasser al-Muhammad al- Ahmad Al Sabah
Population
About 2.7 million, of which 1.3 million are non-nationals
GDP (purchasing power parity, PPP)
$145.7 billion
Religions
Muslim 85% (Sunni 70%, Shi te 30%); other (Christian, Hindu, Parsi)
15%
Women in senior positions
One minister (Education, Dr. Mudhi al-Hamoud); four in the National
Assembly
Shi tes in senior posts
Two in the cabinet; nine in the National Assembly
GDP per capita (PPP)
$54,100/yr
Oil exports
2.35 million barrels per day (Mbd)
Freedom of Expression and Media Freedoms
Official press censorship ended in 1992, assisting the growth of a vibrant press, but successive
State Department human rights reports have asserted says the government does not always
respect the constitutional provisions for freedom of speech and the press. One case of alleged
repression against a journalist and blogger, Mohammad Abd al Qadir al-Jasem, attracted attention
from human rights groups and some Kuwait parliamentarians. Al-Jasem was arrested in 2009 and
then arrested again on May 10, 2010, for allegedly “instigating to overthrow the regime” by
slandering the prime minister at a diwaniyya. Supporters say his treatment reflected unwarranted
and unconstitutional repression against a government critic, and Al-Jasem reportedly conducted a
hunger strike while in jail. A Kuwaiti judge ordered his release on bail on June 28, 2010. He was
sentenced to one year in jail in November 2010 but was released in February 2011.
A few related issues have caught the attention of the international human rights community. In
June 2011, two were arrested in Kuwait for Internet postings critical of the Kuwait leadership and
the Bahraini leadership. In April 2011, security officers arrested and deported 21 Egyptian
nationals resident in Kuwait for attending meetings in support of Egyptian opposition figure Dr.
Mohammad El Baradei. They were deported under a law prohibiting noncitizens to attend
demonstrations or public gatherings. On September 25, 2011, a Kuwaiti court sentenced a Sunni
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Islamist activist to three months in jail for comments on Twitter deemed derogatory to Shiites.
Another activist is facing a jail sentence for using Twitter to insult several Gulf country leaders.
Labor Rights
The government allows one trade union per occupation, but the only legal trade federation is the
Kuwait Trade Union Federation (KTUF). Foreign workers, with the exception of domestic
workers, are allowed to join unions, and the government has tended not to impede strikes.
Religious Freedom
On religious freedom, the State Department religious freedom report for July – December 2010
(released September 13, 2011) reported “no change” in the status of respect for religious freedom
by the Kuwaiti government during the reporting period. Shiite Muslims (about 30% of Kuwait’s
population) continue to report official discrimination, including limited access to religious
education and the perceived government unwillingness to permit the building of new Shiite
mosques. Unlike in Bahrain, Shiites are well represented in the police force and the
military/security apparatus, although they generally are not offered leadership positions in those
institutions.
Kuwait has seven officially recognized Christian churches to serve the approximately 450,000
Christians (mostly foreign residents) in Kuwait. Members of religions not sanctioned in the
Quran—including Baha’i’s, Buddhists, Hindus, and Sikhs—are not allowed to operate official
places of worship, but they are allowed to worship in their homes. These religions are practiced
mostly by the South Asian and East Asian workers resident in Kuwait.
U.S. Efforts to Promote Democracy and Human Rights
The U.S. Embassy in Kuwait uses various programming tools, including discussions with
Kuwaiti leaders, public diplomacy, and funds from the Middle East Partnership Initiative (MEPI),
to encourage further democratization. However, Kuwait is considered perhaps the furthest along
in the Gulf on democratization, and some believe U.S. policy should concentrate elsewhere in the
Gulf where civil society and public participation are less well established. In Kuwait, MEPI funds
have been used to enhance the capabilities of the media, to promote women’s rights, to support
democracy initiatives, and to provide a broad spectrum of educational opportunities.
U.S.-Kuwait Relations and Defense Cooperation
A U.S. consulate was opened in Kuwait in October 1951; it was elevated to an embassy upon
Kuwait’s independence from Britain in 1961. Kuwait, the first Gulf state to establish relations
with the Soviet Union in the 1960s, was not particularly close to the United States until the Iran-
Iraq War (1980-1988).
Kuwait has been a pivotal partner of the United States through three Gulf wars: the Iran-Iraq War,
the 1991 Persian Gulf War, and Operation Iraqi Freedom. In all three cases, Kuwait’s security was
directly at stake, but U.S. officials frequently note that Kuwait went to extraordinary lengths to
support U.S. policy and operations.
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As noted, Kuwait and the United States grew politically and militarily close during the Iran-Iraq
War. Through intimidation, Iran sought to compel Kuwait not to support Iraq in that war. Iran
fired at and struck some Kuwaiti oil facilities, including the Al Ahmadi terminal, with Silkworm”
surface-to-surface missiles. In 1987-1988, the United States established a U.S. naval escort and
tanker reflagging program to protect Kuwaiti and international shipping from Iranian naval
attacks (Operation Earnest Will).
Believing Saddam Hussein would reward Kuwait for assisting it financially and logistically
during the Iran-Iraq War, Kuwait’s leaders were exiled and shaken by the August 1990 Iraqi
invasion. Iraq’s public justification was an accusation that Kuwait was overproducing oil and
thereby harming Iraq’s ability to repay its debts and recover economically from the long war with
Iran. However, most experts believe that the invasion was a result of Saddam’s intent to dominate
the Persian Gulf politically and militarily. Kuwait was liberated by the U.S.-led January 16-
February 28, 1991, “Desert Storm” offensive and its government restored to power in Kuwait.
Kuwaiti leaders were highly grateful for the U.S.-led liberation of Kuwait in the 1991 Persian
Gulf War, and signed a 10-year defense pact with the United States on September 19, 1991.
Although the text is classified, the pact reportedly provides for mutual discussions in the event of
a crisis; joint military exercises; U.S. training of Kuwaiti forces; U.S. arms sales; prepositioning
of U.S. military equipment (armor for a U.S. brigade); and U.S. access to Kuwaiti facilities, such
as Ali al-Salem Air Base.7 A related Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA) provides that U.S. forces
in Kuwait be subject to U.S. rather than Kuwaiti law. In September 2001, the pact was renewed
for another 10 years and it was widely assumed among experts on Kuwait that renewal in
September 2011 would be formality. However, neither the Defense Department nor the
government of Kuwait has said publicly whether this presumed renewal schedule is operative.
Kuwait contributed materially to the 1991 war and subsequent containment efforts—it paid
$16.059 billion to offset the costs of Desert Shield/Desert Storm, funded two-thirds of the $51
million per year U.N. budget for the 1991-2003 Iraq-Kuwait Observer Mission (UNIKOM) that
monitored the Iraq-Kuwait border, and contributed about $350 million per year for U.S. military
costs of Kuwait-based Iraq containment operations. This included the 1992-2003 enforcement of
a “no fly zone” over southern Iraq (Operation Southern Watch), involving 1,000 Kuwait-based
U.S. Air Force personnel. Kuwait hosted an additional 5,000 U.S. forces during the major combat
phases of Operation Enduring Freedom, which ousted the Taliban from power in Afghanistan.
Kuwait supported the Bush Administration’s decision to militarily overthrow Saddam Hussein
(Operation Iraqi Freedom (OIF)). It hosted the vast bulk of the U.S. invasion force of about
250,000 forces, as well as the other coalition troops that entered Iraq. To secure that force, Kuwait
closed off its entire northern half. It also allowed U.S. use of two air bases, its international
airport, and sea ports; and provided $266 million in burden sharing support to the combat,
including base support, personnel support, and supplies such as food and fuel. According to
Defense Department budget documents, Kuwait has been contributing about $210 million per
year in similar in-kind support to U.S. operations focused on Iraq. These funds help defray the
costs incurred by U.S. military personnel that have rotated through Kuwait into or out of Iraq. In
appreciation of Kuwait’s support to OIF, on April 1, 2004, the Bush Administration designated
7 Hajjar, Sami. U.S. Military Presence in the Gulf: Challenges and Prospects. U.S. Army War College, Strategic
Studies Institute. p. 27.
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Kuwait as a “major non-NATO ally (MNNA),” a designation held by only one other Gulf state
(Bahrain).
Current Defense Relations
With the Obama Administration considering Iraq largely stabilized, Kuwait serves as the key exit
route for U.S. troops as they implement President Obama’s February 27, 2009, drawdown plan.
Under the plan, U.S. forces in Iraq declined from the 2009 level of 145,000 to about 50,000 by
September 1, 2010 and are then to be reduced to zero by the end of 2011. The United States and
Iraq are discussing retaining some U.S. troops in Iraq beyond 2011 (anywhere from 3,000 to
about 15,000, according to varying recommendations under consideration) to continue training
Iraqi forces. Some press accounts say there is consideration of positioning a considerable portion
of the post-2011 U.S. forces in Kuwait rather than in Iraq itself.8 The main U.S. staging facility in
Kuwait is Camp Arifjan and a desert firing range facility, Camp Buehring (Udairi Range); it is at
these locations that equipment from the Iraq battlefield are being cleaned, repaired, and packed up
for return to the United States or stored in regional prepositioning sites. U.S. forces vacated Camp
Doha, the headquarters for U.S. forces in Kuwait during the 1990s, in December 2005.
Although the threat from Iraq is low compared to what it was during the Saddam era, the United
States continues to bolster Kuwait’s defense capabilities, although more so directed against Iran
than against Iraq. U.S. officials say that the U.S.-Kuwait defense relationship, enhanced by the
small amounts of U.S. assistance shown in Table 2 below, has improved the quality of the
Kuwaiti military, particularly the air force. Its military has now nearly regained its pre-Iraq
invasion strength of 17,000. U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM) officials said in February 2008
they are establishing in Kuwait a permanent platform for “full spectrum operations” in 27
countries in the region. Among the objectives is to help Kuwait establish a more capable navy.
U.S. arms sales have sought to enhance Kuwait’s capability. Over the past three years, U.S. sales
to Kuwait have also comported with the overall goals of the “Gulf Security Dialogue” program
designed to contain Iran by enhancing the individual and joint capabilities of the Gulf states.
Kuwait is not eligible to receive U.S. excess defense articles. Major post-1991 Foreign Military
Sales (FMS) include:
• 218 M1A2 tanks at a value of $1.9 billion in 1993. Delivery was completed in
1998.
• A 1992 sale of 5 Patriot anti-missile fire units, including 25 launchers and 210
Patriot missiles, valued at about $800 million. Delivery was completed by 1998.
Some of them were used to intercept Iraqi short-range missiles launched at
Kuwait in the 2003 war.
• A 1992 sale of 40 FA-18 combat aircraft (purchase of an additional 10 is under
consideration).
• A September 2002 sale of 16 AH-64 (Apache) helicopters equipped with the
Longbow fire-control system, valued at about $940 million.
8 http://www.worldtribune.com/worldtribune/WTARC/2011/me_iraq1201_09_26.asp.
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• According to the Defense Security Cooperation Agency (DSCA), another $730
million in purchases were agreed during 2005-2007, including a $20 million deal
for 436 TOW anti-tank missiles. A sale to Kuwait of 80 PAC-3 (Patriot) missiles
and 60 PAC-2 missiles and upgrades, valued at about $1.3 billion, was notified to
Congress on December 4, 2007.
• On September 9, 2008, DSCA notified a sale of 120 AIM-120C-7 Advanced
medium Range Air-to-Air Missiles (AMRAAM), along with equipment and
services, with a total value of $178 million.
• On August 11, 2010, the Administration notified Congress of another potential
Patriot-related sale—of 209 Patriot “Guidance Enhanced Missile-T (GEM-T)
missiles valued at $900 million. The prime contractor for that system is
Raytheon.
Table 2. U.S. Aid to Kuwait and Purposes
(dollars in thousands)
FY2012
FY2006 FY2007 FY2008 FY2009 FY2010
FY2011
(req.)
International Military
- 19 14 0 10 0 0
Training and Education
(IMET). Permits Kuwait to
get discount for al
Kuwait-funded trainees in
U.S., facilitates inter-
operability
Non-Proliferation, Anti-
628
1,025 0 0 0 0 0
Terrorism, De-Mining and
Related (NADR).
Foreign Policy Issues
Kuwait and the United States largely share a common threat perception and cooperate on a wide
range of regional issues. Virtually all of the issues below were discussed in an April 30, 2010,
meeting between Secretary of State Clinton and visiting Deputy Prime Minister/Foreign Minister
Dr. Mohammad Al Sabah, and in regular bilateral meetings since. After the United States,
Kuwait’s most important security alliance is with the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), which
consists of fellow Gulf monarchies, although the GCC is not perceived as able to provide Kuwait
– or any of its members – with as extensive a security umbrella as can the United States.
Iraq
Among Kuwait’s main external concerns are the stability of and relations with Iraq. Kuwait has
tried to build political ties to the dominant Iraqi factions in order to ensure there is no repeat of
the 1990 Iraqi invasion of Kuwait or the Iraqi Shiite-led violence that rocked Kuwait in the
1980s. Even if Kuwait-Iraq relations were to deteriorate sharply, Iraq’s U.S.-built post-Saddam
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military is judged insufficiently strong to defend Iraq’s borders, let alone commit aggression
against a neighbor.
Violence emanating from extremist groups in Iraq is a more viable threat to Kuwait. The
December 1983 bombings of the U.S. and French embassies in Kuwait and an attempted
assassination of the Amir in May 1985 were attributed to the Iran-inspired Iraqi Da’wa (Islamic
Call) Party. This is the party that Iraqi Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki heads, although the party no
longer has a militia wing. Seventeen Da’wa activists were arrested for these attacks, and Da’wa
activists hijacked a Kuwait Airlines plane in 1987. In July 2011, an Iraqi Shiite militia supported
by Iran (the militia of young cleric Moqtada Al Sadr) rocketed Kuwait’s embassy in Iraq and
caused Kuwait to pull its diplomats back to Kuwait. These and other Iraqi Shiite militias continue
to operate in Iraq close to the Kuwaiti border, and a munition reportedly was fired into Kuwaiti
territory in August 2011, although perhaps not intentionally.
In order to promote relations and Iraqi stability, since the fall of Saddam Hussein, Kuwait has
built a water line into Iraq, and it ran a humanitarian operation center (HOC) that gave over $550
million in assistance to Iraqis, in line with Kuwaiti pledges. A Kuwaiti company, First Kuwaiti
General Trading and Contracting, was lead contractor on the large new U.S. embassy in Iraq. On
April 22, 2008, Kuwait hosted a regional conference on Iraq’s stability, which included the
United States, Iran, and other neighboring countries. On July 18, 2008, Kuwait named its first
ambassador to Iraq since the 1990 Iraqi invasion—Ali al Momen, a retired general. Momen is a
Shiite Muslim, and his appointment signaled Kuwait’s acceptance that Iraq is now dominated
politically by Shiites.
The potential for a more permanent breakthrough occurred on January 12, 2011, when Prime
Minister Nasser became the first Kuwait prime minister to visit Iraq since the August 2, 1990,
invasion. Kuwaiti leaders reportedly appreciated the statement by Iraqi Prime Minister Maliki, a
few days before the visit, that Iraq’s former ambitions against Kuwait “have gone forever and will
never return again.”9 These statements paved the way for Maliki’s visit to Kuwait on February 16,
2011.
By July 2011, the exchange of visits in early 2011 had given way to mutual suspicions and
recriminations that have plagued their relations since Kuwait’s independence. On July 23, 2011,
Iraqi parliamentarians called on Kuwait to suspend construction for its Mubarak the Great (named
after a past ruler) because it would impinge on Iraq’s attempts to expand its access to the Persian
Gulf at the tip of the Faw peninsula. A pro-Sadr Iraqi Shiite militia threatened to attack South
Korean firms who are building out the Mubarak the Great port. Other parliamentarians alleged
that Kuwait is slant drilling in the area and therefore stealing oil from Iraq. The disputes were
reminiscent of the arguments made by Saddam Hussein to try to justify his invasion of Kuwait in
1990; he claimed that Kuwait sought to economically strangle Iraq.
Residual Issues Related to the 1990 Iraqi Invasion
Even before the disputes over the rival Gulf ports erupted in July 2011, the lingering after-effects
of the 1990 Iraqi invasion had not been fully resolved. U.N. officials, as outlined in a July 27,
2009, report by the Secretary General pursuant to U.N. Security Council Resolution 1859
9 “No Claim on Sovereign Kuwait, Iraqi Ambitions Gone Forever.” Arab Times (Kuwait). January 9, 2011.
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(December 22, 2008),10 and a June 9, 2010, report pursuant to Resolution 1284 (December 17,
1999), attempted to find compromises to satisfy both sides. Kuwait has been reluctant to drop its
insistence on full U.N.-supervised reparations by Iraq for damages caused from the 1990
invasion. Iraq wants the issue closed out not only to end its standing as a country under “Chapter
7” U.N. Resolution mandates, but also to cease the deduction of 5% of all its revenue that is used
to pay compensation to the victims of the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait. About $25 billion still is owed
to Kuwaiti claimants, which, at current Iraqi revenue rates, could still take many years to pay off.
This issue is the crux of U.N. discussions that Iraq hoped would result in an end to Chapter 7
mandates, and some discussions focused on, as an interim step, reducing the percentage deduction
to 1% or 2%. However, the results were mixed for Iraq on December 15, 2010, when the U.N.
Security Council passed three resolutions—1956, 1957, and 1958. The resolutions did end most
Saddam-era sanctions against Iraq but continued the reparations process and the 5% automatic
revenue deduction to fund it.
The U.N. resolutions adopted December 15, 2010, did not declare ended the effort, required
under post-1991 war U.N. resolutions (most notably 687), to resolve the fate of the 605 Kuwaitis
missing and presumed dead from the 1991 war. The cases of 369 Kuwaiti and third-party
nationals remain unresolved; the bodies of over 227 have been found (confirmed by DNA tests)
in post-Saddam searches. According to a June 9, 2010, U.N. report mentioned above, no cases
were closed from October 2009 until the June 2010 report. However, the June 9, 2010, report
stated that Iraq had expressed gratitude to Kuwait for a $1 million grant to the Iraqi Ministry of
Human Rights, which is the lead Iraqi agency trying to determine the fate of the Kuwaitis. A
Tripartite Commission on the issue (Kuwait, Iraq, International Committee of the Red Cross) met
on May 18, 2011 for the first time in many years. A June 20, 2011 U.N. report (S/2011/373) did
not indicate any additional Kuwaiti cases had been resolved, although it did note that the remains
of 32 persons believed to be Iraqi military personnel killed during the Iraqi retreat from Kuwait
had been discovered. This added to the return by Kuwait of the remains of 55 Iraqi soldiers to
Iraq in 2010. The June 2011 U.N. report said no progress had been made (since the June 2010
report) on the whereabouts of the Kuwaiti National Archives. In September 2011, Iraq called for
an end to the mandate of U.N. envoy Gennady Tarasov to pursue the issue.
There is also a dispute over the Iraq- Kuwait border. Under post-1991 Gulf war U.N. Security
Council Resolution 833, the Council accepted the U.N.-demarcated border between them. Kuwait
wants the post-Saddam government in Iraq to formally acknowledge its commitments under the
Resolution to pay some of the costs of border markings and signs. Kuwait’s Foreign Minister
again called on Iraq to fulfill these commitments, at the U.N. General Assembly meetings in
September 2011. Although this issue is not settled, in July 2010 Kuwait gave preliminary
approval to open a special border crossing into Iraq that would facilitate the work of international
oil companies working in Iraq. Among other residual issues from the Saddam era, in 2004,
Kuwait reportedly pledged to forgive a substantial portion of the $25 billion Saddam era debt, but
it has not written off the debt to date.
Arab-Israeli Dispute
After Kuwait’s liberation in 1991, Kuwait’s fear of Saddam Hussein colored its foreign relations.
On the Arab-Israeli dispute, Kuwait was more critical than were the other Gulf states of the late
10 Report of the Secretary-General Pursuant to Paragraph 5 of Resolution 1859 (2008). S/2009/385, July 27, 2009.
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Palestinian leader Yasir Arafat because he had opposed war to liberate Kuwait. Because of
Arafat’s stance, Kuwait expelled about 450,000 Palestinian workers after liberation. Kuwait has
maintained consistent ties to Hamas, and in March 2006, pledged $7.5 million per month in aid to
the then Hamas-led government. Kuwait supported a Saudi-brokered Fatah-Hamas unity
government in March 2007, which later fractured. At a March 2, 2009, conference in Cairo,
Kuwait pledged $200 million for Gaza reconstruction following the Israel-Hamas War of
December 2008-January 2009.
During the period of active Gulf-Israel negotiations (1992-97), Kuwait attended multilateral
working group peace talks with Israel—sessions on arms control, water resources, refugees, and
other issues that were begun as part of the “Oslo Accords process” between Israel and the
Palestinians. However, Kuwait did not host any sessions of the multilaterals. In 1994, Kuwait was
key in persuading the other Gulf monarchies to cease enforcement of the secondary (trade with
firms that deal with Israel) and tertiary (trade with firms that do business with blacklisted firms)
Arab boycotts of Israel. However, Kuwait did not, as did Qatar and Oman, subsequently
exchange trade offices with Israel, amounting to a renunciation of the primary boycott (boycott
on direct trade with Israel). Still, possibly because it is distracted by its internal political crises,
Kuwait has not, as has Saudi Arabia or Qatar, stepped forward as a major mediator in intra-
Palestinian disputes, nor has it publicly advanced its own proposals for resolving the dispute. It
supports U.N. recognition of the State of Palestine, requested formally by Palestinian Authority
President Mahmoud Abbas at the U.N. General Assembly meetings in September 2011.
Iran
During the rule of Saddam Hussein of Iraq, Kuwait was seen by its Gulf neighbors as too willing
to engage and support Iran as a potential counterweight to Saddam. Kuwait often hosted pro-
Iranian Iraqi Shiite oppositionists against Saddam, even though these same Shiite groups had
conducted attacks in Kuwait in the 1980s. Unlike Bahrain, Kuwait’s leaders did not publicly
accuse Iran of attempting to support Kuwaiti Shiites as a potential internal opposition in Kuwait.
The Amir, in November 2009, publicly endorsed Iran’s right to purely peaceful nuclear energy.
Since Saddam’s fall, Kuwait has taken a slightly harder line against Iran, in conjunction with U.S.
efforts to enact strict international sanctions on Iran to compel it to curb its nuclear program. In
December 2009, Kuwait declined to invite Iran to the GCC summit in Kuwait that month. By
agreement among GCC leaders, it is the host nation for each year’s summit that has the discretion
whether to invite non-GCC leaders to the summit. (Qatar angered some Gulf leaders by inviting
Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad to the GCC summit in 2007.) In May 2010, Kuwait
confirmed that it had arrested some Kuwaiti civil servants and stateless residents for allegedly
working on behalf of the Qods (Jerusalem) Force of the Revolutionary Guard Corps of Iran in a
plot to blow up Kuwaiti energy facilities.11 The Qods Force is the unit that supports pro-Iranian
movements and conducts espionage in neighboring and other foreign countries. The arrests could
suggest that Iran might be looking to Kuwait to exert leverage on the United States, presumably
by positioning Iran to be able to attack U.S. forces withdrawing from Iraq. In March 2011, a
Kuwait court sentenced two Iranians and a Kuwaiti to death in the alleged plot. Subsequently,
Kuwait expelled three Iranian diplomats, and Iran expelled three Kuwaiti diplomats in response.
11 “Iran Spy Cell Dismantled in Kuwait.” Associated Press, May 6, 2010; “Iran Cell Planned Attacks in Kuwait,
Minister Says. Reuters, April 21, 2011.
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However, a visit to Kuwait by Iranian Foreign Minister Ali Akbar Salehi on May 19, 2011, partly
calmed tensions; both sides agreed to return their respective ambassadors.
Kuwait also is cooperating with the growing global consensus to sanction Iran. In July 2010, a
U.S. law, P.L. 111-195 (the Comprehensive Iran Sanctions, Accountability, and Divestment Act of
2010) was enacted that would penalize firms that supply gasoline to Iran. A Kuwaiti gasoline
trading firm, Kuwait’s Independent Petroleum Group, was reported to be a supplier of gasoline to
Iran,12 although the firm has told U.S. officials it is not doing so, as of September 2010.
Positions and Actions on 2011 Uprisings in the Arab World
Kuwait has taken some actions toward the uprisings in the Middle East in 2011, although staying
within a GCC consensus. Of the uprisings, Kuwait has paid the closest attention to the situation in
Bahrain, which is a fellow Gulf state. As noted above, Kuwait supported the March 14, 2011,
intervention of the GCC’s “Peninsula Shield” unit to assist Bahraini security forces’ suppression
of unrest there. However, the nearly 2,000 GCC forces that entered Bahrain were Saudi troops
and UAE police, and Kuwaiti sent only a naval unit ostensibly to help Bahrain protect its
maritime boundaries. The naval unit returned to Kuwait in July 2011 following the end of the
state of emergency and beginning of a national dialogue between the Bahrain government and
oppositionists. Backing the GCC intervention put Kuwait somewhat at odds with the United
States, which supports dialogue between Bahrain’s government and protesters, and not repression.
It also, as noted, put the government somewhat at odds with many Kuwaiti Shiites. At the risk of
Kuwaiti Shiite criticism, Prime Minister Nasser visited Bahrain during July 9, 2011.
On Libya, Kuwait has supported the Arab League position in favor of U.N.-mandated
intervention to protect civilians. On April 24, Kuwait stopped short of recognizing the
Transitional National Council (TNC) as the legitimate representative of the Libyan people, (an
action that Qatar and the UAE have taken), but it did pledge about $177 million in financial aid to
the TNC. Of that amount, $50 million was made available to the TNC in connection with a July
15, 2011 meeting of an international contact group on Libya, held in Istanbul. It recognized the
TNC as the sole legitimate representative after the fall of Tripoli in late August 2011.
As a GCC state, Kuwait is cooperating with its GCC partners in promoting a peaceful transition
of power in Yemen. Kuwait has criticized Syria’s extensive use of force against peaceful
protesters in the uprising there in 2011. Because Syria is aligned with Iran, Kuwait appears to
hope that the downfall of Bashar Al Assad in Syria would weaken Iran’s strategic position in the
region. Still, the GCC as a whole has not formulated a unified position or undertaken a joint
diplomatic initiative to try to bring about a peaceful transition there.
Other Issues
Kuwait has not contributed troops to the U.S. and NATO stabilization operation in Afghanistan.
However, Kuwait, as a GCC state, has been involved in attempting a negotiated solution to the
political crisis in Yemen triggered by the uprising there in 2011. In July 2011, Kuwait contributed
$1 million to help relieve the effects of drought in Somalia.
12 http://www.defenddemocracy.org/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=11788115&Itemid=105.
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Kuwaiti Cooperation Against Islamic Militancy
The State Department report on global terrorism for 2010 (released August 18, 2011) credited
Kuwaiti leaders with prosecuting terrorism and terrorist financing in Kuwait. However, according
to the report, there is still a relative lack of a clear legal framework for prosecuting terrorism-
related crimes. On the other hand, a draft law submitted to the National Assembly in December
2009 that strengthens laws against terrorism financing has not been enacted to date.
The State Department terrorism report also repeats praise for Kuwait’s programs to encourage
moderation in Islam in Kuwait, and for funding a four-year Action Plan of counterterrorism
programs. Among plans drawn up by Kuwait’s Ministry of Interior in October 2009 are programs
to prevent smuggling, the counter radicalization, and a television network to secure vital
installations and transportation routes. Other programs are intended to enhance air and sea port
security. The NADR funds shown above assist Kuwait with counterterrorism efforts, border
control, and export controls.
Some Kuwait-based organizations have proved problematic in the past. On June 13, 2008, the
Treasury Department froze the assets of a Kuwaiti charity with alleged links to Al Qaeda—the
Revival of Islamic Heritage Society—under Executive Order 13224.
Kuwaiti Economic Policy
The global financial crisis of 2008-2009 caused unrest in Kuwait over falling stock prices and the
effects of lower oil prices. As noted above, executive-legislative disputes delayed passage of
stimulus measures to address the crisis. However, as the crisis abated, the Assembly has taken
some steps to try to ensure Kuwait’s long term economic health. The body passed legislation,
which took effect September 2010, to privatize major sectors of the Kuwait economy. The
planned privatization of Kuwait Airways is reportedly moving forward as well. However, some
Kuwaitis, particularly those newly naturalized and less affluent than longtime citizens, fear that
privatization will bring higher unemployment. The large Kuwait budget adopted in late June 2011
might have been intended to alleviate those concerns. Still, the political deadlock in Kuwait, and
perceptions of economic and political stagnation, has caused foreign direct investment in Kuwait
to lag that of its neighbors significantly. Only $800 million has been invested in Kuwait in the
past ten years. In contrast, in the same time period, $10 billion was invested in Bahrain, $73
billion in UAE, and $130 billion in Saudi Arabia.13
The government-Assembly political deadlock also has prevented movement on several major
initiatives, the most prominent of which is Project Kuwait. The project, backed by the Kuwaiti
government, would open Kuwait’s northern oil fields to foreign investment to generate about
500,000 barrels per day of extra production. The Assembly has blocked the $8.5 billion project
for over a decade because of concerns about Kuwait’s sovereignty, and observers say no
compromise is in sight. As far as a project to build a fourth oil refinery, estimated to cost $8
billion, the Assembly blocked the project in 2008 by alleging that the contracts awarded by the
state oil company did not comply with procedures set out by Kuwait’s Central Tenders
Committee, which handles all public sector contracts. It has not advanced.
13 “Kuwait in Crisis As Ruling Family Splits, MP’s Rebel.” Reuters, June 7, 2011.
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The 2008 financial crisis, coupled with the political infighting, also caused Kuwait to shelve the
formation of a joint venture with Dow Chemical to form the largest maker of polyethylene. On
December 29, 2008, the government cancelled the venture, which was to have required a Kuwaiti
investment of $7.5 billion by state-run Petrochemical Industries Co. Kuwait and Dow Chemical
had finalized an agreement for the joint venture in November 2008, and Dow Chemical expressed
surprise at Kuwait’s cancellation only four weeks later. Dow had planned to use the proceeds of
the investment to fund its purchase of the Rohm and Haas chemical firm, although that deal
ultimately went through anyway.
The state-owned oil industry still accounts for 75% of government income and 90% of export
earnings. The United States imports about 260,000 barrels per day in crude oil from Kuwait
(about 3% of U.S. oil imports). Kuwait’s proven crude oil reserves are about 95 billion barrels,
enough for about 140 years at current production levels. Total U.S. exports to Kuwait in 2010
were about $2.575 billion, consisting mostly of foods, industrial equipment, and automobiles.
Total U.S. imports from Kuwait in 2010 were about $5 billion. The latest year for which a
product by product breakdown of imports is available is 2009; that year, the United States
imported $3.65 billion worth of crude oil,14 virtually all of the $3.782 billion worth of total
products imported from Kuwait that year.
Like other Gulf states, Kuwait sees peaceful uses of nuclear energy as important to its economy,
although doing so always raises fears among some in the United States, Israel, and elsewhere
about the ultimate intentions of developing a nuclear program. Kuwait is cooperating with the
International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) to ensure international oversight of any nuclear
work in Kuwait.
There are ongoing discussions about reviving the project. In 1994, Kuwait became a founding
member of the World Trade Organization (WTO). In February 2004, the United States and
Kuwait signed a Trade and Investment Framework Agreement (TIFA), often viewed as a prelude
to a free trade agreement (FTA), which Kuwait has said it seeks. Kuwait gave $500 million worth
of oil to U.S. states affected by Hurricane Katrina.
14 U.S. Census Bureau: Foreign Trade Statistics. http://www.census.gov/foreign-trade/statistics.
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Figure 1. Map of Kuwait
Source: CRS Graphics.
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Author Contact Information
Kenneth Katzman
Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs
kkatzman@crs.loc.gov, 7-7612
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