Proposed U.S.-Colombia Free Trade
Agreement: Background and Issues

M. Angeles Villarreal
Specialist in International Trade and Finance
July 8, 2011
Congressional Research Service
7-5700
www.crs.gov
RL34470
CRS Report for Congress
P
repared for Members and Committees of Congress

Proposed U.S.-Colombia Free Trade Agreement: Background and Issues

Summary
The proposed U.S.-Colombia Trade Promotion Agreement, also called the U.S.-Colombia Free
Trade Agreement (CFTA), was signed by the United States and Colombia on November 22, 2006.
The agreement must be approved by the U.S. Congress before it can enter into force. The
Colombian Congress approved the agreement in June 2007 and again in October 2007, after it
was modified to include new provisions from the May 10, 2007 bipartisan understanding between
congressional leadership and President George W. Bush. If approved by the U.S. Congress, the
agreement would immediately eliminate duties on 80% of U.S. exports of consumer and
industrial products to Colombia. Most remaining tariffs would be eliminated within 10 years of
implementation.
The 112th Congress may consider implementing legislation for the proposed CFTA. President
Barack Obama has emphasized the importance of strengthening U.S. trade relations with
Colombia, Panama, and South Korea. In a press release on June 28, 2011, United States Trade
Representative (USTR) Ron Kirk announced that he welcomed the scheduling of informal or
“mock” markups of the draft implementing legislation for the three pending trade agreements and
stated that any movement on the implementing legislation for the agreements must be
accompanied by a renewal of Trade Adjustment Assistance (TAA). On July 7, 2011, the House
Ways and Means Committee and the Senate Finance Committee approved draft implementing
bills for the pending FTA’s with Colombia, Panama, and South Korea during the informal or
“mock” markup process. The draft legislation for the pending U.S.-Colombia FTA includes a
retroactive extension of ATPA and GSP until July 31, 2013.
The congressional debate surrounding the agreement has mostly centered on violence, labor, and
human rights issues in Colombia. Numerous Members of Congress oppose the agreement because
of concerns about violence against union members and other terrorist activity in Colombia.
However, other Members of Congress support the CFTA and take issue with these charges,
stating that Colombia has made progress in recent years to curb the violence in the country. They
also contend that the agreement would open the Colombian market for U.S. exporters. For
Colombia, a free trade agreement with the United States is part of its overall economic
development strategy.
On April 6, 2011, the Obama Administration announced an agreement between the United States
and Colombia to address the concerns related to labor rights and violence in Colombia. The
agreed upon “Action Plan Related to Labor Rights” includes specific and concrete steps, with
specific timelines, that the Colombian government agreed upon to address issues related to
violence against union members, impunity, and worker rights. The Colombian government
submitted numerous documents to the United States in time to meet the April 22, 2011, and June
15, 2011, target dates listed in the Action Plan. The USTR reviewed the documents and stated that
Colombia had met the requirements that were slated for completion by these dates.
The United States is Colombia’s leading trade partner. Colombia accounts for a very small
percentage of U.S. trade (0.9% in 2010), ranking 20th among U.S. export markets and 25th as a
source of U.S. imports. Economic studies on the impact of a U.S.-Colombia free trade agreement
(FTA) have found that, upon full implementation of an agreement, the impact on the United
States would be positive but very small due to the small size of the Colombian economy when
compared to that of the United States (about 1.9%).
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Proposed U.S.-Colombia Free Trade Agreement: Background and Issues

Contents
Introduction ................................................................................................................................ 1
Rationale for the Agreement ........................................................................................................ 1
Colombian Tariffs on Goods from the United States .................................................................... 2
Review of the Proposed U.S.-Colombia Free Trade Agreement ................................................... 3
Key CFTA Provisions ........................................................................................................... 3
Market Access................................................................................................................. 3
Tariff Elimination and Phase-Outs................................................................................... 4
Agricultural Provisions ................................................................................................... 4
Information Technology .................................................................................................. 5
Textiles and Apparel........................................................................................................ 5
Government Procurement................................................................................................ 5
Services .......................................................................................................................... 5
Investment ...................................................................................................................... 6
IPR Protection................................................................................................................. 6
Customs Procedures and Rules of Origin......................................................................... 7
Labor Provisions ............................................................................................................. 7
Environmental Provisions ............................................................................................... 7
Dispute Settlement .......................................................................................................... 8
Labor and Environmental Provisions after May 10, 2007, Bipartisan Trade
Framework......................................................................................................................... 8
Basic Labor Provisions ................................................................................................... 9
Provisions on Environment ............................................................................................. 9
Other Provisions ............................................................................................................. 9
U.S.-Colombia Trade ................................................................................................................ 10
U.S.-Colombia Merchandise Trade...................................................................................... 11
Andean Trade Preference Act .............................................................................................. 13
U.S.-Colombia Bilateral Foreign Direct Investment............................................................. 15
Background on Colombia.......................................................................................................... 16
Presidential Elections in 2010 ............................................................................................. 16
Internal Conflict .................................................................................................................. 16
Human Rights Issues........................................................................................................... 17
U.S. Policy Toward Colombia ............................................................................................. 18
The Proposed CFTA: Issues for Congress.................................................................................. 19
Economic Impact ................................................................................................................ 19
Study Findings on Economic Impact ............................................................................. 19
Possible Economic Impact on Agricultural Sector.......................................................... 21
Colombia’s Free Trade Agreements with Other Countries.................................................... 21
Issues Related to Labor ....................................................................................................... 22
Issues Related to Colombia’s Labor Cooperatives................................................................ 24
Violence Issues ................................................................................................................... 25
Colombian Action Plan Related to Labor Rights........................................................................ 26
Details of the Action Plan.................................................................................................... 26
Creation of a Labor Ministry ......................................................................................... 26
Criminal Code Reform.................................................................................................. 27
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Proposed U.S.-Colombia Free Trade Agreement: Background and Issues

Cooperatives ................................................................................................................. 27
Temporary Service Agencies ......................................................................................... 28
Collective Pacts ............................................................................................................ 28
Essential Services ......................................................................................................... 29
ILO Office .................................................................................................................... 29
Protection Programs...................................................................................................... 29
Criminal Justice Reform................................................................................................ 30
Follow-Up Mechanism.................................................................................................. 31
Colombia’s Commitments and Cooperation with the United States...................................... 31
Actions Taken by Colombia on Action Plan as Reported by USTR ...................................... 32
Actions Taken by April 22, 2011 ................................................................................... 32
Actions Taken by June 15, 2011 .................................................................................... 33
Remaining Action Plan Commitments ........................................................................... 34
Responses to the Action Plan in Colombia........................................................................... 34
Outlook..................................................................................................................................... 35

Figures
Figure 1. U.S. Trade with Colombia: 1996-2010........................................................................ 13

Tables
Table 1. Colombian Tariff Rates on U.S. Exports......................................................................... 3
Table 2. Key Economic Indicators for Colombia and the United States ...................................... 11
Table 3. U.S. Trade with Colombia in 2010 ............................................................................... 11
Table 4. U.S. Imports from Colombia ........................................................................................ 14
Table 5. U.S. Imports from Colombia under ATPA .................................................................... 15
Table 6. U.S. Direct Investment Position in Colombia ............................................................... 15

Contacts
Author Contact Information ...................................................................................................... 38

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Proposed U.S.-Colombia Free Trade Agreement: Background and Issues

Introduction
The 112th Congress may consider legislation for the pending U.S.-Colombia Trade Promotion
Agreement, also called the U.S.-Colombia Free Trade Agreement (CFTA). The proposed CFTA is
a bilateral free trade agreement between the United States and Colombia which, if ratified, would
eliminate tariffs and other barriers in goods and services between the two countries. The CFTA
negotiations grew out of a regional effort in 2004 to produce a U.S.-Andean free trade agreement
between the United States and the Andean countries of Colombia, Peru, and Ecuador. After
numerous rounds of talks, negotiators failed to reach an agreement, and Colombia continued
negotiations with the United States for a bilateral free trade agreement (FTA). On February 27,
2006, the United States and Colombia concluded the U.S.-Colombia FTA, and finalized the text
of the agreement on July 8, 2006. On August 24, 2006, President Bush notified Congress of his
intention to sign the U.S.-Colombia FTA. The two countries signed the agreement on November
22, 2006. The Colombian Congress approved the agreement in June 2007 and again in October
2007, after the agreement was modified to include new labor and environmental provisions.
On April 8, 2008, President George W. Bush sent implementing legislation for the United States-
Colombia Trade Promotion Agreement Implementation Act (H.R. 5724/S. 2830) to the 110th
Congress. The bill was introduced under the Trade Promotion Authority (TPA) provisions of the
Trade Act of 2002 (P.L. 107-210).1 This act made expedited legislative procedures established in
§ 151 - 154 of the Trade Act of 1974 (P.L. 93-618) available for congressional consideration of
legislation to implement free trade agreements negotiated under TPA. The House leadership,
however, took the position that President Bush had submitted the legislation to implement the
CFTA without adequately fulfilling the TPA requirements for consultation with Congress. On
April 10, 2008, the House, by a vote of 224-195, adopted H.Res. 1092, making certain provisions
of the expedited procedure inapplicable to the CFTA implementing legislation.
A subsequent ruling by the House Parliamentarian indicated that because the expedited
procedures under TPA are tied to the act of the President entering into a free trade agreement, a
one-time event, that the use of these procedures through the introduction of an implementing bill
may also only be done one time. It appears, therefore, that in the House, a CFTA implementing
bill introduced in the 112th Congress may not be eligible for expedited procedures under TPA.
Although the House, should it choose, may have multiple options for moving a CFTA
implementing bill, including adopting a special rule. It is unclear how the House would proceed
in this case.
Rationale for the Agreement
Since the 1990s, the countries of Latin America and the Caribbean have been a focus of U.S.
trade policy as demonstrated by the passage of the North American Free Trade Agreement
(NAFTA), the U.S.-Chile Free Trade Agreement, the Dominican Republic-Central America Free
Trade Agreement (CAFTA-DR), and the U.S.-Peru Trade Promotion Agreement. The Bush
Administration made bilateral and regional trade agreements key elements of U.S. trade policy.
U.S. trade policy in the Western Hemisphere over the past few years has been focused on

1 For more information on Trade Promotion Authority, see CRS Report RL33743, Trade Promotion Authority (TPA)
and the Role of Congress in Trade Policy
, by J. F. Hornbeck and William H. Cooper.
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Proposed U.S.-Colombia Free Trade Agreement: Background and Issues

completing trade negotiations with Colombia, Peru, and Panama and on gaining passage of these
free trade agreements by the U.S. Congress. The U.S.-Peru FTA was approved by Congress and
signed into law in December 2007 (P.L. 110-138).2
A free trade agreement with Colombia would increase market access for U.S. goods and services
in the Colombian market, currently not the case under the Andean Trade Preference Act (ATPA).
ATPA is a unilateral trade preference program in which the United States extends preferential
duty treatment to select Colombian goods entering the United States. It is part of a broader U.S.
initiative with Latin America to address the illegal drug issue (see section on ATPA later in this
report). About 90% of U.S. imports from Colombia enter the United States duty-free under ATPA,
under other U.S. trade preferences, or through normal trade relations.
The major expectation among proponents of the pending free trade agreement with Colombia, as
with other trade agreements, is that it would provide economic benefits for both the United States
and Colombia as the level of trade increases between the two countries. Another expectation is
that it would improve investor confidence and increase foreign direct investment in Colombia,
which would bring more economic stability to the country. For Colombia, a free trade agreement
with the United States is part of the country’s overall development strategy and efforts to promote
economic growth and stability.
Colombian Tariffs on Goods from the United States
The U.S. average tariff on Colombian goods is 3%, while Colombia’s average tariff on U.S.
goods is 12.5%. In 2010, about 90% of U.S. imports from Colombia came into the country duty-
free under trade preference programs or through normal trade relations. Most of Colombia’s
duties have been consolidated into three tariff levels: 0% to 5% on capital goods, industrial
goods, and raw materials not produced in Colombia; 10% on manufactured goods, with some
exceptions; and 15% to 20% on consumer and "sensitive" goods. Exceptions include:
automobiles, which are subject to a 35% duty; beef and rice, which are subject to an 80% duty;
and milk and cream, which were subject to a 98% duty through August 11, 2010. 3 Table 1
provides a summary of Colombian tariffs on goods coming from the United States. Other
agricultural products fall under the Andean Price Band System (APBS). The APBS protects
domestic industry in Colombia, and other Andean countries, with a variable levy by increasing
tariffs when world prices fall, and lowering tariffs when world prices rise.4 The APBS includes 14
product groups and covers more than 150 tariff lines. This system can result in duties exceeding
100%, depending on world commodity prices, for certain U.S. exports to Colombia, including
corn, wheat, rice, soybeans, pork, poultry parts, cheeses, and powdered milk.5

2 For more information, see CRS Report RL34108, U.S.-Peru Economic Relations and the U.S.-Peru Trade Promotion
Agreement
, by M. Angeles Villarreal.
3 Office of the United States Trade Representative (USTR), 2010 National Trade Estimate Report on Foreign Trade
Barriers,
March 2010.
4 The Andean Price Band system is applied by the four countries belonging to the Andean Community, a regional trade
integration agreement formed by Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, and Peru. The four countries entered into the Andean
Community as a form of trade integration through the removal of trade barriers and the application of common external
tariffs, and a goal to eventually form a common market.
5 USTR, 2010 National Trade Estimate Report on Foreign Trade Barriers, March 2010.
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Proposed U.S.-Colombia Free Trade Agreement: Background and Issues

Table 1. Colombian Tariff Rates on U.S. Exports
Tariff Base Rate
Number of Tariff
% of Total Tariff
(%)
Lines
Lines
0 173
2.5
> 0 to 5
2,083
30.2
> 5 to 10
1,225
17.7
> 10 to 20
3,282
47.5
> 20 to 35
97
1.4
> 35
46
0.7
Total 6,906 100.0
Source: U.S.-Colombia Trade Promotion Agreement, Colombia Tariff Schedule, reported by United States
International Trade Commission (USITC), U.S.-Colombia Trade Promotion Agreement: Potential Economy-wide and
Selected Sectoral Effects, Investigation No. TA-2104-023, USITC Publication 3896, December 2006. Colombia
Trade Promotion Agreement, Colombia Tariff Schedule.
Notes: Does not include tariff lines with base rate values of blanks. Total of 6,906 tariff lines includes 5,986
industrial and textile tariff lines and 920 agricultural tariff lines.
Review of the Proposed U.S.-Colombia Free Trade
Agreement

Key CFTA Provisions6
The comprehensive free trade agreement would eliminate tariffs and other barriers to goods and
services. The agreement was reached after numerous rounds of negotiations over a period of
nearly two years. Some issues that took longer to resolve were related to agriculture. Colombia
had been seeking lenient agriculture provisions in the agreement, arguing that the effects of
liberalization on rural regions could have adverse effects on smaller farmers and drive them to
coca production. The United States agreed to give more sensitive sectors longer phase-out periods
to allow Colombia more time to adjust to trade liberalization. Sectors receiving the longest phase-
out periods included poultry and rice.
This section summarizes several key provisions in the original agreement text as provided by the
United States Trade Representative (USTR), unless otherwise noted.7
Market Access
The agreement would provide for the elimination of tariffs on bilateral trade in eligible goods.
Upon implementation, the agreement would eliminate 80% of duties on U.S. exports of consumer

6 The text of the U.S.-Colombia Free Trade Agreement (CFTA) is available online at the Office of the United States
Trade Representative (USTR) website: http://www.ustr.gov.
7 USTR, Trade Facts, “Free Trade with Colombia: Summary of the United States-Colombia Trade Promotion
Agreement,” June 2007.
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and industrial products to Colombia. An additional 7% of U.S. exports would receive duty-free
treatment within five years of implementation and most remaining tariffs would be eliminated
within 10 years after implementation.
Tariff Elimination and Phase-Outs
The pending CFTA would eliminate most tariffs immediately upon implementation of the
agreement and phase out the remaining tariffs over periods of up to 19 years. Tariff elimination
for major sectors would include the following:
• Upon implementation of an agreement, more than 99% of U.S. and almost 76%
of Colombian industrial and textile tariff lines would be free of duty. Virtually all
industrial and textile tariff lines would be duty-free 10 years after
implementation.8
• All tariffs in textiles and apparel that meet the agreement’s rules-of-origin
provisions would be eliminated immediately (see section on “Textiles and
Apparel” below).9
• Tariffs on agricultural products would be phased out over a period of time,
ranging from three to 19 years (see section on “Agricultural Provisions” below).
Colombia would eliminate quotas10 and over-quota tariffs in 12 years for corn
and other feed grains, 15 years for dairy products, 18 years for chicken leg
quarters, and 19 years for rice.11
Agricultural Provisions
Under ATPA, almost all of Colombia’s agricultural exports enter the U.S. market free of duty. The
pending CFTA would make these trade preferences permanent. Colombia currently applies some
tariff protection on all agricultural products. The pending CFTA would provide duty-free access
on 77% of all agricultural tariff lines, accounting for 52% of current U.S. exports to Colombia,
upon implementation. Colombia would eliminate most other tariffs on agricultural products
within 15 years.12 U.S. farm exports to Colombia that would receive immediate duty-free
treatment include high-quality beef, cotton, wheat, soybeans, soybean meal, apples, pears,
peaches, cherries, and many processed food products including frozen french fries and cookies.
U.S. farm products that would receive improved market access include pork, beef, corn, poultry,
rice, fruits and vegetables, processed products, and dairy products. The agreement would also
provide duty-free tariff rate quotas on standard beef, chicken leg quarters, dairy products, corn,
sorghum, animal feeds, rice, and soybean oil.13

8 United States International Trade Commission (USITC), U.S.-Colombia Trade Promotion Agreement: Potential
Economy-wide and Selected Sectoral Effects,
USITC Publication 3896, December 2006, pp. 2-1 and 2-2.
9 Ibid.
10 Tariff rate quotas are limits on the quantity of imports that can enter a country duty-free before tariff-rates are
applied.
11 United States Department of Agriculture (USDA), Foreign Agricultural Service, Fact Sheet: U.S.-Colombia Trade
Promotion Agreement Overall Agriculture Fact Sheet,
August 2008.
12 Ibid.
13 USTR, Trade Facts: Free Trade with Colombia, Summary of the United States-Colombia Trade Promotion
Agreement,”
June 2007.
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Colombia’s current results in higher duties for certain U.S. exports to Colombia, including corn,
wheat, rice, soybeans, pork, poultry, cheeses, and powdered milk. A CFTA would remove
Colombia’s price band system upon implementation of the agreement. However, if the rates under
the price band system result in a lower rate than that given under the FTA, the United States will
be allowed to sell the product to Colombia at the lower rates.14
Information Technology
Under a CFTA, Colombia would join the World Trade Organization’s Information Technology
Agreement (ITA), and remove its tariff and non-tariff barriers to information technology products.
Colombia would allow trade in remanufactured goods under the agreement, which would increase
export and investment opportunities for U.S. businesses involved in remanufactured products
such as machinery, computers, cellular telephones, and other devices.
Textiles and Apparel
In textiles and apparel, products that meet the agreement’s rules of origin requirements would
receive duty-free and quota-free treatment immediately. The United States and Colombia have
cooperation commitments under the agreement that would allow for verification of claims of
origin or preferential treatment, and denial of preferential treatment or entry if the claims cannot
be verified. The rules of origin requirements are generally based on the yarn-forward standard to
encourage production and economic integration. A “de minimis” provision would allow limited
amounts of specified third-country content to go into U.S. and Colombian apparel to provide
producers in both countries flexibility. A special textile safeguard would provide for temporary
tariff relief if imports prove to be damaging to domestic producers.
Government Procurement
In government procurement contracts, the two countries agreed to grant non-discriminatory rights
to bid on government contracts. These provisions would cover the purchases of Colombia’s
ministries and departments, as well as its legislature and courts. U.S. companies would also be
assured access to the purchases of a number of Colombia’s government enterprises, including its
oil company.
Services
In services trade, the two countries agreed to market access in most services sectors, with very
few exceptions. Colombia agreed to exceed commitments made in the WTO and to remove
significant services and investment barriers, such as requirements that U.S. firms hire nationals
rather than U.S. citizens to provide professional services. Colombia also agreed to eliminate
requirements to establish a branch in order to provide a service and unfair penalties imposed on
U.S. companies for terminating their relationships with local commercial agents. U.S. financial
service suppliers would have full rights to establish subsidiaries or branches for banks and
insurance companies. Portfolio managers would be able to provide portfolio management services

14 USITC Publication 3896, December 2006, p. 3-4.
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to both mutual funds and pension funds in the partner country, including to funds that manage
privatized social security accounts.
Investment
Investment provisions would establish a stable legal framework for foreign investors from the
partner country. All forms of investment would be protected, including enterprises, debt,
concessions and similar contracts, and intellectual property. U.S. investors would be treated as
Colombian investors with very few exceptions. U.S. investors in Colombia would have
substantive and procedural protections that foreign investors have under the U.S. legal system,
including due process protections and the right to receive fair market value for property in the
event of an expropriation. Protections for U.S. investments would be backed by a transparent,
binding international arbitration mechanism. In the preamble of the agreement, the United States
and Colombia agreed that foreign investors would not be accorded greater substantive rights with
respect to investment protections than domestic investors under domestic law.15
IPR Protection
The agreement would provide intellectual property rights (IPR) protections for U.S. and
Colombian companies. In all categories of IPR, U.S. companies would be treated no less
favorably than Colombian companies. In trademark protection the agreement would require the
two countries to have a system for resolving disputes about trademarks used in internet domain
names; to develop an on-line system for the registration and maintenance of trademarks and have
a searchable database; and to have transparent procedures for trademark registration.
In protection of copyrighted works, the agreement has a number of provisions for protection of
copyrighted works in a digital economy, including provisions that copyright owners would
maintain rights over temporary copies of their works on computers. Other agreement provisions
include rights for copyright owners for making their work available on-line; extended terms of
protection for copyrighted works; requirements for governments to use only legitimate computer
software; rules on encrypted satellite signals to prevent piracy of satellite television
programming; and rules for the liability of Internet service providers for copyright infringement.
In protection of patents and trade secrets, U.S. companies are concerned that the Colombian
government currently does not provide patent protection for new uses of previously known or
patented products. The pending CFTA would limit the grounds on which a country could revoke a
patent, thus protecting against arbitrary revocation. In protection of test data and trade secrets, the
agreement would protect products against unfair commercial use for a period of five years for
pharmaceuticals and 10 years for agricultural chemicals. In addition, the agreement would require
the establishment of procedures to prevent marketing of pharmaceutical products that infringe
patents, and provide protection for newly developed plant varieties. The parties expressed their
understanding that the intellectual property chapter would not prevent either party from taking
measures to protect public health by promoting access to medicines for all.

15 USTR, Trade Facts: Free Trade with Colombia, Summary of the United States-Colombia Trade Promotion
Agreement,
June 2007.
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The United States is concerned with music and motion picture property piracy in Colombia. The
CFTA IPR provisions would include penalties for piracy and counterfeiting and criminalize end-
user piracy. It would require the parties to authorize the seizure, forfeiture, and destruction of
counterfeit and pirated goods and the equipment used to produce them. The agreement would
mandate both statutory and actual damages for copyright infringement and trademark piracy. This
would ensure that monetary damages could be awarded even if a monetary value to the violation
was difficult to assess.
Customs Procedures and Rules of Origin
The agreement includes comprehensive rules of origin provisions that would ensure that only
U.S. and Colombian goods could benefit from the agreement. The agreement also includes
customs procedures provisions, including requirements for transparency and efficiency,
procedural certainty and fairness, information sharing, and special procedures for the release of
express delivery shipments.
Labor Provisions
The labor and worker rights obligations are included in the core text of the agreement. The United
States and Colombia reaffirmed their obligations as members of the International Labor
Organization (ILO). The two countries agreed to adopt, maintain and enforce laws that
incorporate core internationally recognized labor rights, as stated in the 1998 ILO Declaration on
Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work
, including a prohibition on the worst forms of child
labor. The parties also agreed to enforce labor laws with acceptable conditions of work, hours of
work, and occupational safety and health. All obligations of the CFTA chapter on labor would be
subject to the same dispute settlement procedures and enforcement mechanisms as other chapters
of the agreement.
The agreement includes procedural guarantees to ensure that workers and employers would have
fair, equitable, and transparent access to labor tribunals or courts. It has a labor cooperative and
capacity building mechanism to pursue bilateral or regional cooperation activities, which may
include the principles embodied in the 1998 ILO Declaration and activities to promote
compliance with ILO Convention 182 on the Worst Forms of Child Labor. The United States and
Colombia agreed to cooperative activities on laws and practices related to ILO labor standards;
the ILO convention on the worst forms of child labor; methods to improve labor administration
and enforcement of labor laws; social dialogue and alternative dispute resolution; occupational
safety and health compliance; and mechanisms and best practices on protecting the rights of
migrant workers.
Environmental Provisions
The environmental obligations are included in the core text of the agreement. The agreement
would require the United States and Colombia to effectively enforce their own domestic
environmental laws and to adopt, maintain, and implement laws and all other measures to fulfill
obligations under covered multilateral environmental agreements (MEAs). Both countries
committed to pursue high levels of environmental protection and to not derogate from
environmental laws in a manner that would weaken or reduce protections. The agreement
includes procedural guarantees that would ensure fair, equitable, and transparent proceedings for
the administration and enforcement of environmental laws. In addition, the agreement includes
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Proposed U.S.-Colombia Free Trade Agreement: Background and Issues

provisions to help promote voluntary, market-based mechanisms to protect the environment and
to ensure that views of civil society are appropriately considered through a public submissions
process. All obligations in the environmental chapter of the agreement would be subject to the
same dispute settlement procedures and enforcement mechanisms as obligations in other chapters
of the agreement.
Dispute Settlement
The core obligations of the agreement, including labor and environmental provisions, are subject
to dispute settlement provisions. The agreement’s provisions on dispute panel proceedings
include language to help promote openness and transparency through open public hearings;
public release of legal submissions by parties; and opportunities for interested third parties to
submit views. The provisions would require the parties to make every attempt, through
cooperation and consultations, to arrive at a mutually satisfactory resolution of a dispute. If the
parties are unable to settle the dispute through consultations, the complaining party would have
the right to request an independent arbitral panel to help resolve the dispute. Possible outcomes
could include monetary penalties or a suspension of trade benefits.
Labor and Environmental Provisions after May 10, 2007, Bipartisan
Trade Framework

In early 2007, a number of Members of Congress indicated that some of the provisions in pending
U.S. FTAs would have to be strengthened to gain their approval, particularly relating to core labor
standards. After several months of negotiation, bipartisan Congressional leadership and the Bush
Administration reached an understanding on May 10, 2007, on a new bipartisan trade framework
that calls for the inclusion of internationally recognized labor rights and environmental provisions
in the text of pending free trade agreements. On June 28, 2007, the United States reached an
agreement with Colombia on legally binding amendments to the CFTA on labor, the environment,
and other matters to reflect the bipartisan understanding of May 10.
The amendments to the FTA were based on the agreement reached between the Bush
Administration and Congress on May 10, 2007, and are similar to the amendments that were
made to the U.S.-Peru free trade agreement, which was approved by Congress in December 2008.
At the time they were announced, the Bush Administration stated that, because the new
commitments would have to be “legally binding,” they could not have been incorporated into the
agreement as side letters.16 Some of the key amendments include obligations related to five basic
ILO labor rights, multilateral environmental agreements (MEAs), and pharmaceutical intellectual
property rights (IPR). These provisions would be enforceable through the FTA’s dispute
settlement mechanism. The Colombian government has approved the amendments. On October
30, 2007, the Colombian Senate “overwhelmingly” approved the labor and environmental
amendments to the CFTA, marking the end of the approval process for the agreement in
Colombia.17

16 Rosella Brevetti, International Trade Daily, Administration Drafting Legal Text for Labor/Environment Deal with
Congress,” May 14, 2007.
17 Rosella Brevetti, International Trade Reporter, “Colombian Senate Overwhelmingly Approves Labor-Related
Amendments to FTA with U.S.,” November 1, 2007.
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Basic Labor Provisions
After the bipartisan agreement, the Administration reached an agreement with Colombia to
amend the CFTA to require the parties to “adopt, maintain and enforce in their own laws and in
practice” the five basic internationally recognized labor principles, as stated in the 1998 ILO
Declaration. The amendments to the agreement strengthened the earlier labor provisions which
only required the signatories to strive to ensure that their domestic laws would provide for labor
standards consistent with internationally recognized labor principles.
The amendments that resulted from the bipartisan trade framework were intended to enhance the
protection and promotion of worker rights by including enforceable ILO core labor principles in
the agreement. These include (1) freedom of association; (2) the effective recognition of the right
to collective bargaining; (3) the elimination of all forms of forced or compulsory labor; (4) the
effective abolition of child labor and a prohibition on the worst forms of child labor; and (5) the
elimination of discrimination in respect of employment and occupation. These obligations would
refer only to the 1998 ILO Declaration on the Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work.
Another change to the agreement relates to labor law enforcement. A decision made by a
signatory on the distribution of enforcement resources would not be a reason for not complying
with the labor provisions. Under the amended provisions, parties would not be allowed to
derogate from labor obligations in a manner affecting trade or investment. Labor obligations
would be subject to the same dispute settlement, same enforcement mechanisms, and same
criteria for selection of enforcement mechanisms as all other obligations in the agreement.
Provisions on Environment
In the original text of the agreement, the parties would have been required to “effectively
enforce” their own domestic environmental laws; this was the only environmental provision that
would have been enforceable through the agreement’s dispute settlement procedures. Other
environmental provisions in the original text, that were not enforceable, included provisions on
environmental cooperation, procedural guarantees for enforcement of environmental laws, and
provisions for a public submissions process. Under the amended version of the proposed FTA, the
United States and Colombia agreed to effectively enforce their own domestic environmental laws,
and to adopt, maintain, and implement laws and all other measures to fulfill obligations under the
seven covered multilateral environmental agreements (MEAs). The amended agreement states
that all obligations in the environment chapter would be subject to the same dispute settlement
procedures and enforcement mechanisms as all other obligations in the agreement.
Other Provisions
Other amendments to the proposed FTA include provisions on intellectual property, government
procurement, and port security. On intellectual property rights (IPR) protection, some Members
of Congress were concerned that the original commitments would have impeded the entry of
generic medicines to treat AIDS or other infectious diseases. The amended agreement was a way
of trying to find a balance between the need for IPR protection for pharmaceutical companies to
foster innovation and the desire for promoting access to generic medicines to all segments of the
population. The amended text of the agreement maintains the five years of data exclusivity for
test data related to pharmaceuticals. However, if Colombia relies on U.S. Federal Drug
Administration (FDA) approval of a given drug, and meets certain conditions for expeditious
approval of that drug in Colombia, the data exclusivity period would expire at the same time that
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Proposed U.S.-Colombia Free Trade Agreement: Background and Issues

the exclusivity expired in the United States. This could allow generic medicines to enter more
quickly into the market in Colombia.
In government procurement, the amended provisions would allow U.S. state and federal
governments to condition government contracts on the adherence to the core labor laws in the
country where the good is produced or the service is performed. Government agencies also would
be allowed to include environmental protection requirements in their procurements. Concerning
port security, a new provision would ensure that if a foreign-owned company were to provide
services at a U.S. port that would raise national security concerns, the CFTA would not be an
impediment for U.S. authorities in taking actions to address those concerns.18
U.S.-Colombia Trade
With a population of 47 million people, Colombia is the third-most populous country in Latin
America, after Brazil and Mexico. Colombia’s economy, the fourth-largest economy in Latin
America, after Brazil, Mexico, and Argentina, is small when compared to the U.S. economy.
Colombia’s gross domestic product (GDP) in 2010 was estimated at $235 billion, about 1.9% of
U.S. GDP of $14.7 trillion in 2010 (see Table 2). Colombia’s exports of goods and services
accounted for 16% of GDP in 2010, while imports of goods and services accounted for 18%.
The United States is Colombia’s dominant trading partner in both imports and exports.
Subsequently, any change in U.S. demand for Colombian products can have a noticeable effect on
Colombia’s economy. Colombia’s market opening measures over the past 10 years, however,
have resulted in changes to its direction of trade and the percentage of trade with the United
States has been declining. Colombia has regional trade agreements with most countries in Latin
America, including the Central America Northern Triangle (Guatemala, Honduras, and El
Salvador); Mexico; Mercosur (Brazil, Argentina, Paraguay, and Uruguay); and Chile. An FTA
with Canada, approved by both countries in 2010, is expected to enter into force in July 2011.
Colombia has also recently signed an FTA with the European Union, which is awaiting formal
approval by both partners.
In 2010, the United States accounted for 26% of Colombia’s imports and 42% of Colombia’s
exports. China is the second-leading supplier of Colombia’s imports, after the United States,
accounting for 13% of total imports, followed by Mexico, which accounted for 9% of Colombia’s
imports in 2010. China also ranks second among Colombia’s export markets, accounting for 5.0%
of total Colombian exports in 2010. In agriculture, Argentina surpassed the United States as
Colombia’s leading supplier of agricultural imports in 2010. Argentina supplied 28% of
Colombia’s agricultural imports in 2010, up from 21% in 2009. In comparison, the United States
supplied 25% of Colombia’s agricultural imports in 2009 and 18% in 2010.

18 Office of the United States Trade Representative, Trade Facts, “Bipartisan Trade Deal,” Bipartisan Agreement on
Trade Policy, May 2007, pp. 4-5.
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Table 2. Key Economic Indicators for Colombia and the United States
Colombia
United States

2000 2010a 2000 2010a
Population (millions)
40 47 282 310
Nominal GDP ($US billions)b 100 285
9,952
14,723
GDP, PPPc Basis ($US billions) 236 426 9,952
14,723
Per Capita GDP ($US)
2,470
6,080
35,265
47,560
Per Capita GDP in $PPPc
5,824 9,070 35,265 47,560
Exports of goods and services (US$
16
45 1,093 1,838
billions)
Exports as % of GDPd
16% 16% 11% 13%
Imports of goods and services (US$
17
51 1,475 2,385
billions)
Imports as % of GDPd
17% 18% 15% 16%
Source: Compiled by CRS based on data from the Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU) on-line database.
a. Most figures for 2010 are estimates.
b. Nominal GDP is calculated by EIU based on figures from World Bank and World Development Indicators.
c. PPP refers to purchasing power parity, which attempts to factor in price differences across countries when
estimating the size of a foreign economy in U.S. dollars.
d. Exports and Imports as % of GDP are derived by the EIU and include trade in both goods and services.

U.S.-Colombia Merchandise Trade
In 2010, the United States accounted for 42% of Colombia’s total merchandise exports, compared
to 39% in 2009 and 37% in 2008. In imports, the United States accounted for 26% of Colombia’s
imports, down from 29% in 2009 and 2008. Colombia accounts for a very small percentage of
U.S. total trade (0.9% in 2010). Colombia ranks 20th among U.S. export markets and 25th among
foreign exporters to the United States. U.S. exports to Colombia totaled $11.0 billion in 2010,
while U.S. imports totaled $15.7 billion. As shown in Table 3, the dominant U.S. import category
from Colombia in 2010 was oil and gas (54%); followed by nonferrous metal (10%); fruits and
tree nuts (6%); petroleum and coal products (6%); and coal and petroleum gases (6%). The
leading U.S. export category to Colombia was petroleum and coal products (20%); agriculture
and construction machinery (4%); basic chemicals (2%); resin, synthetic rubber and products
(2%); and general purpose machinery (2%).
Table 3. U.S. Trade with Colombia in 2010
U.S. Exports
U.S. Imports
Leading Items
Leading Items
(NAIC 4 Digit
(NAIC 4 Digit
Level) $
Millions Share Level) $
Millions Share
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U.S. Exports
U.S. Imports
Petroleum and
2230.0
20%
Oil and gas
8,464.9
54%
coal products
Agriculture and
1,144.0 4%
Nonferrous 1,494.8 10%
construction
metal
machinery
Basic chemicals
1,019.2
2%
Fruits and tree
1,003.4 6%
nuts
Resin, synthetic
498.2 2%
Petroleum
and
932.4 6%
rubber and
coal products
products
Other general
454.2 2%
Coal
and
923.3 6%
purpose
petroleum gases
machinery
Al other
5,654.0
51%
Al other
2,853.8
18%
Total exportsa 10,990.6

Total
importsa 15,672.6

Source: Compiled by CRS using USITC Interactive Tariff and Trade DataWeb at http://dataweb.usitc.gov: U.S.
domestic exports and imports for consumption; NAIC 4-digit level.
a. Totals may not add up due to rounding.
U.S. imports from Colombia picked up again in 2010 to $15.7 billion, after declining 14% in
2009 from $13.1 billion in 2008 to $11.2 billion. In the five-year period prior to 2008, imports
had been increasing steadily, from $6.3 billion to $13.1 billion in 2008. U.S. exports to Colombia
also increased in 2010, from $8.8 billion in 2009 to $11.0 billion. In 2009, following international
trends in global trade after the financial crisis, exports to Colombia decreased from $10.7 billion
in 2008 to $8.8 billion. Between 2003 and 2008, U.S. exports to Colombia increased from $3.5
billion to $10.6 billion (see Figure 1). Prior to 2003, U.S. imports from and exports to Colombia
fluctuated from year to year without very significant changes.
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Figure 1. U.S. Trade with Colombia: 1996-2010
($ Billions)
20,000
15,000
10,000
s
on
lli

5,000
Bi
$

0
-5,000
-10,000
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
2004
2005
2006
2007
2008
2009
2010
U.S. Exports
U.S. Imports
Trade Balance

Source: Compiled by CRS using USITC Interactive Tariff and Trade DataWeb at http://dataweb.usitc.gov.
Andean Trade Preference Act
The United States currently extends duty-free treatment to imports from Colombia under the
Andean Trade Preference Act (ATPA), a regional trade preference program.19 ATPA was enacted
on December 4, 1991 (Title II of P.L. 102-182), and was renewed and modified under the Andean
Trade Promotion and Drug Eradication Act (ATPDEA; Title XXXI of P.L. 107-210) on August 6,
2002. Additional products receiving preferential duty treatment under ATPDEA included certain
items in the following categories: petroleum and petroleum products, textiles and apparel
products, footwear, tuna in flexible containers, and others. Since the enactment of ATPDEA,
Congress extended ATPA preferences several times for Colombia and other Andean countries for
short periods of time. The most recent extension of ATPA (P.L. 111-344) extended preferences for
Colombia and Ecuador until February 12, 2011. ATPA trade preferences are currently expired.
ATPA, as amended by ATPDEA, is part of a broader U.S. initiative with Andean countries to
address the drug trade problem with Latin America. It authorized the President to grant duty-free
treatment or reduced tariffs to certain products from the list of beneficiary countries (Bolivia,
Colombia, Ecuador, and Peru ) that met domestic content and other requirements, as long as the
country meets specific eligibility requirements. Bolivia is no longer a designated beneficiary
country because it failed to meet the eligibility criteria. The act (as a complement to crop

19 For more information see CRS Report RS22548, ATPA Renewal: Background and Issues, by M. Angeles Villarreal.
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eradication, interdiction, military training, and other counter-narcotics efforts) was intended to
promote economic growth in the Andean region and to encourage a shift away from dependence
on illegal drugs by supporting legitimate economic activities. Increased access to the U.S. market
was expected to help create jobs and expand legitimate opportunities for workers in the Andean
countries in alternative export sectors.
Over 90% of U.S. imports from Colombia receive duty-free treatment through preference
programs or normal trade relations (see Table 4). In 2010, 60% of U.S. imports from Colombia
received preferential duty treatment under ATPA. Of those, the leading imports were oil and gas;
mushrooms, nursery and related products (including cut flowers); petroleum and coal products;
apparel; and plastics products. The trade preference program contributed to a rapid increase in
ATPA imports from Colombia. The rapid increase in import value was partially due to an increase
in the volume of imports, but prices of oil and energy-related imports were also a major factor.
Oil and gas products accounted for 84% of ATPA imports from Colombia in 2010 (see Table 5).
Those products in the top five ATPA import categories that were not energy-related accounted for
only 9% of ATPA imports from Colombia.
Table 4. U.S. Imports from Colombia
($ Millions)

2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010
Total
6,346.2 7,360.6 8,770.3 9,239.8 9,251.2 13,058.8 11,209.4 15,672.6
Imports
All Duty-
4,109.2 6557.8 7,892.5 8,531.5 8,447.1 12,044.1 9,962.9 14,536.6
Free
%
of
Total 65% 89% 90% 92% 91% 92% 89% 93%
ATPAa
2,908.7 3,888.9 4,653.2 4,791.2 4,527.7 7,339.2 5,589.5 9,472.6
%
of
Total 46% 53% 53% 52% 49% 56% 50% 60%
Source: Compiled by CRS using USITC data.
a. Includes imports under ATPA and ATPDEA.

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Table 5. U.S. Imports from Colombia under ATPA
($ Millions)
Import Itema 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010
Oil
and
gas
1,692.9 2,299.7 2,897.1 3,183.7 3,152.6 5,813.9 4,318.2 7,914.3
Mushrooms,
343.3 415.0 418.5 449.3 506.2 499.3 506.0 549.0
nursery and
related products
Petroleum and
321.2 405.5 454.6 202.5 141.2 375.3 249.0 363.4
coal products
Apparel
240.8 412.2 441.1 405.5 294.1 269.0 182.4 217.2
Plastics
products 15.8 20.0 32.1 39.6 49.7 33.5 31.0 60.0
Other ATPA
294.7 336.5 409.8 510.6 383.9 348.2 302.9 368.7
imports
Total ATPAb
2,908.7 3,888.9 4,653.2 4,791.2 4,527.7 7,339.2 5,589.5 9,472.6
Source: Compiled by CRS using USITC data
Notes:
a. HTS 4-digt level.
b. Includes imports under ATPA and ATPDEA.
U.S.-Colombia Bilateral Foreign Direct Investment
U.S. foreign direct investment in Colombia on a historical-cost basis totaled $6.7 billion in 2009
(see Table 6). The largest amount was in mining, which accounted for 46.9%, or $3.2 billion, of
total U.S. FDI in Colombia in 2009. The second-largest amount, $1.7 billion (25.0% of total), was
in manufacturing, followed by $485 million in wholesale trade.
Table 6. U.S. Direct Investment Position in Colombia
(Historical-cost Basis: 2009)
Industry Amount

% of Total
(U.S.$ Millions)
Mining 3,153
46.9%
Manufacturing
1,683
25.0%
Finance and
485 7.2%
Insurance
Total 6,728

Source: Bureau of Economic Analysis, International Economic Accounts.
The proposed U.S.-Colombia FTA is expected to improve investor confidence in Colombia and
would likely increase the amount of U.S. FDI in the country. Investors from other countries
would also be expected to increase investment in Colombia as the FDI environment improves.
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According to one study, FDI in Colombia would have increased by more than $2 billion from
2007 through 2010 had the proposed CFTA been implemented in 2007.20
Background on Colombia21
Colombia is a democratic nation with a bicameral legislature. In spite of its democratic tradition,
Colombia has suffered from internal conflict for over 40 years. This conflict and drug violence
present unique challenges to Colombia’s institutions and threaten the human rights of Colombian
citizens. An independent candidate, Alvaro Uribe, won the 2002 presidential elections, largely
because of his aggressive plan to reduce violence in Colombia. President Uribe, who served two
terms in office, retained widespread support throughout his presidency. Colombia continues to
face serious challenges despite the progress it has made in recent years.
Presidential Elections in 2010
In the presidential election of June 2010, Juan Manuel Santos of the Partido de Unidad Nacional
(Partido de la U) was elected president of Colombia with 69% of the vote. President Santos
previously served as defense minister (2006-2009) under former President Alvaro Uribe and in
two prior governments as finance minister and minister of trade. Santos was sworn into office on
August 7, 2010, under an optimistic mood in the country, but the new government has significant
foreign policy and domestic challenges ahead. The country’s main foreign policy challenges will
be to improve relations with Venezuela and Ecuador. In addition, President Santos is planning to
move forward with a series of reforms involving oil and mining royalties, healthcare, the justice
system, and land.22 On September 9, 2010, President Santos unveiled a new ambitious trade
strategy aimed at increasing the value of Colombian exports by improving competitiveness,
increasing market access to new markets, and providing more government support. The new
strategy reflects President Santos’ support of the pending U.S.-Colombia FTA and his desire to
complete FTA negotiations with a number of countries.23
Internal Conflict
Colombia has a long tradition of civilian, democratic rule, yet has been plagued by violence
throughout its history. The three major armed groups today are the Revolutionary Armed Forces
of Colombia (FARC), the National Liberation Army (ELN), and the United Self-Defense Forces
of Colombia (AUC). Although the AUC disbanded in 2006, it remains a designated foreign
terrorist organization. The Colombian government has made significant achievements against
terrorist leadership targets in Colombia. A 2009 report by the State Department states that
Colombia has maintained and strengthened its “Democratic Security” strategy, which combines
military, intelligence, police operations, and efforts to demobilize combatants. It also provides
public services in rural areas previously dominated by armed groups. Kidnappings in Colombia

20 United States International Trade Commission (USITC), U.S.-Colombia Trade Promotion Agreement: Potential
Economy-wide and Selected Sectoral Effects,
Investigation No. TA-2104-023, USITC Publication 3896, December
2006, p. 7-3.
21 This section is drawn from CRS Report RL32250, Colombia: Issues for Congress, by June S. Beittel.
22 EIU, “Optimism for New Government but Challenges Remain,” August 12, 2010.
23 Global Insight, “Colombian President Unveils Trade Strategy,” September 9, 2010.
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by criminal groups significantly decreased in 2008.24 The threat of extradition to the United States
has been a strong weapon against drug traffickers and terrorists. In 2008, Colombia extradited a
record 208 defendants to the United States for prosecution, most of which were Colombian
nationals.25
Violence in Colombia has its roots in a lack of state control over much of Colombian territory,
and a long history of poverty and inequality. The shift of cocaine production from Peru and
Bolivia to Colombia in the 1980s increased drug violence, and provided a source of revenue for
both guerrillas and paramilitaries. Conflicts between the Conservative and Liberal parties have
existed for more than 100 years and have killed hundreds of thousands of Colombians. While a
power-sharing agreement between the Liberal and Conservative parties ended a civil war in 1957,
it did not address the root causes of the violence. Numerous leftist guerrilla groups inspired by the
Cuban Revolution formed in the 1960s as a response to state neglect and poverty. Rightwing
paramilitaries were formed in the 1980s to defend landowners, many of them drug traffickers,
against guerrillas. Most of the rightist paramilitary groups were coordinated by the AUC, which
disbanded in 2006 after more than 30,000 of its members demobilized. The AUC has been
accused of gross human rights abuses and collusion with the Colombian Armed Forces in their
fight against the FARC and ELN. The AUC also participated in narcotics trafficking.
Human Rights Issues
The debate on U.S. policy toward Colombia and on the proposed free trade agreement with
Colombia has brought attention to allegations of human rights abuses by the FARC and ELN,
paramilitary groups, and the Colombian Armed Forces. The State Department’s February 2010
human rights report states that the Prosecutor General’s Office in Colombia has been assigned
1,302 cases concerning extrajudicial killings by the armed forces allegedly taking place between
1985 and 2009.26 Progress in addressing the backlog of cases concerning extrajudicial killings has
proceeded slowly.
Congress has annually required that the Secretary of State certify to Congress that the Colombian
military and policy forces are severing their links to the paramilitaries, investigating complaints
of abuses, and prosecuting those who have had credible charges made against them. In the
September 2010 report, the State Department determined and certified to Congress that the
Colombian government and armed forces are meeting statutory criteria related to human rights.
The report states that though there continues to be a need for improvement, the Colombian
government has taken positive steps to improve respect for human rights in the country.
According to the report, the Colombian government’s firm resolve on not tolerating extrajudicial
killings has led to a rapid reversal in this trend. The report also acknowledges the significant steps
that the Santos Administration has taken to demonstrate it is taking human rights seriously and its
actions on a the establishment of a roundtable on labor, meetings with NGOs and civil society
groups, increasing engagement with these groups, and outreach to Colombia’s courts to repair
relations with the judicial system.27

24 United States Department of State, Office of the Coordinator for Counterterrorism, Country Reports on Terrorism
2008,
April 2009, pp. 11 and 155.
25 Ibid, p. 164.
26 U.S. Department of State, 2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Colombia, March 11, 2010.
27 U.S. State Department, Office of the Spokesman, Determination and Certification of the Colombian Government and
(continued...)
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The March 2010 United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (UNHCHR) report
credited the Colombian government with making significant progress in the situation regarding
human rights and international humanitarian law. The UNHCHR acknowledged the significant
progress the government has made in the drastic reduction in the number of complaints of extra-
judicial executions and prosecutions of government officials for alleged links with paramilitary
organizations. The report recognized the government’s openness to international scrutiny with
regard to human rights issues in Colombia. The report also acknowledged the spirit of
cooperation between the Colombian government and UNHCHR-Colombia, and the commitment
of the government to address human rights challenges.28 As in previous reports, UNHCHR
expressed concerns about the activities and abuses committed by paramilitary forces that have
rearmed, and by the FARC. The report described the continued vulnerability of groups like
women, children, Afro-Colombians, the indigenous, journalists, union leaders, and human rights
workers.29
U.S. Policy Toward Colombia
The focus of U.S. foreign policy toward Colombia has been to curb narcotics production and
trafficking. The United States also seeks to promote democracy and economic development in
order to strengthen regional security. The country is known for a long tradition of democracy but
has had to contend with continuing violence from leftist guerrilla insurgencies dating from the
1960s and persistent drug trafficking activity. Plan Colombia, a multi-year effort to address
Colombia’s key challenges, has been the centerpiece of U.S. policy toward Colombia since 2000.
The United States has made a significant commitment of funds and material support to help
Colombia and the Andean region fight drug trafficking since the development of Plan Colombia
in 1999. In support of the plan, Congress passed legislation providing $1.3 billion in assistance
for FY2000 (P.L. 106-246) and has provided more than $7 billion to support Plan Colombia from
FY2000 through FY2010 in both State Department and Defense Department accounts. Since
2002, Congress has granted the State Department expanded authority to use counternarcotics
funds for a unified campaign to fight both drug trafficking and terrorist organizations in
Colombia. In 2004, Congress raised the statutory cap on U.S. personnel allowed to be deployed to
Colombia in support of Plan Colombia. The three main illegally armed groups in Colombia
participate in drug production and trafficking and have been designated foreign terrorist
organizations by the State Department.30

(...continued)
Armed Forces with Respect to Human Rights Related Conditions, September 15, 2010.
28 United Nations General Assembly-Human Rights Council, “Report of the United Nations High Commissioner for
Human Rights on the situation of human rights in Colombia,” March 4, 2010.
29 Ibid.
30 For more information on Plan Colombia and U.S. foreign assistance, see CRS Report RL32250, Colombia: Issues for
Congress
, by June S. Beittel.
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The Proposed CFTA: Issues for Congress
Economic Impact
If and when fully implemented, the U.S.-Colombia FTA would likely have a have a small, but
positive, net economic effect on the United States. Colombia’s economy is small compared to the
U.S. economy (1.6%) and the value of U.S. trade with Colombia is a very small percentage of
overall U.S. trade. Most of the economy-wide trade effects of trade liberalization from the FTA
would arise from Colombia’s removal of tariff barriers and other trade restrictions.
Approximately 90% of U.S. imports from Colombia enter the United States duty-free, either
unconditionally or under the ATPA or other U.S. provisions; hence, the marginal effects of the
FTA on the U.S. economy likely would not be significant.
Study Findings on Economic Impact
A study by the United States International Trade Commission (USITC) assessed the potential
effects of a U.S.-Colombia FTA on the U.S. economy. The study found that, in general, the
primary impact of an FTA with Colombia would be increased U.S. exports to Colombia as a
result of enhanced U.S. access to the Colombian market.31 Major findings of the USITC study on
the likely effects of a U.S.-Colombia FTA on the U.S. economy, should the agreement be fully
implemented, include the following:32
• U.S. exports to Colombia would increase by $1.1 billion (13.7%) and U.S.
imports from Colombia would increase by $487 million (5.5%). U.S. GDP would
increase by over $2.5 billion (less than 0.05%).
• The largest estimated increases in U.S. exports to Colombia, by value, would be
in chemical, rubber, and plastic products; machinery and equipment; and motor
vehicles and parts. In terms of percentage increases, the largest increases in U.S.
exports would be in rice and dairy products.
• The largest estimated increases in U.S. imports from Colombia, by value, would
be in sugar and crops not elsewhere classified. The largest estimated increases in
U.S. imports, by percent, would be in dairy products and sugar.
• On an industry level, the FTA would result in minimal to no effect on output or
employment for most sectors of the U.S. economy. The U.S. sugar sector would
be the only sector with an estimated decline of more than 0.1% in output or
employment. The largest increases in U.S. output and employment would be in
the processed rice, cereal grains, and wheat sectors.
The USITC reviewed seven studies that it found on the probable economic effects of a U.S.-
Colombia FTA.33 The results of the studies reviewed by USITC varied. One study found that U.S.

31 United States International Trade Commission (USITC), U.S.-Colombia Trade Promotion Agreement: Potential
Economy-wide and Selected Sectoral Effects,
Investigation No. TA-2104-023, USITC Publication 3896, December
2006. (Hereinafter USITC, December 2006).
32 USITC, December 2006, pp. 2-1 and 2-2.
33 In its review of the seven economic studies, the USITC noted that these studies analyzed a proposed, possible, or
(continued...)
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exports to Colombia would increase by 2.4% to 8.3%, while another study assessed that the
expected increase would be 44%. Two studies found that the largest increases in U.S. exports
would be in agriculture products, metal and wood, and food products. In assessing the impact on
U.S. imports from Colombia, the results of the studies also varied. One study found that U.S.
imports from Colombia would increase by 2.0% to 6.2%, while another found that U.S. imports
would increase by 37%. The largest increases would be in apparel and leather goods, textile
products, and metal and wood. The studies also assessed that an FTA would result in small overall
welfare gains for both the United States and Colombia and a positive impact on the U.S.
agricultural sector despite an increase in U.S. sugar imports.34
The non-governmental Institute for International Economics (IIE) also has a study assessing the
possible impact of a U.S.-Colombia FTA on both the U.S. and Colombian economies.35 The study
found that the proposed U.S.-Colombia FTA would be expected to result in an increase in total
trade between the two countries. The total value of U.S. imports from Colombia would increase
by an estimated 37% while the value of U.S. exports to Colombia would increase by an estimated
44%.36 In terms of welfare gains, the study assessed that a U.S.-Colombia FTA would result in
small welfare benefits for both partners, though the gains would be larger for Colombia. On a
sectoral level, the study found that an agreement would have a minor sectoral effect on the U.S.
economy, but the effect would be more significant for Colombia because it is the smaller partner.
The study indicated that Colombia would face certain structural adjustment issues with a
displacement of low-skilled workers in some sectors, but that these workers would all be able to
find job possibilities in the expanding sectors.37
One of the drawbacks to a bilateral free trade agreement is that it may result in trade diversion
because it is not fully inclusive of all regional trading partners.38 Trade diversion results when a
country enters into an FTA and then shifts the purchase of goods or services (imports) from a
country that is not an FTA partner to a country that is an FTA partner even though it may be a
higher cost producer. In the case of the United States and Colombia, for example, goods from the
United States may replace Colombia’s lower-priced imports from other countries in Latin
America. If this were to happen, the United States would now be the producer of that item, not
because it produces the good more efficiently, but because it is receiving preferential access to the
Colombian market. The IIE study assessed that a CFTA probably would not cause trade diversion
in the United States, but that it could cause some trade diversion in Colombia. The IIE study

(...continued)
hypothetical U.S.-Colombia free trade agreement (FTA) and not the final text of the actual FTA that was the subject of
its investigation. Therefore, the underlying assumptions made in the reviewed studies may be different than those of the
USITC’s analysis.
34 USITC, December 2006, pp. 7-1 to 7-4.
35 Jeffrey J. Schott, editor, Institute for International Economics (IIE), Trade Relations Between Colombia and the
United States,
August 2006. (Hereinafter IIE, August 2006).
36 IIE August 2006, Chapter 4, “Potential Benefits of a U.S.-Colombia FTA,” by Dean A. DeRosa and John P. Gilbert.
This chapter uses empirical and applied methods of economic analysis to examine the potential quantitative impact of a
U.S.-Colombia FTA and is one of the studies reviewed by the USITC in its assessment of a U.S.-Colombia FTA.
37 Ibid, p. 112.
38 When a trade agreement lowers trade barriers on a good, production may shift from domestic producers to lower cost
foreign producers and result in substituting an imported good for the domestic good. This process is called trade
creation. Trade creation provides economic benefits as consumers have a wider choice of goods and services available
at lower costs. Trade creation also results in adjustment costs, however, usually in the form of domestic job losses as
production shifts to another country.
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estimated that an FTA with the United States would result in a decrease in Colombia’s imports
from other countries of approximately 9%.39
Possible Economic Impact on Agricultural Sector
The USITC study found that one of the impacts of a U.S.-Colombia FTA would be increased U.S.
agriculture exports to Colombia as a result of enhanced U.S. access to the Colombian market.40 In
the agricultural sector, key findings of the study include the following:
• The removal of tariff and nontariff barriers would likely result in a higher level of
U.S. exports of meat (beef and pork) to Colombia. U.S. imports of meat from
Colombia would eventually increase, but are currently restricted by Colombia’s
lack of certification to export fresh, chilled, or frozen beef or pork to the United
States.
• Colombia’s elimination of trade barriers and certain government support
measures under a CFTA would likely result in increased U.S. grain exports to
Colombia. Rice would account for most of the increase, with yellow corn and
wheat accounting for the remaining balance.
• U.S. exports to Colombia in soybeans, soybean products, and animal feeds would
likely increase under a CFTA.41
According to the IIE study, the main gains to Colombia in agricultural trade would likely be more
secure and preferential market access to the U.S. market. U.S. agricultural exports would gain a
small but not insignificant preference in the Colombian market for temperate-zone agricultural
produce. The study’s authors state that the long time periods for phasing out tariffs for sensitive
products and safeguard provisions that would replace Colombia’s price band system would lessen
the impact of increased imports from the United States. One section of the study describes the
results of a global applied general equilibrium model on the pending FTA. In terms of the overall
effects on Colombia’s economy, the results of the study imply that, in the medium term,
Colombia would lose a net amount of $63 million, or about 0.06% of GDP. In the longer term,
however, Colombia would gain $550 million each year, or about a 0.5% permanent increase to
GDP.42
Colombia’s Free Trade Agreements with Other Countries
Numerous policymakers have voiced concern about the United States losing market share of the
Colombian market if the U.S. Congress does not approve the proposed U.S.-Colombia FTA. Over
the past ten years, Colombia has been actively negotiating free trade agreements with countries
other than the United States. Colombia has five FTAs with 12 countries in Latin America. In
addition, it has signed FTAs with Canada, the European Union, and the EFTA (Iceland,
Liechtenstein, Norway, and Switzerland). On April 28, 2011, Colombia signed the declaration to
create the Pacific Alliance, an effort to create a regional trade integration agreement among Chile,

39 IIE, August 2006, pp. 88-89.
40 USITC Publication 3896, p. xv.
41 Ibid, pp. xvi-xvii.
42 IIE, August, 2006.
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Colombia, Mexico, and Peru. The Colombia-Canada FTA has been approved by both Colombia
and Canada and the agreement is expected to enter into force on August 15, 2011.
The United States is Colombia’s leading trading partner and the leading supplier of Colombia’s
imports, but its market share has been declining since 2000. Between 2000 and 2010, the share of
Colombia’s imports supplied from the United States declined from 34% to 26%. In agriculture
goods, Argentina replaced the United States as the leading supplier of Colombia’s agriculture
imports in 2010. In 2000, the United States supplied 31% of Colombian imports of agricultural
products, while Argentina supplied only 5%. By 2010, Argentina’s share had risen to 26% while
the United States’ share had declined to 13%. Policymakers are concerned that the U.S. market
share of Colombian imports will fall even further once the Colombia-Canada FTA enters into
force.
Issues Related to Labor
The proposed CFTA includes the new trade-labor policy priorities that were established under the
May 10, 2007, “New Trade Policy for America”.43 This agreement incorporated key Democratic
priorities relating to labor and other issues on U.S. trade policy. Key concepts in the new trade-
labor policy include fully enforceable provisions that (1) incorporate ILO core labor standards as
stated in the 1998 ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work (henceforth
referred to as the ILO Declaration);44 and (2) prohibit partner countries from weakening laws
relating to ILO core labor standards in order to attract trade or investment.
A number of U.S. labor groups oppose the idea of a free trade agreement with Colombia. They
maintain that Colombia’s labor movement is under attack through violence, intimidation, and
harassment, as well as legal channels. The American Federation of Labor and Congress of
Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO), which is strongly opposed to the agreement, contends that
Colombian labor union members face daily legal challenges to their rights to organize and
bargain collectively and that these challenges threaten the existence of the Colombian labor
movement. While the AFL-CIO acknowledges that Colombia has made progress in protecting
union members, it continues to have concerns regarding the government’s commitment to protect
fundamental worker rights.45 The AFL-CIO has stated that it remains opposed to the pending FTA
even after the Action Plan negotiated by the Obama Administration and the Colombian
government was announced on April 6, 2011 (see “Colombian Action Plan Related to Labor
Rights,” below).46
The position of Colombian labor unions on the U.S.-Colombia FTA is mixed, with some unions
in favor of the agreement and others opposed. In May 2007, 17 Colombian unionists representing
the textiles, flower, mining, and other Colombian industries visited the U.S. Congress to speak
out in favor of the agreement. They represented the General Labor Confederation of Colombia

43 For more information on labor issues related to the agreement, see CRS Report RL34759, Proposed U.S.-Colombia
Free Trade Agreement: Labor Issues
, by Mary Jane Bolle.
44 These are: “(a) the freedom of association and the effective recognition of the right to collective bargaining; (b) the
elimination of all forms of forced or compulsory labor; (c) the effective abolition of child labor; and (d) the elimination
of discrimination in respect of employment and occupation.” The ILO Declaration does not include in (c) the “worst
forms of child labor,” but the new text of the CFTA adds them to this list “for purposes of this agreement.”
45 Colombia Reports, “Colombia too far behind on labor and human rights: U.S. union,” March 21, 2010.
46 AFL-CIO Now Blog, AFL-CIO Remains Opposed to Colombia Trade Deal, April 7, 2011.
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(CGT), which supports the FTA. They argue that an FTA would provide jobs in the coffee, flower,
textiles, and other industries in Colombia. They contend that the Uribe Administration made
much progress in protecting worker rights and that the Santos Administration is making these
positive changes “more concrete”. CGT representatives do not believe that union workers are
being targeted for their labor activities and believe that the violence is due to the ongoing conflict
in Colombia caused by guerillas and paramilitaries.47
Other Colombian union representatives, however, who are mostly government employees, have
spoken out against the agreement. They argue that an FTA would interfere with the Colombian
government’s right to govern the country, and that it would have a negative effect on Colombia’s
agriculture sector and the economy in general.48 Colombia’s Central Union of Workers (CUT),
which is opposed to an FTA with the United States, argues that an FTA with the United States
would not be effective in protecting worker rights in Colombia because the labor chapter in the
agreement does not go far enough to protect labor rights. The CUT also contends that the Action
Plan Related to Labor Rights would not be effective in ending the impunity of crimes against
unionists in Colombia. According to a CUT representative, the main problem in Colombia is the
high levels of impunity and the lack of justice in the legal system.49
In the ILO’s 2010 Report of the Committee of Experts on the Application of Conventions and
Recommendations
(CEACR), it expressed satisfaction regarding the measures the Colombian
government had taken in improving protection of freedom of association and collective
bargaining.50 The 2010 ILO report on the application of labor standards removed Colombia from
the 25 countries it examined for failure to comply with international labor standards. However,
the report noted that Colombia was taken off the list after a lengthy debate and that it had been
taken off the list so as to break a gridlock in that particular year.51
In response to U.S. concerns regarding worker rights in Colombia, the Embassy of Colombia in
the United States has been reporting the progress that Colombia has made since 2001 in
strengthening the rights, benefits, and security of unions in Colombia. According to progress
reports issued by the embassy, government reforms in Colombia since 2002 have helped protect
Colombian worker rights to form unions, bargain collectively, and strike. These include enhanced
efforts to open dialogue with union members, including meetings with the president and vice
president of Colombia.52 The 2010 report issued by the embassy provides data indicating that
homicides dropped by 45% between 2002 and 2009. It also states that a protection program aimed
at vulnerable groups, including union members, and the creation of the special unit at the
Prosecutor General’s Office have led to an 86% reduction in the level of homicides of union
members. The report acknowledges that any homicide is one too many, but also states that it is

47 In-person interview with representatives of the General Labor Confederation (CGT) of Colombia on June 2, 2011.
48 Central Union of Workers of Colombia (CUT), Rechazamos el TLC Por Ello, Desautorizamos toda Opinión Sindical
que Contrarie la Postura Institucional,
April 12, 2007. CUT, TLC: Todos Limosnearemos Comida, April 2008.
49 In-person interview with CUT representatives on June 1, 2011.
50 ILO, 2010 Report of the Committee of Experts on the Application of Conventions and Recommendations, February
2010, at http://www.ilo.org/ilolex/gbe/ceacr2010.htm.
51 ILO, Conference Committee on the Application of Standards: Extracts from the Record of Proceedings (ILC 2010),
at http://www.ilo.org/global.
52 Embassy of Colombia, Washington, D.C., Colombia: A Progress Report: Strengthening the Rights, Benefits, and
Security of Unions,
October 2007.
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important to recognize that Colombia has made significant process in protecting labor and human
rights.53
Issues Related to Colombia’s Labor Cooperatives
Many Members of Congress have expressed concerns about labor cooperatives in Colombia.
Colombian cooperatives are work arrangements mostly found in the sugar cane, palm oil, flower,
mining, and port industries. The organizations negotiate contracts between the employers and the
workers. Critics of the programs contend that this type of work arrangement leads to a lack of
protection of worker rights, wages below the minimum wage, and lower health and pension
benefits.54 The Colombian government states that the cooperatives were established to generate
employment, but that it recognized they could lead to an erosion of worker rights. In response, the
government has undertaken a series of reforms since 2004. The most recent law was passed by
Colombia’s Congress on December 12, 2010. Article 63 of Ley 1429, a law for formalizing the
labor force and generating employment, has new and stronger measures to help ensure that
worker rights are not being violated and to impose sanctions on businesses that are violating
Colombian laws.55 The major changes in this law are increased sanctions on companies for
violations of the law from about $25,000 to $1.5 million; accountability for inspectors if they do
not enforce the law; and enhanced bargaining rights for workers belonging to a cooperative. The
law was to be have a transition period and not enter into effect until July 2013. However, in an
agreement with the United States under the Action Plan discussed later in this report, the
Colombian government agreed to accelerate implementation of the law to June 2011.56
Critics of the cooperative work arrangements contend that the arrangements lead to worker
oppression, prevent workers from joining unions, and result in a denial of basic benefits; critics
also contend that certain marginalized groups, especially the Afro-Colombian population, are
particularly vulnerable to unfair treatment. Colombian labor representatives have urged Congress
to delay passage of the pending FTA until Colombia improves its labor laws.57 According to the
Colombian government, cooperatives are required to provide health benefits, worker rights
protections, and pension benefits. However, there have been many cases of non-compliance.
Documents obtained from the Colombian government show that, between 2007 and January
2011, inspectors made 4,787 visits to work areas, conducted 4,052 investigations, and imposed
sanctions 816 times. The documents also show that the number of workers participating in
cooperatives decreased from 2 million in 2007 to 600,000 in 2010, and that the number of
cooperatives decreased from 12,317 to 4,555 between 2007 and 2010.58

53 Embassy of Colombia, Washington, D.C., Ensuring Justice and Protecting Labor and Human Rights in Colombia,
2010.
54 Mark Gruenberg, “Colombian labor leader seeks trade pact delay,” People’s World, January 21, 2011.
55 In-person interview with Colombian Embassy staff in Washington, D.C. and a Vice Minister on labor issues from the
Colombian government on March 10, 2011.
56 The White House, Office of the Press Secretary, “Leveling the Playing Field: Labor Protections and the U.S.-
Colombia Trade Promotion Agreement,” April 6, 2011, available at http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-
office/2011/04/06/fact-sheets-us-colombia-trade-agreement-and-action-plan.
57 Mark Gruenberg, “Colombian labor leader seeks trade pact delay,” People’s World, January 21, 2011.
58 Data obtain from an in-person interview with a Vice-Minister from the Colombian government’s Ministerio de la
Protección Social on March 10, 2011.
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Violence Issues
Numerous Members of Congress oppose the FTA with Colombia because of concerns about the
violence in Colombia against labor union members and other human rights defenders.
Policymakers who have voiced opposition to the agreement generally are concerned about the
impunity issue in Colombia, the lack of investigations and prosecutions, and the role of the
paramilitary. Some Members have said that the high rate of violence in Colombia made it an
“unfit free trade agreement partner for the United States.”59 The Obama Administration also
expressed concerns about the level of violence in Colombia and negotiated action steps for the
Colombian government to resolve these issues. The “Action Plan Related to Labor Rights”
discussed below includes a number of commitments made by the Santos Administration related to
concerns about victims of violence in Colombia.
Republican and some Democratic supporters of the FTA take issue with some charges against the
Colombian government and contend that Colombia has made progress in recent years to curb the
violence. Certain Members have stated that Colombia is a crucial ally of the United States in
Latin America and that if the FTA with Colombia is not passed, it may lead to further problems in
the region. In a report issued by USTR, a number of quotes by Members of Congress in support
of a trade agreement with Colombia were compiled. They were generally quoted as saying that
the agreement had implications for the security interests of the United States in Colombia and that
Colombia had made significant progress in cutting down on the number of murders and other
criminal activities.60 The Bush Administration’s position regarding this issue was that Colombia
had made significant advances to combat violence and instability under the Uribe Administration.
A March 2008 fact sheet stated that President Uribe had demobilized tens of thousands of
members of paramilitary fighters; established an independent prosecutor’s unit; created a special
program to protect labor activists; and revised the pending FTA to include more rigorous labor
protections. 61
The Colombian government has responded to U.S. concerns and acknowledged that, while there
continued to be killings in Colombia, the situation had improved significantly since the Uribe
Administration. Government reports indicate that over 50,000 guerrilla members were
demobilized as a result of the government’s recovery of control over territory and the
implementation of a peace process with paramilitary groups. In addition, Colombian government
reports state that confessions obtained from former paramilitaries and guerillas have provided
important information in the investigation of past violence, including that against union
members.62 Data provided by the Colombian government indicate that assassinations of labor
union activists and teachers decreased by 86% between 2001 and 2009, from 205 in 2001 to 28 in
2008. Total homicides in Colombia decreased from 26,540 in 2001 to 15,817 in 2009 (a 68%
decrease). Homicides of labor union members account for a very small percentage of total
homicides in Colombia: 0.2% of total homicides in 2009.63

59 BNA, International Trade Reporter, “Five Democratic Lawmakers Blast Proposed Colombia FTA Due to Violence,”
June 14, 2007.
60 Office of the United States Trade Representative, Broad Support for U.S.-Colombia Free Trade Agreement: What
They’re Saying,
March 2008.
61 The White House, Office of the Press Secretary, Fact Sheet: U.S.-Colombia Free Trade Agreement Essential To Our
National Security,”
March 12, 2008.
62 Embassy of Colombia, Ensuring Justice and Protecting Labor and Human Rights in Colombia, 2010.
63 Ibid.
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There is a lack of evidence regarding whether or not labor activists were killed because of their
union activity because few investigations have been completed. According to the State
Department’s human rights report covering 2009, the Colombian Prosecutor General’s office has
obtained 234 convictions (209 for murders) of 334 perpetrators of violent crimes against trade
unionists since 2000. However, a vast majority of the cases are either under investigation or in
preliminary phases of the prosecutorial process.64
Colombian Action Plan Related to Labor Rights
The United States and Colombia negotiated to develop an “Action Plan Related to Labor Rights”
(the Action Plan) that would help resolve the outstanding U.S. concerns related to labor-related
issues in Colombia highlighted above. The plan includes a number of “major, swift and concrete
steps” the Colombian government is taking to address U.S. concerns. The Obama
Administration’s announcement of the plan states that the successful implementation of key
elements of the plan will be a precondition for the agreement to enter into force.65 The first set of
obligations for the Colombian government under the Action Plan had a deadline of April 22,
2011, and the second set had a deadline of June 15, 2011. The Office of the United States Trade
Representative, which has reviewed the documents, stated in press releases that the Colombian
government had met its obligations for both the April 22 and June 15 deadline.66
Details of the Action Plan
This section summarizes the details of the Action Plan, which can be found on the website of the
Office of the United States Trade Representative (USTR).67
Creation of a Labor Ministry
The Colombian government will create a specialized Labor Ministry with the goal of
implementing a broader and more effective regime to protect labor rights. The Colombian
government expects that the Labor Ministry will provide the framework to mobilize resources
and strengthen enforcement of labor laws. Colombia’s labor-related functions are currently
managed under its Ministry of Social Protection (MSP), which was created in 2002 under the
Administration of President Alvaro Uribe. The MSP combined Colombia’s Ministry of Health
and Ministry of Labor into one central agency. The Action Plan includes target dates for the
measures related to the labor ministry, beginning on April 22, 2011, and ending on December 15,
2011.68 The Action Plan lists the following as part of the Colombian government’s commitments:

64 U.S. Department of State, 2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Colombia, March 11, 2010.
65 The White House, Office of the Press Secretary, “Leveling the Playing Field: Labor Protections and the U.S.-
Colombia Trade Promotion Agreement,” April 6, 2011, available at http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-
office/2011/04/06/fact-sheets-us-colombia-trade-agreement-and-action-plan.
66 Inside U.S. Trade, “USTR Seeks to Clarify Colombian Commitments under Labor Action Plan,” April 28, 2011.
67 Colombian Action Plan Related to Labor Rights, April 7, 2011, available at http://www.ustr.gov.
68 On April 6, 2011, the Colombian Congress overwhelmingly approved to split three fused ministries and grant
President Juan Manuel Santos extraordinary powers over the following six months to restructure parts of the
Colombian government. President Santos has six months to divide the three ministries and reconstruct certain
departments. The new ministries will be: Interior, Justice and the Law, Health and Social Protection, Labor,
(continued...)
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• Plan and budget for the hiring of 480 new labor inspectors over a four-year period, which
will include the hiring of at least 100 new labor inspectors during 2011 and budgeting for
an additional 100 new inspectors in the 2012 budget.
• Improve the system for citizens to file complaints concerning labor rights violations. The
system includes a toll-free telephone hotline and a new web-based mechanism for
registering complaints. The MSP will conduct outreach to promote awareness of the
complaint mechanisms.
• Improve the MSP’s mediation and conflict resolution system in all 32 departments
(Colombian states) by assigning specialized resources to the MSP’s regional offices,
training workers and employers in conflict resolution, and conducting outreach. The MSP
will also conduct outreach to the public, employers, and workers through TV programs
and printed material.
Criminal Code Reform
The Colombian government submitted legislation to the Colombian Congress to reform the
country’s criminal code by establishing criminal penalties for employers that undermine the right
to organize and bargain collectively. The proposed new article in the criminal code encompasses a
wide range of practices that adversely affect fundamental labor rights and would penalize
violators with up to five years of imprisonment. The Colombian government is seeking to have
the legislation enacted by the Colombian Congress by June 15, 2011.
Cooperatives
The Colombian government agreed to accelerate the effective date of the provisions of Article 63
of the 2010 Law of Formalization and First Employment, passed in December 2010. This
provision of the law prohibits the misuse of cooperatives or any other kind of labor relationship
that affects labor rights, and imposes significant fines for violations. The government has
submitted legislation to the Colombian Congress to move the effective date from July 1, 2013 to
June 15, 2011, The Colombian congress is expected to vote on the bill by the end of May 2011.
The MSP will direct 50 of the 100 new labor inspectors referenced above to be assigned
exclusively to cases involving cooperatives. The hiring and training of these inspectors is to be
completed by December 15, 2011. A second group of 50 labor inspectors specializing in
cooperatives will be hired during 2012. The priority sectors for labor inspections will be the palm
oil, sugar, mines, ports, and flower sectors. The Colombian government agreed to confirm to the
U.S. government by April 22, 2011, that these inspections had begun.
The Colombian government agreed to issue regulations implementing the 2010 cooperatives law
by June 15, 2011. The regulations are expected to:
• clarify earlier cooperatives laws;
• ensure coherence among these laws and the new cooperatives law;

(...continued)
Environment and Sustainable Development, and Housing, Cities, and Territory.
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• increase inspections of cooperatives;
• increase sanctions for labor law violators;
• strictly apply and enforce the requirements that cooperatives be autonomous and
self-governing; and
• develop and conduct an outreach program to inform and advise workers of the
following: their rights under Colombian law; remedies and courses of action
available to them through the courts in order to enforce recognition of a direct
employment relationship; and the existence of criminal penalties for employers
who are responsible for undermining the right to organize and bargain
collectively (upon congressional approval of the criminal code reforms in
Colombia).
The Colombian government agreed to work with the U.S. government to ensure that the agreed
objectives are addressed and provide quarterly reports on the enforcement results to all interested
parties.
Temporary Service Agencies
The Colombian government will implement a regime to prevent the use of temporary service
agencies to circumvent labor rights. This will be done through actions such as improving the
inspection process, designing a new training program for labor inspectors, and building databases
to identify regions and sectors where there have been abuses. The enforcement regime will also
include a monitoring and reporting mechanism in which all interested parties can verify progress
and compliance with labor laws. As a first step, the MSP will issue quarterly reports for interested
parties that include the results of preventive inspections, penalties, fines, the cancellation of
licenses and permits, and the list of those agencies found to be in violation. The Colombian
government agreed that the MSP would: share a draft of the enforcement plan with the U.S.
government by April 22, 2011; work with the U.S. government to ensure that the agreed upon
objectives are addressed; conduct a series of preventive inspections by June 15, 2011; and fully
implement the enforcement plan by December 15, 2011.
Collective Pacts
The Colombian government will include in the bill on criminal code reform a provision stating it
is a crime, subject to imprisonment, to use collective pacts to undermine the right to organize and
bargain collectively. The provision would prohibit collective pacts from extending better
conditions to non-union workers. The MSP (or the Labor Ministry, if or when it is in effect) will
conduct a public outreach campaign to promote awareness, which would be launched after
approval of the criminal code reform, anticipated on June 15, 2011. If the criminal code reform is
approved, the campaign will run through 2011 and the Colombian government will budget
additional resources for 2012. Colombia’s MSP will enforce the reforms through preventive
inspections and the new labor complaint mechanisms to detect and prosecute violations. The
Colombian government also will request technical assistance from the International Labor
Organization (ILO) to monitor the use of collective pacts and will work with the U.S. government
to ensure that the agreed objectives are addressed.
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Essential Services
Colombia agreed that the MSP (or the new Labor Ministry once in effect) will collect the body of
Colombian doctrine, case law, and jurisprudence that has narrowed the definition of essential
services. The MSP was expected to disseminate this information and relevant guidelines to labor
inspectors, the judicial branch, unions, and employers by April 22, 2011.69
ILO Office
The Colombian government stated that it will request cooperation, advice, and technical
assistance from the ILO to help in the implementation measures in the Action Plan. The
Colombian government stated that it would work with the ILO to strengthen the presence and
expand the capacity and role of the ILO in Colombia. The U.S. and Colombian governments
stated that they would work together to identify the necessary resources and sources of support.
The Colombian government’s formal request to the ILO is expected to be accomplished by
September 15, 2011.
Protection Programs
Colombia’s Ministry of Interior and Justice will issue a Ministerial Resolution, by April 22, 2011,
that broadens the scope of the definition of who is covered by its protection program to include:
1) labor activists; 2) persons who are engaged in active efforts to form a union; and 3) former
unionists who are under threat because of their past activities. The Colombian government is to
plan and budget for necessary additional resources for this expansion by increasing the FY2011
allocation by 50% (approximately US $6 million) to provide adequate support for the expansion
in the protection program. For FY2012, the Colombian government will assess the level of
funding necessary to support the program and present the requested budget to the Colombian
Congress by July 30, 2011.
The Ministry of Interior and Justice will eliminate the backlog of risk assessments on union
member applications for protection through an emergency plan that has already begun and is
expected to be completed by July 30, 2011. After the backlog is eliminated, the Colombian
government has made a commitment that the national policy on conducting risk assessments will
thereafter comply with the law to process all risk assessments within a 30-day period. On May 1,
2011, the Colombian government will begin providing monthly updates to interested parties.
The Colombian government will issue a decree to reform the scope and functioning of the
interagency committee that reviews risk assessments by September 15, 2011. The new committee
is to include representatives from the Inspector General’s Office and the Public Defender’s Office
to enhance objectivity in the assessment process. The Colombian government agreed to share
with the U.S. government the relevant parts of the draft decree by April 22, 2011, and has agreed
to work with the U.S. government to ensure that the agreed objectives are addressed. The
Colombian government also committed to strengthen the existing protection system by
immediately implementing administrative measures.

69 These documents are under review by the Office of the United States Trade Representative.
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Colombia agreed to amend its teacher relocation and protection program, contained in Resolution
1240 (Resolución 1240) of 2010, to ensure that meritorious requests are granted to teachers and to
eliminate sanctions against teachers not found to be under extraordinary risk. The Colombian
government will work with the U.S. government to ensure that the program is achieving the
objective of effectively protecting those covered by it and to ensure that the agreed objectives are
addressed. Colombia will share quarterly reports on the program with interested parties beginning
July 1, 2011.
Criminal Justice Reform
The Colombian government will assign 95 additional full-time judicial police investigators to
exclusively support prosecutors investigating criminal cases involving union members and
activists. The first 50 of these judicial police will be assigned by June 30, 2011, and the remaining
45 will be assigned by December 15, 2011. The government stated that it would respond
favorably to a budget request from the Prosecutor General’s office to increase funding for
necessary resources to reduce impunity and for implementing the Action Plan. The Prosecutor
General will submit the budget request by May 20, 2011.
The Prosecutor General’s Office of Colombia has informed the Colombian government of
numerous actions it has taken or plans to take to combat impunity in cases involving union
members and labor activists:
• Issue a directive requiring criminal investigators to determine whether a victim
was a union member or labor activist in the initial phase of the investigation;
• Issue a directive to the chiefs of the Unit of Justice and Peace and the Unit of
Human Rights to share evidence and information about criminal cases involving
union members, labor activists, teachers, journalists, and human rights activists;
• Develop a plan and identify budgetary needs for training judicial police
investigators and prosecutors on crime scene management, and in investigative
techniques with specific reference to the issues involved in labor cases; work
with the U.S. government in developing a detailed training program;
• Develop a plan and specify budgetary needs by May 20, 2011, to strengthen the
institutional capacity, number of prosecutors and number of judicial police
investigators;
• Finalize an analysis by July 15, 2011, on closed cases of homicides of union
members and activists, in order to extract lessons that could improve
investigations and prosecutions in future cases; the results of this analysis will be
widely publicized to help reduce impunity and deter future crimes;
• Develop a plan and identify specific budgetary needs for victims’ assistance
centers specialized in human rights cases, including labor cases; the Prosecutor
General’s Office will staff the centers with professionals with expertise on human
rights and labor issues; Colombia agreed to share the plans and budgetary
allocations for this project to the U.S. government by June 15, 2011;
• Develop a program by the Prosecutor General’s Office to address the backlog of
unionist homicide cases that will include: a) periodic meetings with
representatives of the union confederations and the National Labor School,
Escuela Nacional Sindical (ENS), an independent labor rights monitoring body,
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in order to try to reconcile discrepancies; and b) internal guidance to prosecutors
to accelerate action on cases with leads, with a special focus on “priority labor
cases”, and to provisionally close cold cases by June 15, 2011; and
• Improve public reporting of completed criminal cases involving labor violence
by the Prosecutor General’s Office through the following: a) publication by April
22, 2011, of cases decided as of January 1, 2011, and thereafter; and b)
identification of methods by June 15, 2011, for posting information regarding all
completed cases on the Prosecutor General’s Office website.
Follow-Up Mechanism
The U.S. and Colombian governments agreed to assess progress in implementing the Action Plan
and agreed to meet on a periodic basis through 2013 at the technical level and at the senior
officials level.
Colombia’s Commitments and Cooperation with the United States
The Action Plan includes numerous commitments on the part of the Colombian government that
are part of its ongoing efforts to increase security and protection of union members, labor
activists, and human rights defenders. It also includes new commitments to address U.S. concerns
about the proposed FTA. For example, since 2004, Colombia had been taking numerous measures
to address the issue of worker rights abuses in the work arrangements known as cooperatives, but
it also agreed to a new commitment under the Action Plan to accelerate the implementation date
by two years of the cooperatives law passed in December 2010 under the Santos Administration.
President Santos had promised to dismantle the role of cooperatives as labor intermediaries and
increase protection of worker rights within the cooperatives during his campaign for president.70
The Colombian government has been committed to improving the security situation in Colombia
since the Pastrana Administration (1998-2002) when Plan Colombia started. Some observers may
view Colombia’s commitments under the Action Plan as a continuation of Colombia’s
commitment to improve security and protection of its citizens with more of an emphasis on labor
and human rights. Former Colombian President Alvaro Uribe (2002 to 2010) took numerous
measures to increase the security situation in Colombia under Plan Colombia. This included close
cooperation with the United States in providing security assistance in the form of equipment and
training for the Colombian security forces or Colombian National Police and military as well as
efforts to promote development and rule of law programs. Colombia’s current President Juan
Manuel Santos, who was inaugurated on August 7, 2010, pledged to continue the successful
security strategies of his predecessor while pursuing democratic, economic, and social reforms.
President Santos and his Vice President Angelino Garzón have promoted a more rigorous
protection of human rights and have placed a greater emphases on denouncing threats against
human rights defenders than previous governments.71

70 Escuela Nacional Sindica (ENS)l, “Trade Unions Comment on Government Proposal to Dismantle Associated-Work
Cooperatives (Cooperativas de trabajo asociado), November 26, 2010.
71 CRS Report RL32250, Colombia: Issues for Congress, by June S. Beittel.
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Actions Taken by Colombia on Action Plan as Reported by USTR72
The United States Trade Representative has reported that Colombia had taken the following
actions to meet its April 22, 2011, and June 15, 2011, commitments:
Actions Taken by April 22, 2011
• Began hiring 100 additional labor inspectors and budgeted for the hiring of 100 more
labor inspectors in 2012. Fifty of the new inspectors will be assigned exclusively to cases
involving labor cooperatives and 35 of the remaining 50 will be assigned to cases in the
priority sectors of palm oil, sugar, mines, ports, and flower industries.
• Improved its systems for citizens to file labor-related complaints via phone or internet.
• Implemented an inspection system to detect improper use of temporary service agencies
to circumvent labor rights and developed an enforcement plan to prevent abuses.
• Established an enforcement regime to detect and prosecute the use of collective pacts to
undermine worker rights. This will include preventive inspections of all companies in
which both union-negotiated collective bargaining agreements and collective pacts are
present.
• Began workshops to train labor inspectors and other government personnel in conflict
resolution and launched a related outreach program to the public, employers, and
workers.
• Expanded the government protection program for union leaders to also provide protection
for labor activists, workers who are trying to organize or join a union, and former union
activists who are under threat because of past activities.
• Increased funding for the expanded protection program.
• Strengthened the teacher relocation and protection program.
• Mandated early identification in all new homicide cases of whether the victim was a
union member or activist.
• Developed a plan for training judicial police investigators and prosecutors on cases
involving union activity.
• Improved public reporting of completed criminal cases by posting labor violence cases
decided as of January 1, 2011, on the Prosecutor General’s website.

72 Office of the United States Trade Representative, Colombia Action Plan Related to Labor Rights: Accomplishments
to Date,
at http://www.ustr.gov/uscolombiatpa/labor.
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• Began periodic meetings with labor stakeholders to reconcile the list of outstanding
unionist homicide cases compiled by the National Labor School with that of the
Prosecutor General’s Office.
Actions Taken by June 15, 2011
• Obtained congressional approval of legislation establishing a new Labor Ministry, as part
of a larger executive reorganization to split three fused ministries into six.
• Obtained congressional approval of legislation to establish criminal penalties for
employers that undermine worker rights. The new law includes a provision making it a
crime to offer a collective pact to non-union workers that has better terms to those offered
to union workers.
• Accelerated the effective date from July 2013 to June 2011 of Article 63 of the 2010 Law
of Formalization and First Employment. This law prohibits the misuse of cooperatives or
any other kind of labor relationship that affects labor rights, and imposes significant fines
for violations.
• Issued regulations implementing the 2010 cooperatives law, which include provisions to
clarify earlier cooperatives laws, ensure coherence among these laws, impose significant
fines for companies violating these laws, and create tools for the government to promote
the establishment and maintenance of direct employment relationships between
companies and affected workers.
• Launched a public outreach program to inform workers of their labor rights, with a focus
on the new laws governing cooperatives; criminal anti-union conduct and abuse of
collective pacts; and the remedies and courses of action available to workers.
• Developed and began disseminating relevant Colombian laws and jurisprudence on
essential services. This includes guidance on how to challenge the constitutionality of any
law establishing a public service as essential and therefore exempt from the right to
strike.
• Reduced by 75% the backlog of risk assessments for those unionists applying for
protection under the government protection program.
• Issued internal guidance to prosecutors to accelerate action on cases with leads, with a
special focus on priority labor cases and labor violence cases from recent years.
• Developed a plan to strengthen the institutional capacity, number of prosecutors, and
number of judicial police investigators in regional offices of the Prosecutor General.
• Developed a plan and identified budgetary needs for victims’ assistance centers,
including labor cases.
• Submitted a budget request to increase funding for the necessary resources for the
Prosecutor General’s office to reduce impunity and implement the Action Plan.
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• Developed a methodology for posting aggregate information regarding completed
criminal cases involving labor violence on the website of the Prosecutor General’s office.
Remaining Action Plan Commitments
By July 15, 2011. Colombia’s Prosecutor General’s Office is to complete analysis of
prior unionist homicide cases.
By July 30, 2011. The Santos Administration is to present budget to Colombian Congress
and complete backlog elimination of protection program risk assessments.
By September 15, 2011. The Santos Administration is to present formal technical
assistance request to ILO for help in the implementation of Action Plan measures related
to labor rights and to help foster the tripartite process among the government, labor, and
employers. The Colombian government is to issue a decree reforming the scope and
functioning of the interagency committee that reviews risk assessments.
By October 31, 2011. The Santos Administration is to obtain final approval of the 2012
budget, including funding for 100 additional labor inspectors.
By December 15, 2011. The Santos Administration is to complete hiring of 100 new
labor inspectors and of assignment of the remaining new judicial police investigators. It is
also to complete the first round of training for inspectors in alternative dispute resolution
and fully implement the temporary service agency enforcement plan.
By 2014. The Santos Administration is to complete hiring of an additional 380 labor
inspectors.
Responses to the Action Plan in Colombia
Since the announcement of the Action Plan, at least two of Colombia’s key labor unions
responded favorably to working with the Santos Administration and with business representatives
to come to an agreement on labor issues. A new committee, called the Comisión Permanente de
Concertación Laboral
in Spanish, that includes representatives from labor unions, government,
and businesses in Colombia, met on April 13, 2011, for the first time. The committee met to
discuss a national labor agenda and to come to preliminary agreements in response to the ILO’s
high-level mission to Colombia in February 2011, the Santos Administration’s national labor
policy, and the Action Plan related to labor rights that was reached between the U.S. and
Colombian governments.73 The Obama Administration stated that the Action Plan was given a
positive assessment by Colombia’s National Labor School (ENS).74 Leading trade unions in
Colombia have responded favorably to at least some elements that were included in the Action
Plan, especially those related to work cooperatives. The Secretary General of Colombia’s
National Labor Confederation, Julio Roberto Gómez, remarked in November 2010 that President

73 ENS, “Conversaciones centrales sindicales, gobierno y empresarios para acordar agenda laboral,” April 15, 2011.
74 Inside U.S. Trade, “Froman Highlights Support for Action Plan by Colombian Labor Rights Body,” April 20, 2011.
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Santos’ proposal under the 2010 labor cooperatives law was a “great achievement” for the trade
union movement in Colombia.75
Initial responses to the Action Plan from Colombian unions were mostly favorable, but some
labor unions continue to oppose the pending FTA with the United States. The ENS stated that the
Action Plan was the most significant advance for the labor movement in Colombia in twenty
years, but has also stated that it has gaps, such as not going far enough to address the labor abuses
that are occurring in labor cooperatives.76 Another labor group contends that Colombia has not
met its full commitment in the Action Plan to implement the 2010 Cooperatives Law because the
decree that was signed in June 2011 is only a “partial decree”. The group argues that the decree
leaves out other forms of contracting, other than cooperatives, that are included in the original
decree.77 Some unions continue to oppose the pending FTA with the United States. Public sector
unions, in particular, protested plans of the Colombian and U.S. governments to move forward on
the pending FTA, even while the two presidents met in Washington, DC, on April 7, 2011, to
announce the agreement on the Action Plan.
USTR announced on its website that the Colombian government had taken additional steps
related to the Action Plan in strengthening labor rights by signing a tripartite labor agreement. On
May 26, 2011, a tripartite labor agreement was reached among representatives of the Colombian
government, the private sector, and some labor groups. The agreement, which is the first
concluded since June 2006, includes a consensus to request the ILO to provide cooperation,
advice, and technical assistance on the implementation of the Action Plan measures. Two of
Colombia’s major labor unions, however, the Confederation of Workers of Colombia (CTC) and
the Central Union of Workers (CUT), did not sign the agreement because they felt they did not
have sufficient time to analyze the agreement or to put forth their own proposals in the
agreement. Two other major unions, the General Labor Confederation (CGT) and the Colombian
Pensioners Confederation (CPC) signed the agreement and stated that it was one of the most
significant advances in many years in strengthening labor movement in Colombia.78
Outlook
President Barack Obama has emphasized the importance of strengthening U.S. trade relations
with Colombia, Panama, and South Korea. In a press release on June 28, 2011, United States
Trade Representative (USTR) Ron Kirk welcomed the Senate announcement to schedule informal
or “mock” markups on draft implementing legislation for the three pending trade agreements and
stated that movement forward on the implementing legislation for the agreements must be
accompanied by a renewal of Trade Adjustment Assistance (TAA).79 The USTR also welcomed
proposed measures for renewing expired trade preference programs, including ATPA, in the draft
implementing legislation for the U.S.-Colombia FTA. In regard to the Action Plan related to labor

75 ENS, “Trade Unions Comment on Government Proposal to Dismantle Associated-Work Cooperatives (Cooperativas
de trabajo asociado), November 26, 2010.
76 Personal interview with ENS on June 1, 2011.
77 Personal communication via email with Solidarity Center for Andean Region on June 16, 2011.
78 ENS, “Labor Agreement: CGT and CPC signed it, the CTC and the CUT did not sign it but presented proposals,”
June 1, 2011.
79 Office of the united States Trade Representative, “U.S. Trade Representative Ron Kirk Welcomes Next Steps on
Pending Trade Pacts, Trade Adjustment Assistance,” Press Release, June 28, 2011.
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rights in Colombia that was agreed to by Colombia and the United States, the Obama
Administration has stated on several occasions that a ratified agreement would only enter into
force if Colombia has successfully implemented key elements of the plan. According to the
USTR, Colombia has met the milestones of the Action Plan that were slated for completion by
April 22, 2011, and June 15, 2011.80 In the April 2011 announcement regarding the Action Plan,
the Obama Administration stated that it had worked closely with the Colombian government to
address the concerns related to labor rights and violence issues and that the Action Plan on which
the two countries agreed would “clear the way” for the U.S.-Colombia FTA to move forward to
Congress.
On July 7, 2011, the House Ways and Means Committee and the Senate Finance Committee
approved draft implementing bills for the pending FTA’s with Colombia, Panama, and South
Korea during the mock markup process. This informal process is conducted so that the
committees of jurisdiction can consider the legislation and make recommendations to the
Administration. Under Trade Promotion Authority, the next step would be for the President to
send final implementing legislation for the three agreements to the Congress.81 The Obama
Administration has stated that it will not reference the Colombia Action Plan in the implementing
legislation for the U.S.-Colombia FTA. Some Members of Congress, however, have stated that
they will not vote for the Colombia FTA if the Action Plan is not included in the implementing
legislation.82
Proponents of the agreement contend that it would improve market access for U.S. businesses and
also see the proposed FTA as having important political implications for Colombia and U.S.
interests in the region. They believe that an FTA with Colombia would go beyond the U.S.-
Colombia economic relationship because it would also strengthen the political ties between the
two countries. Some policymakers who have voiced support for the agreement believe that the
United States needs to support its ally in the region.
The leaders of several countries in Latin America have voiced support for the pending free trade
agreements with Colombia and Panama, stating that the passage of these agreements would bring
economic benefits to these countries and improve the overall U.S. relationship with Latin
America.83 In contrast, the President of Venezuela has criticized FTAs with the United States and
launched his own idea for trade policy through a socially oriented trade block that would include
mechanisms for poverty reduction.84
In the United States, opponents of an agreement with Colombia argue that passing an FTA would
be rewarding the government for its shortcomings in its struggle against drug trafficking, illegally
armed groups, protecting worker rights, and the history of violence in the country. Some argue
that the pending agreement would increase drug production and violence in the country and that it
could increase Colombia’s ongoing civil conflict because it would result in rural displacement.

80 Ibid.
81 For more information on Trade Promotion Authority, see CRS Report RL33743, Trade Promotion Authority (TPA)
and the Role of Congress in Trade Policy
, by J. F. Hornbeck and William H. Cooper.
82 Rosella Brevetti, “House Ways and Means Backs Three FTAs in Party Line Vote,” International Trade Daily, July 8,
2011.
83 Letters from the Presidents of Costa Rica, El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua, and Mexico to the leadership of the
House of Representatives, October 2007.
84 See CRS Report RL32488, Venezuela: Political Conditions and U.S. Policy, by Mark P. Sullivan.
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They argue that trade liberalization would drive down the prices of agricultural products in
Colombia and put many farmers out of business.85 They maintain that small farmers would have
no choice but to migrate to urban areas, work in the drug cultivation zones, or affiliate with
illegally armed groups.86 Some opponents of a CFTA believe that trade agreements have negative
socioeconomic impacts. They argue that agreements such as NAFTA and CAFTA-DR, upon
which the CFTA is based, are failed models and have jeopardized the environment, undermined
worker rights, and caused job losses in the United States.
Much of the U.S. business community supports a free trade agreement with Colombia. They view
the pending agreement as a big opportunity for U.S. businesses and for exports of U.S.
agricultural products. The National Pork Producers Council, for example, argues that a trade
agreement would provide significant new export opportunities for U.S. pork producers and is
leading a coalition of U.S. agricultural organizations in support of the trade agreement.87 The
business community often states that an FTA with Colombia would “level the playing field” with
Colombia by providing U.S. producers of goods and services the same access to the Colombian
market that Colombian businesses currently have in the U.S. market. They also believe that a
trade agreement would give U.S. businesses a competitive edge in Colombia over other foreign-
owned businesses. A U.S. Chamber of Commerce representative said that an agreement would
help Colombia fight narco-trafficking and violence “by developing sustainable economic
alternatives to the drug trade.”88
U.S. exporters have urged congressional leaders and the Obama Administration to resolve issues
that are preventing the three stalled free trade agreements from being implemented. In a July 2010
letter to House and Senate congressional leaders, 42 agricultural and food organizations urged
Congress to move forward with the FTAs, arguing that other countries throughout the world are
negotiating and implementing free trade agreements and that U.S. exporters are losing market
share as a result.89 They argue that Colombia has been the largest market in South America for
U.S. agricultural exports over the past five years and that the U.S.-Colombia FTA would result in
U.S. agricultural export gains of more than $815 million per year after full implementation. They
are concerned that the FTA between Colombia and Canada that is expected to be implemented on
August 15, 2011, will cause U.S. agricultural exports to Colombia to fall. U.S. wheat producers
estimate that the U.S. share of the Colombian wheat import market could fall from about 70% to
30% if Colombia’s FTA with Canada is implemented.90


85 Public Citizen and the Washington Office on Latin America, Peru and Colombia FTAs Projected to Increase Drug
Trafficking, Violence, and Instability in the Andes,
undated.
86 Ibid.
87 National Pork Producers Council, NPCC Applauds President for Sending Trade Deal to Congress, April 7, 2008.
88 U.S. Chamber of Commerce, U.S. Chamber Hails U.S.-Colombia Trade Deal, February 27, 2006.
89 Rosella Brevetti, “Agricultural Groups Call for Rapid Implementation of Stalled FTAs,” International Trade
Reporter,
July 15, 2010.
90 Ibid.
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Author Contact Information

M. Angeles Villarreal

Specialist in International Trade and Finance
avillarreal@crs.loc.gov, 7-0321


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