United Nations Reform: U.S. Policy and
International Perspectives
Luisa Blanchfield
Specialist in International Relations
July 7, 2011
Congressional Research Service
7-5700
www.crs.gov
RL33848
CRS Report for Congress
P
repared for Members and Committees of Congress
United Nations Reform: U.S. Policy and International Perspectives
Summary
Since its establishment in 1945, the United Nations (U.N.) has been in a constant state of
transition as various international stakeholders seek ways to improve the efficiency and
effectiveness of the U.N. system. Controversies such as corruption of the Iraq Oil-For-Food
Program, allegations of sexual abuse by U.N. peacekeepers, and instances of waste, fraud, and
abuse by U.N. staff, have focused renewed attention on the need for change and improvement of
the United Nations. Many in the international community, including the United States, have
increased pressure on U.N. member states to implement substantive reforms. The 112th Congress
will most likely continue to focus on U.N. reform as it considers appropriate levels of U.S.
funding to the United Nations and monitors the progress and implementation of ongoing and
previously approved reform measures.
In September 2005, heads of U.N. member states met for the World Summit at U.N. Headquarters
in New York to discuss strengthening the United Nations through institutional reform. The
resulting Summit Outcome Document laid the groundwork for a series of reforms that included
establishing a Peacebuilding Commission, creating a new Human Rights Council, and enlarging
the U.N. Security Council. Member states also agreed to Secretariat and management reforms
including improving internal U.N. oversight capacity, establishing a U.N. ethics office, enhancing
U.N. whistle-blower protection, and reviewing all U.N. mandates five years or older.
Since the World Summit, U.N. member states have worked toward implementing these reforms
with varied degrees of success. Some reforms, such as the creation of the Human Rights Council
and the Peacebuilding Commission, have already occurred or are ongoing. Other reforms, such as
mandate review and U.N. Security Council enlargement, have stalled or not been addressed. U.N.
member states disagree as to whether some proposed reforms are necessary, as well as how to
most effectively implement previously agreed-to reforms. Developed countries, for example,
support delegating more power to the U.N. Secretary-General to implement management reforms,
whereas developing countries fear that giving the Secretary-General more authority may
undermine the power of the U.N. General Assembly and therefore the influence of individual
countries.
Congress has maintained a significant interest in the overall effectiveness of the United Nations.
Some members are particularly interested in U.N. Secretariat and management reform, with a
focus on enhanced accountability and internal oversight. In the past, Congress has enacted
legislation that links U.S. funding of the United Nations to specific U.N. reform benchmarks.
Opponents of this strategy argue that tying U.S. funding to U.N. reform may negatively impact
diplomatic relations and could hinder the United States’ ability to conduct foreign policy.
Supporters contend that the United Nations has been slow to implement reforms and that linking
payment of U.S. assessments to progress on U.N. reform is the most effective way to motivate
member states to efficiently pursue comprehensive reform.
This report will be updated as policy changes or congressional actions warrant.
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United Nations Reform: U.S. Policy and International Perspectives
Contents
Introduction ................................................................................................................................ 1
Background and Trends............................................................................................................... 1
Reform Efforts (1980s and early 1990s) ................................................................................ 2
Reform Efforts (1997 to 2005) .............................................................................................. 2
Selected Reform Efforts .............................................................................................................. 4
Recent Reform Efforts .......................................................................................................... 4
Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon and U.N. Reform ................................................................ 8
Congress and U.N. Reform ....................................................................................................... 10
U.S. Funding as a Tool for U.N. Reform.............................................................................. 10
Possible Instruments for Furthering U.S. Reform Policy...................................................... 12
Administration Policies ............................................................................................................. 13
Obama Administration ........................................................................................................ 13
Bush Administration ........................................................................................................... 16
Reform Perspectives and Priorities ............................................................................................ 16
Selected International Perspectives...................................................................................... 17
Commissions, Task Forces, and Groups............................................................................... 19
Implementing Reform: Mechanics and Possible Challenges ...................................................... 21
Mechanics of Implementing Reform ................................................................................... 21
Possible Challenges to Reform ............................................................................................ 23
Appendixes
Appendix A. Previous Reform Legislation................................................................................. 25
Appendix B. Key U.N. Reform Recommendations and Proposals by Independent and
U.N. Affiliated Groups ........................................................................................................... 27
Appendix C. Organizational Chart of the U.N. System .............................................................. 28
Contacts
Author Contact Information ...................................................................................................... 29
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United Nations Reform: U.S. Policy and International Perspectives
Introduction
United Nations (U.N.) reform is an ongoing policy issue for the United States, and may be a point
of focus during the 112th Congress. As the single largest financial contributor to the U.N. system,
the U.S. government has an interest in ensuring the United Nations operates as efficiently and
effectively as possible. Congress has the responsibility to appropriate U.S. funds to the United
Nations, and can impose conditions on payments. On several occasions, Congress has sought to
link U.S. funding of the United Nations to specific reform benchmarks.
In recent years, there has been growing concern among some in the international community that
the United Nations has become ineffective and unwieldy in the face of increasing global
challenges and responsibilities. In response to these concerns, then-U.N. Secretary-General Kofi
Annan and some U.N. member states proposed a series of management, programmatic, and
structural reforms to improve the organization. Many of these reforms are in various stages of
implementation, while others are still being considered by member states.
This report focuses on U.N. reform efforts and priorities from the perspective of several key
actors, including the U.S. government, the U.N. Secretary-General, selected member states, and a
cross-section of groups tasked with addressing U.N. reform. It also examines congressional
actions related to U.N. reform, as well as future policy considerations.
Background and Trends
Since the establishment of the United Nations in 1945, U.N. member states and past secretaries-
general have repeatedly attempted to reform the organization. These reform efforts tend to be
cyclical, with member states considering waves of new reform proposals every five to 10 years.
The reform attempts can be initiated by a member state, groups of member states, and/or the
current secretary-general. They generally focus on three areas of concern: (1) perceived
inefficiencies and lack of accountability in the U.N. Secretariat; (2) duplication and redundancy
of U.N. mandates, missions, and/or programs; and (3) evidence of fraud, waste, abuse and/or
mismanagement of U.N. resources.
Proposed reforms often reflect the political, economic, and cultural climate of the time. For
example, in the 1950s and 1960s, member states focused on increasing membership on the U.N.
Security Council and the U.N. Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) to account for growing
U.N. membership.1 In the 1970s, as the economic and political gap between developed and
developing countries grew more pronounced, the General Assembly requested the Secretary-
General to appoint a group of experts to recommend structural changes that would help the
United Nations address “problems of international economic co-operation.”2 The most recent
wave of U.N. reform is likely driven by a combination of U.N. budgetary and financial issues,
controversy over mismanagement of the Iraq Oil-For-Food Program, perceived ineffectiveness of
1 U.N. membership grew from 51 countries in 1945, to 114 countries in 1963. Currently, the United Nations has 192
member states. Amendments to the Charter related to increased membership are discussed in the “Mechanics of
Implementing Reform,” section of this report.
2 The General Assembly approved some, but not all, of the recommendations in 1977. For more information on this
group and other U.N. reform efforts prior to the 1980s, see “Reforming the United Nations: Lessons from a History in
Progress,” by Edward C. Luck, Academic Council on the United Nations System—Occasional Papers Series, 2003.
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U.N. human rights mechanisms, and recent allegations of sexual abuse committed by U.N. staff
and peacekeepers, among other things.
U.N. Security Council Reform
Reform Efforts (1980s and early
As the primary U.N. organ dealing with peace and
1990s)
security issues, the U.N. Security Council has often
played a critical role in addressing peace and security
issues throughout the world. Many U.N. member states,
U.N. reform initiatives in the 1980s and early
finding themselves committed to what some may
1990s focused primarily on financial and
consider Council-imposed decisions, believe the entire
structural issues. In 1986, under pressure from
U.N. membership needs to have a clearer understanding
the United States and other industrialized
of Council actions and greater access to the work of the
Council. Many also believe that the Council membership
countries, the General Assembly established a
should be enlarged from 15, established in the 1960s, to
high-level group of 18 intergovernmental
a number commensurate with the increase in U.N.
experts to “review the efficiency of the
membership (from 115 in 1965 to 192 today).
administrative and financial functioning,” of
The question of Security Council reform and
the United Nations. The group made 71
enlargement has been actively discussed within the U.N.
recommendations to the General Assembly,
General Assembly since 1993, when it established an
including a revised budgetary process that
“Open-ended Working Group to consider al aspects of
the question of increase in the membership of the
introduced the use of consensus-based
Security Council, and other matters related to the
budgeting.4 In the early 1990s, U.N.
Security Council.” Over the years, consultations and
Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali
discussions have continued over various aspects of
introduced broad reform proposals in reports,
Council reform, including:
An Agenda for Peace, (1992) and An Agenda
• increases in the number of permanent members;
for Development (1994).5 Some of these
reform initiatives proposed led to substantive
• increases in the number of non-permanent
members;
changes to the U.N. structure.6
• the status of new permanent members, including
extension of the veto to such members;
Reform Efforts (1997 to 2005)
• continuation of the veto; or
Kofi Annan ran for Secretary-General on a
• limits on veto use.3
platform of reform and introduced many
reform proposals during his tenure, most notably in 1997, 2002, and 2005. Annan also appointed
several independent panels and commissions to propose reforms on specific issues, such as the
effectiveness of U.N. peacekeeping operations.7 Annan first proposed a “two track” reform
3 For information on U.S. policy toward Security Council reform, see the “Administration Policies” section.
4 U.N. document, A/RES/41/213, December 19, 1986. The group of experts was convened, in part, because of U.S.
legislation popularly known as the “Kassebaum-Solomon Amendment,” which directed that U.S. contributions to the
U.N. regular budget be reduced if larger U.N. financial contributors did not have a more substantial influence in the
U.N. budget process. See “Previous Reform Legislation” section of this report.
5 In response to the proposals in Boutrous-Ghali’s reports, the General Assembly created five open-ended working
groups to consider reforms in specific areas, including peace, development, the Security Council, the U.N. financial
situation, and strengthening the U.N. system. Only one working group completed its work (the Working Group on
Development), and three stopped meeting due to an inability to reach agreement on key issues. The fifth Security
Council Working Group still meets regularly. For more information on this working group, see “The Mechanics of
Implementing Reform” section of this report.
6 Notably, in 1994 the General Assembly established the Office of Internal Oversight Services (OIOS) to enhance and
improve oversight in the United Nations.
7 Annan appointed a special panel on U.N. Peace Operations in March 2000 to make recommendations for improving
the peacekeeping system. The panel’s recommendations were consolidated into what is known as the “Brahimi
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program that recommended cutting Secretariat administrative costs, combining three smaller
departments into one large Department of Economic and Social Affairs (DESA), and creating the
post of Deputy Secretary-General.8 Over time, some of these early reform initiatives were
achieved.9 In September 2002, Annan proposed additional reforms, including a reorganization of
the budget and planning system to make it less complex; a thorough review of the U.N. work
program; establishing a high-level panel to examine the relationship between the United Nations
and civil society; improving U.N. human rights protection; and enhancing U.N. information
services.10
In September 2003, Annan appointed a High-Level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change to
evaluate how the United Nations addressed present-day threats to international peace and
security.11 The panel recommended enlarging the U.N. Security Council, establishing a
Peacebuilding Commission, and enhancing the role of the Secretary-General. Annan drew from
many of the panel’s recommendations in his 2005 report, In Larger Freedom: Toward
Development, Security, and Human Rights for All.12
The 2005 U.N. World Summit
In September 2005, U.N. reform efforts seemed to gain momentum as heads of state and
government met for the 2005 World Summit at U.N. Headquarters in New York. The Summit
convened to review the progress made in the fulfillment of the 2000 Millennium Summit goals
and commitments made in other earlier U.N. conferences.13 It provided the groundwork for
potentially significant changes to the U.N. system, with a focus on strengthening the United
Nations through various reforms. The Summit Outcome Document was negotiated by 191
member states and adopted by consensus on September 16, 2005. The document laid the
foundation for reforms such as establishing a Peacebuilding Commission; strengthening the
Central Emergency Response Fund (CERF); establishing a Democracy Fund; strengthening the
Security Council; improving U.N. system coordination; and creating a new Human Rights
Council. Member states also agreed to Secretariat and management reforms, including (1)
(...continued)
Report.” A number of the report’s recommendations, such as increasing the number of staff in the Department of
Peacekeeping Operations, were implemented. Other recommendations, particularly those involving U.N. member state
personnel commitments for deployment, have yet to be achieved.
8 Annan subsequently outlined the thematic and technical aspects of these reform proposals in his report, Renewing the
United Nations: A Programme for Reform, (A/51/950, July 14, 1997) which was endorsed by the General Assembly on
December 19, 1997.
9 Completed reforms include establishment of a strategic planning unit; creation of a senior management group;
establishment of a Department for Disarmament and Arms regulation; creation of the Deputy-Secretary-General
position; and the establishment of a U.N. Development Group to better coordinate U.N. development mechanisms and
programs.
10 U.N. document, A/57/387, September 9, 2002, Strengthening the United Nations: An Agenda for Further Change.
Some of the 2002 reform proposals were implemented, including centralization of U.N. information around regional
hubs, starting with Western Europe; strengthening the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights; and the
establishment of a policy planning unit in the Department of Economic and Social Affairs.
11 The panel’s report, A More Secure World: Our Shared Responsibility, was released on December 2, 2004.
12 See “Commissions, Task Forces, and Groups” section for more information on the report, which was released on
March 21, 2005.
13 The 2000 Millennium Summit was held from September 6-8, 2000, in New York. Its theme was “the role of the
United Nations in the 21st Century.”
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establishment of an ethics office; (2) greater whistle-blower protection; (3) strengthening
oversight capacity; (4) review of all General Assembly mandates over five years old; and (5) full
financial disclosure by U.N. staff.14
Selected Reform Efforts
This section describes examples of ongoing or completed U.N. reform efforts by U.N. member
states and/or the Secretary-General. It does not aim to measure or assess the effectiveness of these
efforts.
Recent Reform Efforts
U.N. member states have worked toward implementing reform with varied results since the 2005
World Summit. Some reforms, particularly initiatives such as internal oversight, mandate review,
and Security Council enhancement, are stalled or have not been addressed. Other reforms, such as
enhancing U.S. system-wide coherence, establishing the Human Rights Council, and creating a
Peacebuilding Commission,15 are completed or are underway. Some management and budget
reforms endorsed by heads of state and government at the World Summit were also implemented,
including the establishment of a U.N. Ethics Office,16 enhanced whistle-blower protection
policies, the adoption of international public sector accounting standards, and improved financial
disclosure policies for U.N. staff.17 The following sections address some of these reform efforts in
further detail.
U.N. System-wide Coherence
The 2005 World Summit Outcome Document called on the Secretary-General to improve U.N.
system-wide coherence and coordination by “strengthening linkages between the normative work
of the United Nations system and its operational activities.”18 Accordingly, in February 2006, the
Secretary-General announced the creation of a High-Level Panel on System-wide Coherence (the
panel) to examine how the U.N. system can work more effectively, especially in the areas of
development, humanitarian assistance, and the environment.19 The panel’s final report
emphasized the overall value and progress of the United Nations, but also noted that without
14 U.N. document, A/RES/60/1, 2005 World Summit Outcome, September 16, 2005.
15 The Peacebuilding Commission was established by concurrent General Assembly and Security Council resolutions
on December 20, 2005. Its mandate is to advise and propose “integrated strategies for post-conflict recovery, focusing
attention on reconstruction, institution-building and sustainable development, in countries emerging from conflict.”
(See U.N. documents, A/RES/60/180 and S/RES/1645(2005), December 20, 2005.)
16 The U.N. Ethics Office was established on January 1, 2006. Initially, some U.N. member states expressed concern
that the office was insufficiently staffed. In May 2007, a director of the office was appointed and additional staff were
hired. The office has reportedly provided increased ethics training for U.N. staff, including workshops and materials for
distribution.
17 The whistle-blower protection policy was labeled the “gold standard” for other international organizations. More
information is available at http://www.un.org/reform/highlights.shtml. For further information on financial disclosure,
see the “Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon and U.N. Reform” section.
18 U.N. document, A/RES/60/1, 2005 World Summit Outcome, adopted September 16, 2005, p. 36.
19 The 15-member panel released its report, Delivering as One, on November 9, 2006. The panel met over a six-month
period and engaged in an examination of the strengths and weaknesses of the U.N. system.
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substantial reforms the United Nations will be “unable to deliver on its promises and maintain its
legitimate position at the heart of the multilateral system.”20 In its report, the panel made several
recommendations to improve system-wide coherence. Two of these proposals—the creation of
the “Delivering as One” initiative and the establishment of a new U.N. entity for women—are
discussed below.
The “Delivering as One” Initiative
The panel recommended the concept of “Delivering as One” (DAO) to promote greater coherence
and consolidation of U.N. departments and agencies at the country, regional, and headquarters
level, and also recommended an overhaul of U.N. business practices to bring greater focus on
achieving the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs).21 In December 2006, the United Nations
announced that it would test a voluntary DAO pilot program in Vietnam with an aim of
promoting faster and more effective development. It subsequently announced the establishment of
voluntary DAO initiatives in seven additional countries: Albania, Cape Verde, Mozambique,
Pakistan, Rwanda, Tanzania, and Uruguay. Under DAO, U.N. agencies operating in-country share
one budget, one leader, one office, and one program with harmonized business practices.
Participants hope that such changes create greater country ownership, reduce transaction costs for
governments, and increase the impact and effectiveness of the U.N. system through more
coherent and coordinated programs.
Since the DAO initiative was established, participating countries and U.N. entities have sought to
evaluate the initiative’s progress and challenges through various stock-taking reports, meetings,
and working groups. Overall, DAO participants have found that the implementation in the pilot
countries has (1) given renewed government leadership to U.N. programs; (2) led to better
alignment of national priorities and U.N. efforts; and (3) enhanced the coherence and
effectiveness of U.N. support.22 At the same time, many agree that much more can be done to
improve DAO. Several pilot evaluations, for example, found that the U.N. Resident Coordinators
(who lead U.N. development activities in their countries) do not have full authority over all U.N.
entities operating in-country, leading to a lack of coordination and coherence. Moreover, U.N.
headquarters, which include not only agency headquarters but also governing bodies, are viewed
by many as being “behind the curve” on DAO, particularly because the pace of reform at the
headquarters levels appears to lag behind reform and innovation at the country level. Finally, the
evaluations found that a lack of multi-year and predictable core funding has reduced the United
Nations’ capacity to improve long-term planning and limits its ability to provide accurate and
timely inputs in national planning.23
20 U.N. document, A/61/583, Delivering as One, Report of the Secretary-General’s High-Level Panel, November 9,
2006.
21 Examples of MDGs include reducing the number of people living on less than a dollar a day by half; ensuring that all
children receive primary schooling; reducing the number of people who do not have access to safe drinking water by
half; and reversing the spread of diseases such as malaria and HIV. For more information, see CRS Report R41410,
The Millennium Development Goals: The September 2010 U.N. High-level Meeting, by Luisa Blanchfield and Marian
Leonardo Lawson.
22 Statement of Outcome and Way Forward, adopted in Hanoi, June 16, 2010, at the High-Level Tripartite Conference,
Delivering as One: Lessons from Country-led Evaluation and Way Forward. In Mozambique, for example, U.N.
agencies estimate that by harmonizing procurement procedures and long-term agreements, it will reduce the costs of
procurement per purchase by up to 89%.
23 The DAO country evaluations are available at http://www.undg.org/index.cfm?P=1390. The challenges discussed are
also derived from CRS e-mail correspondence with UNDP, December 3, 2010.
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Establishment of “UN Women”
The Panel on System-wide Coherence also recommended that the United Nations establish one
entity focused on women’s equality and empowerment. It found that “there is a strong sense that
the United Nations system’s contribution [to achieving gender equality and women’s
empowerment] has been incoherent, under-resourced and fragmented.”24 Since the panel made its
recommendation, U.N. member states and U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon have taken steps
to establish a new U.N. entity for women. On July 2, 2010, the U.N. General Assembly
unanimously adopted resolution 64/289 that transferred the mandates and functions of the
Division for the Advancement of Women (DAW), the U.N. Development Fund for Women
(UNIFEM), the Office of the Special Advisor on Gender Issues and Advancement of Women
(OSAGI), and the International Research and Training Institute for the Advancement of Women
(INSTRAW) into a newly established “United Nations Entity for Gender Equality and the
Empowerment of Women,” known as “UN Women.” In the resolution, member states also
decided to establish an Executive Board as the governing body of the entity to provide
intergovernmental support and supervision of its operational activities. 25
On September 14, 2010, Secretary-General Ban appointed Michelle Bachelet, former president of
Chile, as the Executive Director and Under Secretary-General for UN Women. Bachelet is a
member of all senior U.N. decision-making bodies and reports directly to the Secretary-General.26
Her appointment was met with general approval by many policymakers, including some members
of Congress.27 UN Women is headquartered in New York and became operational on January 1,
2011.
Overhaul of Internal Justice System
On April 4, 2007, the General Assembly adopted a framework resolution to create a new system
of internal justice administration for the U.N. Secretariat and separately administered U.N. funds
and programs.28 The system is part of the U.N. Secretariat and coordinated through a new Office
of the Administration of Justice that operates in two tiers—the U.N. Dispute Tribunal and the
U.N. Appeals Tribunal. The resolution establishes formal and informal channels to protect U.N.
staff facing disciplinary action, and provides additional accountability among staff, especially
managers.29 The previous internal justice system was criticized by member states for being “slow,
24 U.N. document, A/61/583, Delivering as One, Report of the Secretary-General’s High-level Panel, November 9,
2006, p. 34. According to the panel, the new entity should be a consolidation of existing U.N. gender entities; have a
strengthened operational, normative, and advocacy role; and be “fully and ambitiously funded.”
25 U.N. document, A/RES/64/289, adopted July 2, 2010.
26 Office of the Spokesperson of the Secretary-General, “Secretary-General’s press encounter, announcing Ms.
Michelle Bachelet as Head of UN Women [unofficial transcript],” September 14, 2010.
27 A “Dear Colleague” letter was circulated by Rep. Russ Carnahan asking members to sign a letter to Secretary-
General Ban “commending the appointment of such a qualified, committed and diplomatic woman to lead this
important new entity.”
28 The funds and programs include the U.N. Development Program (UNDP), U.N. Children’s Fund (UNICEF), U.N.
Population Fund (UNFPA), U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights (UNHCR), and U.N. Office for Project
Services (UNOPS). U.N. document, A/RES/61/261, adopted April 4, 2007.
29 If a staff member has a grievance, he or she is strongly encouraged to reach a solution through informal measures
such as mediation or consultation with the Office of the Ombudsman. If the grievance persists, staff may then pursue a
decision in the formal justice system, which includes a management evaluation by the Office of the Under-Secretary-
General for Management, and, if the issue is not resolved, a decision from the judges in the Dispute Tribunal. Decisions
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cumbersome, ineffective, and lacking in professionalism.”30 The system was backlogged with
cases and many of its employees lacked formal legal training or qualifications.
The Office of Administration of Justice and its Tribunals became operational on July 1, 2009.
Since then, the Tribunal judges have worked their way through a backlog of cases from the
previous system of internal justice.31 In early 2010, controversy emerged over Secretary-General
Ban’s decision not to comply with orders from the Dispute Tribunal to provide confidential
documents and other information related to legal claims by U.N. staff of unfair treatment.32 Ban
has declined to respond to the Dispute Tribunal orders with which he disagrees, reportedly hoping
the Appeals Tribunal will rule in his favor. Many contend that Ban’s refusal to comply with the
orders stem from his concern that the Tribunals’ decisions infringe on decisions made in the
context of U.N. human resources, an area typically under the authority of the Secretary-General.33
Mandate Review
The Outcome Document negotiated by member states at the 2005 U.N. World Summit called for
a systematic review of all U.N. mandates five years or older, a process that has never before been
undertaken. Member states are currently reviewing mandates, but progress is slow due to
resistance from some countries that fear that mandates important to them will be discarded. If the
working group recommends a mandate for removal, the General Assembly would need to amend
the resolution that established the mandate.
Human Resources and Technology
At the 63rd session of the U.N. General Assembly held in New York starting in the fall of 2008,
the Assembly adopted by consensus a 13-part resolution on human resources management that
stated the need for “rationalizing the Organization’s current system of contracts which lacks
transparency and is complex to administer.”34 In what some have called a major shift from the
current system, the General Assembly approved new contractual arrangements for U.N. staff that
consolidated 16 types of employment contracts into three types of appointments—temporary,
fixed-term, and continuing—under one set of staff rules.35 These appointments took effect on July
1, 2009. In addition, the Assembly recognized the need to improve U.N. system information and
communication technologies. It adopted a resolution that, among other things, established the
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by the Dispute Tribunal can be appealed to the U.N. Appeals Tribunal.
30 U.N. documents, A/RES/61/261, April 4, 2007.
31 A list of the Dispute Tribunal decisions are available at http://www.un.org/en/internaljustice/#UNDT. For more
information, see “U.N.’s Internal Justice System marks One-Year Anniversary with Hundreds of Cases,” U.N. News
Service, July 1, 2010.
32 Colum Lynch, “U.N. Head Ban Ki-moon Refusing Orders from Internal Personnel Court,” The Washington Post,
May 13, 2010, p. A06.
33 When asked about his decision, Ban stated, “There are many areas where the Secretary-General, myself, [sic] or
senior advisers, have their authority and their prerogative to take administrative matters.” See, U.N. document,
SG/SM/12910, “Press Conference by Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon at United Nations Headquarters,” May 24, 2010.
34 U.N. document A/RES/63/250, adopted December 24, 2008.
35 Temporary appointments are less than one year; fixed-term appointments are more than one year and renewable;
continuing appointments are open-ended.
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Office of Information and Communication Technology as an independent unit to be chaired by
the Chief Information Technology Officer at the level of Assistant Secretary-General.36
The Assembly continued to address human resources and technology reform during its 65th
session starting in the fall of 2010. On December 24, 2010, the General Assembly adopted two
resolutions aimed at reforming the U.N. human resources management system and harmonizing
the different sets of standards applied to the salaries and benefits of U.N. staff in more than 600
duty stations.37 According to the U.N. Department of Political Affairs, the harmonization package
took effect on July 1, 2011 across the U.N. common staff system, with a five year transitional
phase for U.N. agencies, funds and programs.38
Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon and U.N. Reform
On December 14, 2006, Ban Ki-moon of South Korea took the oath of office to succeed outgoing
U.N. Secretary-General Annan. He was appointed to a second five-year term on June 21, 2011.
Ban has stated that U.N. reform is “the most pressing and principled issue of today,” and that it is
a top priority during his tenure.39 Selected examples of Ban’s reform efforts are highlighted
below.
Disarmament and Peacekeeping Restructuring
In February 2007, Ban introduced his first set of reform initiatives. He proposed the establishment
of a new Department of Field Support to improve the coordination and effectiveness of U.N. field
activities. He also called for the Department of Disarmament Affairs (DDA) to become an office
under the Secretary-General instead of a stand-alone department. He noted that the U.N.
disarmament and non-proliferation agenda needs revitalization, and will require “a greater role
and personal involvement of the Secretary-General.”40 Ban’s proposals were met with skepticism
by many developing countries, which were concerned with the possible downgrading of DDA and
the impact of a new Department of Field Support on current peacekeeping operations.41
On March 15, 2007, after extensive consultations among the Secretary-General and member
states, the General Assembly approved two framework resolutions offering preliminary support
for Ban’s proposals. The first resolution supported establishment of an Office of Disarmament
Affairs (ODA). It stated that DDA will retain its budgetary autonomy and “the integrity of the
existing structures and functions.”42 It also stated that the High-Representative for ODA should be
appointed at the rank of Under-Secretary-General and report directly to the Secretary-General.
36 U.N. document, A/RES/63/262, adopted by consensus, December 24, 2008.
37 See (1) U.N. document, A/RES/65/247, Human Resources Management, adopted December 24, 2010; and (2) U.N.
document, A/RES/65/248, United Nations Common System: Report of the International Civil Service Commission,
adopted December 24, 2010. Also see U.N. press release, GA/11043, December 23, 2010.
38 Human Resources Management Reform, U.N. Department of Management Fact Sheet, June 2011, at
http://www.un.org/en/hq/dm/pdfs/ohrm/HR%20Factsheet.pdf.
39 “U.N. Security Council Reform is Most Pressing Issue—New Secretary-General,” ITAR-TASS Russian News
Agency, November 1, 2006.
40 For detailed information on Ban’s restructuring proposals, see U.N. document, A/61/749, February 15 2007.
41 Farley, Maggie, “Ban’s U.N. Peacekeeping Reforms Rejected,” Los Angeles Times, February 6, 2007.
42 U.N. document, A/61/L.55, March 13, 2007.
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The resolution requested that after appointing the High-Representative, the Secretary-General
report to the General Assembly on the financial, administrative, and budgetary implications of the
reorganization, as well as report on the ODA’s activities at the 62nd session of the General
Assembly.43 On July 2, 2007, the Secretary-General appointed Sergio Duarte, a career diplomat
from Brazil, as High Representative.
The second General Assembly resolution addressed peacekeeping restructuring and supported
establishing a Department of Field Support to be headed by an Under-Secretary General. It
requested that the Secretary-General submit “a comprehensive report ... elaborating on the
restructuring of the Department of Peacekeeping Operations and the establishment of the
Department of Field Support, including functions, budgetary discipline and full financial
implications.”44 The General Assembly supported Ban’s proposal in principle. In late June 2007,
the Assembly approved the restructuring, establishing the Department of Field Support with a
new Under-Secretary-General to head the Department.45 A significant point of contention among
some member states during negotiations was the level of autonomy the Secretary-General would
have to organize the Secretariat vis-á-vis the Assembly’s authority to determine the budget and
how it should be spent. Thus, in its initial framework resolution the General Assembly required
the Secretary-General to provide comprehensive information on the functions, budgets, and other
financial implications of the reorganization.
Other Reform Initiatives
Secretary-General Ban has raised other aspects of U.N. reform, including:
• Financial Disclosure—Ban submitted his mandatory personal financial
disclosure form and released it to the public. He encouraged other U.N. staff to
follow his example of public financial disclosure, but will not make it a
requirement.46 (U.N. staff members are required to complete and submit
confidential financial disclosure statements on an annual basis as part of the U.N.
financial disclosure program; however, public disclosure is not a requirement and
is done on a voluntary basis.)
• Staff Mobility—Ban announced the availability of several Secretariat positions
to be filled by internal U.N. staff. He encouraged other managers to do the same,
noting the importance of staff mobility among U.N. agencies and departments.
During the last few years, the United Nations has launched initiatives to support
staff mobility, including the Voluntary Initiative for Network Exchange (VINE)
and the Managed Reassignment Program for junior professionals.
43 U.N. document, A/RES/61/257.
44 U.N. document, A/RES/61/256, March 15, 2007. For more information on the peacekeeping restructuring, see CRS
Report RL33700, United Nations Peacekeeping: Issues for Congress, by Marjorie Ann Browne.
45 The framework resolution, A/RES/61/256 was adopted March 15, 2007 and the Assembly adopted A/RES/61/279 on
June 29, 2007.
46 Secretary-General Ban agreed to submit a disclosure form and release it to the public. Former Secretary-General
Annan submitted the form but did not make it publicly available. As of June 2011, the U.N. Department of
Management reports that 3,618 staff members have participated in the financial disclosure program. Some critics of the
Secretary-General’s policy maintain that the financial disclosures of all high-level U.N. staff should be made public.
For more information, see http://www.un.org/sg/PublicDisclosure.shtml.
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• Security Council Reform—Ban calls Security Council reform “an important
and sensitive issue.”47 He supports enlarging the Council, and has stated he will
use his position as Secretary-General to facilitate cooperation among member
states in order to build a broad consensus for Security Council enhancement.
On January 14, 2011, Secretary-General Ban identified “strengthening the United Nations from
within,” as one of his priorities for 2011. He stated that progress needs to be made in three areas:
(1) improving what and how the United Nations delivers on the ground; (2) doing more with what
the United Nations has; and (3) increasing accountability. Ban also emphasized the United
Nations’ need to improve its budget process and embrace innovations that will save money and
increase impact.48 He did not offer specific information on how these proposals and
recommendations would be achieved.
Congress and U.N. Reform
Generally, Congress supports the United Nations and its mission. It authorizes and appropriates
U.S. funds to the organization each year and often utilizes U.N. mechanisms to further U.S.
foreign policy objectives.49 Congress can also be critical of the United Nations, however,
especially when some members believe that the organization may not be running as effectively as
it could be. When this happens, Congress may use a wide range of legislative tools to influence
and direct U.S. policy at the United Nations. Such efforts may include considering “sense of the
Congress” resolutions; holding hearings to investigate U.N. programs or oversee Administration
policies; and determining U.S. nominees for U.N. posts. Placing financial conditions or limits on
U.S. funding to the United Nations is another common congressional policy approach to U.N.
reform.
U.S. Funding as a Tool for U.N. Reform
Overview and Options
In the past, Congress has used its authority to limit U.S. funds to the United Nations as a
mechanism for influencing U.N. policy.50 In some cases, Congress withheld a proportionate share
of funding for U.N. programs and policies of which it did not approve. Since 1980, it has
withheld funds from regular budget programs, including the U.N. Special Unit on Palestinian
Rights (for projects involving the Palestine Liberation Organization), and the Preparatory
Commission for the Law of the Sea.
47 U.N. press release, SG/2120, Transcript of Press Conference by Secretary-General-Designate Ban Ki-moon,
December 14, 2006.
48 Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, “Remarks to the General Assembly on 2011 Priorities,” New York City, January
14, 2011.
49 Congress has enacted laws supporting U.N. policies and/or requiring that U.N. member states comply with U.N.
Security Council resolutions or the directives of other U.N. bodies, such as the General Assembly and Human Rights
Council.
50 For a more detailed examination of U.S. funding of the United Nations, see CRS Report RL33611, United Nations
System Funding: Congressional Issues, by Marjorie Ann Browne.
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Withholding or Restricting U.S. Contributions to the United Nations:
Examples of Proposed Legislation in the 111th and 112th Congresses
During the first session of the 112th Congress, some Members introduced legislation proposing that the United States
withhold funding from the United Nations due to concerns that the Palestinian Authority will declare statehood in
September 2011 and either (1) request the United Nations to recognize that statehood, or (2) apply for membership
in the United Nations. H.R. 2261, for example, cal s on the Secretary of State to withhold U.S. contributions to the
United Nations if the organization “supports the recognition of an independent Palestinian state.”51
During the 111th Congress, H.R. 557, the United Nations Transparency, Accountability, and Reform Act of 2009,
would have (1) supported shifting the funding mechanism for the U.N. regular budget from assessed to voluntary
contributions and (2) tied U.S. contributions the United Nations to specific reform benchmarks related to U.N.
peacekeeping and the Human Rights Council, among other things. (Representative Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, the bill’s
sponsor, stated that she will likely re-introduce a version of the act during the 112th Congress,)52
The overall impact of withholding a proportionate share of assessed payments depends on the
origin of the program’s funding. If a program is funded by the U.N. regular budget and the United
States withholds a proportionate share of its normal contributions, the cost of the program will
most likely be covered by surplus regular budget funds. Some U.N. programs are funded from
several budgets that may include the U.N. regular budget, specialized agency budgets, and
separate conference and administrative budgets. Because of this, it may be more difficult for U.S.
proportionate withholdings to have a significant impact because the program’s funding comes
from several sources. In such cases, a U.S. withholding would have little or no impact on the
program’s operation or funding levels. If the United States withholds funds from a program
funded primarily by member state contributions, however, the impact of a U.S. withdrawal could
be greater. Currently, the only proportionate U.S. withholding from the U.N. regular budget is for
some activities and programs related to the Palestine Liberation Organization or entities
associated with it.53
In addition to withholding a proportionate share of U.S. funding, Congress may consider enacting
legislation decreasing or increasing U.S. assessment levels or linking payment of U.S. arrears to
policies it favors. In October 1993, for example, Congress directed that the U.S. payments of
peacekeeping assessments be capped at 25% (lower than the assessment level set by the United
Nations).54 Congress also used this strategy to further its U.N. reform policies. Enacted legislation
such as the Helms-Biden Agreement linked U.S. assessment levels and the payment of U.S.
arrears to reform benchmarks (see Appendix A for more information on legislation).
Arguments For and Against Linking U.S. Funding to U.N. Reform
Opponents of linking U.S. funding to progress on U.N. reform are concerned that doing so may
weaken U.S. influence at the United Nations, thereby undercutting its ability to conduct
51 H.R. 2261 was introduced on June 21, 2011, and referred to the House Foreign Relations Committee on the same
day. Also see H.Res. 297 [112th], introduced on June 3, 2011 and H.Res. 268 [112th], introduced on May 13, 2011.
52 “Ros-Lehtinen Hopes U.N. Chief Will Commit to Real Reform in Second Term,” House Foreign Affairs Committee
press release, June 7, 2011. H.R. 557 [111th] was introduced on January 19, 2009 and referred to the House Foreign
Affairs Committee on the same day.
53 Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 (P.L. 87-195; Sec. 307; 22 USC 2227), as amended.
54 Foreign Affairs Authorization Act for FY1994 and 1995 (P.L. 103-236), April 30, 1994. On September 30, 2002,
Congress lifted the 25% cap on Peacekeeping assessment to allow the United States to pay its current assessments (P.L.
107-228, section 402). For more information on U.N. Peacekeeping funding, see CRS Report RL33700, United Nations
Peacekeeping: Issues for Congress, by Marjorie Ann Browne.
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diplomacy and make foreign policy decisions.55 Some argue that withholding U.S. assessed
payments to the United Nations infringes on U.S. treaty obligations and alienates other U.N.
member states. Opponents also note that withholding U.S. funds could have an impact on
diplomatic relations outside of the U.N. system. Additionally, some contend that U.N. reform
legislation proposals may be unrealistic because the scope and depth of reforms required by the
legislation cannot be adequately achieved in the proposed time frames.56
Supporters of linking U.S. funding to specific reforms argue that the United States should use its
position as the largest U.N. financial contributor to push for the implementation of policies that
lead to comprehensive reform. They note that despite diplomatic and political pressures from
many countries, the United Nations has been slow to implement substantive reform. Advocates
also argue that some previously implemented reforms, such as the new Human Rights Council,
have proved to be ineffective. They believe that tying U.S. funding to U.N. reform may motivate
countries to find common ground on divisive issues. They also emphasize that past legislation
that threatened to cut off U.S. funding of the United Nations (such as the Kassebaum-Solomon
amendment) was effective, and led to substantive changes in U.N. operations and programs.
Possible Instruments for Furthering U.S. Reform Policy
Congress’s influence over U.S. funding of the United Nations is a powerful tool for furthering
U.S. reform policy at the United Nations. However, there may be other strategies for Congress to
consider when advocating its reform agenda. These strategies have been widely used by many
past and current members of Congress and Administrations, and include, but are not limited to:
• Resolutions—Members of Congress may propose and/or enact simple or
concurrent resolutions expressing an opinion, fact, or principle in one or both
chambers of Congress. Some members of Congress have used these resolutions
to voice an opinion about U.S. policy in the United Nations/or the United Nations
itself.
• Working with the U.N. Secretary-General—Some previous and current
members of Congress and Administrations have worked to earn the support of
U.N. secretaries-general to help advocate their positions. Developing a
relationship with the chief administrative officer of the United Nations can be
valuable during some negotiations, where the Secretary-General can act as a
bridge among member states that disagree on issues. In addition, U.S. citizens
have also held key U.N. reform-related posts at the United Nations, which some
members of Congress believe may play a role in furthering U.S. reform policy
interests.57 Most recently, Christopher Burnham served as U.N. Under-Secretary
for Management.58
55 Additionally, some observers contend that if the United States were to delay or stop payment of its arrears, it may
risk losing its vote in the General Assembly—a generally undesirable outcome for many members of Congress and the
Administration. In 1999, for example, the United States came very close to losing its General Assembly vote. Under
Article 19 of the U.N. Charter, a U.N. member state with arrears equaling or exceeding the member state’s assessments
for the two preceding years will have no vote in the General Assembly.
56 “The Right Approach to Achieving U.N. Reform,” Better World Campaign Fact Sheet, available at
http://www.betterworldcampaign.org.
57 Article 100 of the U.N. Charter states, “In the performance of their duties the Secretary-General and the staff shall
not seek or receive instructions from any government or from any other authority external to the Organization. They
(continued...)
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• Collaborating with U.N. Member States—The United States may wish to
continue to reach out to other U.N. member states to build consensus and form
partnerships on reform policies, either within the framework of the United
Nations or bilaterally.59 Some observers have noted that U.S. support for certain
U.N. reform initiatives can be a liability because some member states may view
U.S. support as self-serving. In these cases, the United States may consider
allowing like-minded countries advocate its reform agenda.
• Identifying Key Priorities—The United States may wish to focus on a small
number of reform priorities and pursue them vigorously in both multilateral and
bilateral fora. It may also consider compromising with other member states on
U.N. reform issues that it has identified as lesser priorities.
Former Secretary-General Kofi Annan often stated that U.N. reform is a process and not an
event.60 With this in mind, the 112th Congress may wish to continue monitoring the
implementation and overall progress of recently-approved reform initiatives. It may also consider
future reform initiatives proposed by member states and the Administration, as well as by
members of Congress or Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon.
Administration Policies
The United States generally supports the mission and mandate of the United Nations. It played a
key role in establishing the United Nations in 1945, and serves as one of five permanent members
of the Security Council. Some Administrations have been critical of the United Nations, however,
and have advocated sweeping reform of the organization.
Obama Administration
Since his inauguration, President Barack Obama has stressed the importance of multilateral
cooperation, particularly with the United Nations, in U.S. foreign and national security policy. In
the State Department’s 2010 Quadrennial Diplomacy and Development Review, for example, the
Administration highlighted the significance of the United Nations, stating that it is “unique
(...continued)
shall refrain from any action which might reflect on their position as international officials responsible only to the
Organization.” A copy of the U.N. Charter is available at http://www.un.org/aboutun/charter/.
58 Under-Secretary-General Burnham stepped down before Secretary-General Annan’s term ended in 2007. Prior to
Christopher Burnham, the post was held by Catherine Bertini, also a U.S. citizen. The current U.N. Under-Secretary-
General for Management is Angela Kane of Germany.
59 In the 1970s and 1980s, for example, the “Geneva Group” was formed to encourage dialogue and cooperation among
like-minded U.N. member states. It was composed mostly of Western countries that were the United Nations’ largest
financial contributors. The group focused mainly on financial and budgetary issues, and some contend it was
instrumental in bringing about budgetary restraint in some of the U.N. specialized agencies. For more information, see
The United States and Multilateral Institutions, edited by Margaret P. Karns and Karen A. Mingst, Unwin Hyman
Publishers, 1990, p. 313; and United Nations: Law, Policies and Practice, edited by Rudiger Wolfrum, Martinus
Nijhoff Publishers, 1995, pp. 70-71.
60 U.N. press release, SG/SM/10089, “Transcript of Press Conference by Secretary-General Kofi Annan at United
Nations Headquarters,” September 13, 2005. This is a view shared by many who are involved in formulating U.N.
reform policy.
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among multilateral institutions given its legitimacy and involvement across a broad spectrum of
issues.”61 In February 2011, Esther Brimmer, Assistant Secretary of State for International
Organization Affairs, emphasized that “robust engagement” across the U.N. system is essential to
achieving U.S. foreign policy goals.62
Overview of Reform Priorities
While the Obama Administration supports U.S. engagement in the United Nations, it recognizes
the need for improving the organization through reform. Examples of the Administration’s reform
priorities include:
• enforcing budget discipline by taking cost-saving measures such as eliminating
vacant U.N. posts and exploring alternate budget practices;
• improving transparency and accountability by strengthening the effectiveness
of U.N. bodies charged with evaluating performance and investigating abuses,
including the Ethics Office, the Independent Audit Advisory Committee, the
Board of Auditors, and the Office of Internal Oversight Services (OIOS)63;
• reforming human resources practices to create a more mobile and merit-based
workforce by further streamlining U.N. staff contracting and conditions of
service across the U.N. system; and
• overhauling day-to-day business practices such as upgrading information
technology, and improving procurement procedures, accounting procedures, and
budgeting processes. 64
Administration officials have also generally supported U.N. system-wide coherence efforts,
including the Delivering as One initiative and the establishment of UN Women.
The Administration has implemented initiatives within the State Department aimed at evaluating
and improving U.N. system transparency and effectiveness. It has continued to support the U.N.
Transparency and Accountability Initiative (UNTAI), a Bush Administration program
implemented by the U.S. Mission to the United Nations that tracks the adoption of management
reforms by U.N. funds and programs. (The Administration is currently reviewing UNTAI
61 U.S. Department of State, Leading Through Civilian Power: The First Quadrennial Diplomacy and Development
Review, 2010, p. 20.
62 Remarks by Dr. Esther Brimmer delivered at the Brookings Institution, “Revitalizing the United Nations and
Multilateral Cooperation: The Obama Administration’s Progress,” February 1, 2011.
63 OIOS is dependent on much of its funding from the U.N. programs that it audits, which some believe creates a
conflict of interest. For more information, see U.S. Government Accountability Office Report GAO-05-392T, United
Nations: Sustained Oversight is Needed for Reforms to Achieve Lasting Results, March 2, 2006, and GAO Report 08-
84, United Nations Progress on Management Reform Efforts has Varied, November 2007.
64 Drawn from various statements by Administration officials, including “Progress Report by the United States Mission
to the United Nations, a New Era of Engagement, Advancing America’s Interests in the World,” U.S. Mission press
release #082(09), April 19, 2009; Remarks by Esther Brimmer delivered at the Brookings Institution, “Revitalizing the
United Nations and Multilateral Cooperation: The Obama Administration’s Progress,” February 1, 2011; Statement of
Ambassador Susan E. Rice to the House Foreign Affairs Committee for a hearing entitled, “U.S. Policy Toward the
United Nations,” April 7, 2011; and “Remarks by Ambassador Joseph M. Torsella at the UNDP Executive Board
Meetings,” June 13, 2011.
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structure and may make modifications to the initiative in the near future.) 65 Additionally, in
September 2010, Assistant Secretary Brimmer announced that the Bureau of International
Organization Affairs hired an advisor on effectiveness, whose role is to “systematically review the
effectiveness of international organizations,” including U.N. entities.66
The Administration has generally resisted proposed legislation tying U.S. contributions to specific
U.N. reforms.67 In an April 2011 statement before the House Foreign Affairs Committee, U.S.
Permanent Representative to the United Nations Susan Rice remarked that failing to pay U.N.
dues “undermines our [U.S.] credibility and influence [in the United Nations]—not just on
reform, but on a range of U.S. national security policies.”68
Statements on Security Council Reform
The Administration has made a number of statements regarding Security Council reform. At her
confirmation hearing in January 2009, Ambassador Rice emphasized that while the
Administration has not taken a position on the issue, the President recognizes that “the Council of
today quite logically ought to be something ... that looks a little bit different from the Council as
it was created 60-plus years ago.” Rice also maintained that it is “critically important” to ensure
that any Security Council reforms do not undermine the operational efficiency and effectiveness
of the Council.69 More recently, on November 8, 2010, President Barack Obama expressed
support for India’s inclusion as a permanent Security Council member during a speech to a Joint
Session of the Indian Parliament:
As two global leaders, the United States and India can partner for global security – especially
as India serves on the Security Council over the next two years. Indeed, the just and
sustainable international order that America seeks includes a United Nations that is efficient,
effective, credible and legitimate. That is why I can say today, in the years ahead, I look
forward to a reformed United Nations Security Council that includes India as a permanent
member.70
65 For more information, see http://usun.state.gov/about/un_reform/tran_acc_init/index.htm.
66 The effectiveness advisor also promotes “rigorous evaluation standards that the organizations themselves can take
up, to expand their own capacity for self-improvement.” See Remarks by Assistant Secretary Brimmer to the Johns
Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies, “The U.S. at the U.N. and Beyond: A World of Transnational
Challenges,” September 15, 2010; and Remarks by Assistant Secretary Brimmer to the American Foreign Service
Association, “The Role and Relevance of Multilateral Diplomacy in U.S. Foreign Policy,” January 11, 2011.
67 See, for example, H.R. 557, [111th] the United Nations Transparency, Accountability, and Reform Act of 2009,
introduced by Rep. Ileana Ros-Lehtinen on January 15, 2009.
68 Statement of Ambassador Susan E. Rice to the House Foreign Affairs Committee for a hearing entitled, “U.S. Policy
Toward the United Nations,” April 7, 2011.
69 “Statement by Ambassador Susan E. Rice at the informal meeting of the General Assembly on Security Council
Reform,” U.S. Mission to the United Nations, February 19, 2009. In a February 2009 statement Rice emphasized that
the long-term legitimacy and viability of the Council depends on it “reflecting the world of the 21st Century,” and stated
that the United States would try to find a way forward that enhances the Council’s ability to carry out its mandate and
meet new challenges. In addition, President Obama’s National Security Strategy, published in May 2010, states, “We
favor Security Council reform that enhances the U.N.’s overall performance, credibility, and legitimacy” (p. 46).
70 Remarks by the President to the Joint Session of the Indian Parliament in New Delhi, India; Parliament House,
November 8, 2010.
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In a November 11, 2010, statement to the General Assembly, Deputy Permanent Representative
Rosemary DiCarlo repeated U.S. support for Council expansion within a framework of not
impeding effectiveness and efficiency, stating:
The United States is open in principle to a modest expansion of both permanent and non-
permanent members. The United States strongly believes that any consideration of an
expansion of permanent members must be country-specific in nature.
In assessing which countries merit permanent membership, the United States will take into
account the ability of countries to contribute to the maintenance of international peace and
security and other purposes of the United Nations.
DiCarlo also emphasized that the United States is not open to an enlargement of the Security
Council that changes the current veto structure.71
Bush Administration
The George W. Bush Administration was an active participant in U.N. reform efforts. It identified
several key priorities that it believed would help the United Nations improve its effectiveness,
including (1) management, budget, and secretariat reform; (2) increased oversight and
accountability; (3) review of all U.N. mandates and missions; and (4) fiscal discipline.72
Prior to and after the adoption of the 2005 World Summit Outcome Document, the Bush
Administration attempted to work with like-minded countries and the U.N. Secretary-General to
move a reform agenda forward. Some reform initiatives supported by the President, particularly
management and oversight reforms, were not approved or considered by the General Assembly.
The Administration was displeased with the overall effectiveness of some previously
implemented reforms, and was not satisfied with the pace of reform efforts. Nevertheless, it did
not support mandatory withholding of U.S. payments to the United Nations.73
Reform Perspectives and Priorities
A significant challenge for advocates of U.N. reform is finding common ground among the
disparate definitions of reform held by various stakeholders. The global community has no
common definition of U.N. reform and, as a result, there is often debate among some over the
scope, appropriateness, and effectiveness of past and current reform initiatives. One method for
determining how a stakeholder defines U.N. reform may be to identify policy priorities in the
U.N. reform debate. In some cases, common objectives among stakeholders have translated into
substantive reform policy, though shared goals do not always guarantee successful outcomes.
71 Statement by Ambassador Rosemary DiCarlo, U.S. Deputy Permanent Representative, in the General Assembly, on
the Security Council Report and Security Council Reform. November 11, 2010. The language quoted above is in many
respects identical to the elements listed in November 2009. Parts of this section were written by Marjorie Ann Browne,
CRS Specialist in International Relations.
72 Drawn from U.S. Department of State Fact Sheet, “U.S. Priorities for a Stronger, More Effective United Nations,”
June 17, 2005.
73 Testimony by then-U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations John Bolton before the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee in two hearings, “Challenges and Opportunities in Pushing Ahead on U.N. Reform,” May 25, 2006, and
“Challenges and Opportunities in Moving Ahead on U.N. Reform,” October 18, 2005.
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Recent reform debates in the U.N. General Assembly and its committees drew attention to
fundamental differences that exist among some member states, particularly developing countries
(represented primarily by the Group of 77 and China), and developed countries (including the
United States, Japan, and the United Kingdom). Developed countries, which account for the
majority of assessed contributions to the U.N. regular budget, would like the Secretary-General to
have greater flexibility and authority to implement reforms, specifically those related to oversight
and human resources. Developing countries, however, generally object to policies that may
enhance the power of the Secretary-General and decrease the power of the General Assembly and
its budget and administrative committees. Observers are concerned that this difference in reform
philosophy will create a deadlock in the General Assembly and significantly delay the
implementation of some key management and budget reforms.
Selected International Perspectives
Stakeholders engaged in the U.N. reform debate have different perspectives on how U.N. reform
should be implemented and how to prioritize specific U.N. reform issues.74 Several key actors,
including the European Union, the Group of 77 and China, developed countries, and non-
governmental organizations, have weighed in on several reform issues, most notably management
and budget reform and development.
European Union (EU)
The EU is composed of 27 countries, accounting for about 13% of the vote share in the U.N.
General Assembly and approximately 38% of the U.N. regular budget.75 The EU’s reform
initiatives often focus on management reform and increasing the U.N. capacity for development.
The EU attaches great importance to keeping U.N. management reform on track, and supports
management reforms such as mandate review.76 It also views the work of the Secretary-General-
appointed Panel on System-wide Coherence as a high priority, and supports the panel’s efforts to
explore how the U.N. system may improve system coordination in the areas of development,
humanitarian assistance, and the environment. The EU actively supports the reform of core U.N.
organs, including the Security Council, General Assembly and ECOSOC,77 and it also attaches
particular importance to the implementation of the Millennium Development Goals.78
74 The groups of U.N. member states discussed in this report are only a few of many political and geographical
alliances in the United Nations. Others include the Non-Aligned Movement, the Organization of the Islamic
Conference, and the African Union. Israel is a member of the Western European and Others Group (WEOG), but it is
excluded from the system of regional groups outside of U.N. Headquarters in New York. The United States is not a
member of any regional group but participates in WEOG as an observer and is “considered part of that group for the
electoral purposes.” For more information, see Chapter 3, “Groups and Blocs,” in Politics and Process as the United
Nations: The Global Dance, by Courtney B. Smith, Lynne Rienner Publishers, London, 2006, p. 64.
75 Each U.N. member state has one vote in the U.N. General Assembly (see Articles 18 and 9 of the U.N. Charter). For
more information on the EU and United Nations, see “The EU at the U.N.—Overview,” at http://www.europa-eu-
un.org/documents/infopack/en/EU-UNBrochure-1_en.pdf, and http://www.europa-eu-un.org/articles/
articleslist_s30_en.htm.
76 “EU Priorities for the 61st U.N. General Assembly,” July 18, 2006.
77 An October 25, 2005 EU paper on ECOSOC reform is available at http://www.europa-eu-un.org/articles/en/
article_5350_en.htm.
78 “EU Priorities for the 61st U.N. General Assembly,” July 18, 2006.
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The Group of 77 and China (G-77)
The G-77 is a loosely affiliated group of 131 U.N. member states representing the interests of
developing countries.79 It has played a significant role in recent reform debates due in part to its
large membership, which can be a significant voting bloc in the General Assembly. The G-77
generally supports U.N. reform and has long viewed development as a key U.N. reform issue,
emphasizing that it should be given the “utmost priority by the United Nations.”80 The G-77
views reform as a process to examine how the mandates of the United Nations can work through
“well-coordinated synergies” to achieve the Millennium Development Goals. It believes that U.N.
reform should not alter the “intergovernmental nature of our [the United Nations] decision-
making, oversight, and monitoring process.” Additionally, it does not view reform as a
mechanism to “reduce budget levels ... to fund more activities from within the existing pool of
resources, nor to redefine the roles and responsibilities assigned to the various organs.”81
The G-77 supported some management reforms adopted by the U.N. General Assembly at the
2005 World Summit, including the establishment of an ethics office and whistle-blower
protection policy. It has, however, actively opposed other initiatives proposed by the Secretary-
General, particularly those proposals that it feels may weaken the authority of the General
Assembly in the areas of management, budget, and oversight.82 The G-77 also maintains that the
positions of all member countries should be taken into consideration during the reform process. It
has also expressed concern that reform initiatives proposed by the Secretary-General may be
influenced by the larger U.N. financial contributors, such as the United States, Japan, and some
members of the European Union.83
Developed Countries
In some cases, the reform priorities of developed countries may not always align with the reform
priorities of the G-77 and other developing countries. While the G-77 views development as a top
U.N. reform priority, many developed countries tend to focus on management, budget, and
structural reform. Generally, developed countries make significantly larger financial contributions
to the U.N. system than developing country member states and therefore may want to ensure that
their funds are used in what they perceive as the most effective way. For example, the United
States and the EU, which together account for a significant portion of the regular budget, view
management and budget reform as a top priority. Japan, which contributed approximately 12.5%
of the U.N. regular budget in 2010, also views management reform as a priority, particularly
Secretariat reform, Security Council reform, and system-wide coherence.84
79 The G-77 was established in 1964 and represents approximately 69% of U.N. member states. For more information
and records of G-77 statements made at the United Nations, see http://www.g77.org/index.html.
80 U.N. document, A/60/879, Statement Adopted by the Special Ministerial Meeting of the Group of 77 and China,
Putrajaya (Malaysia), June 7, 2006.
81 U.N. document, A/60/907, June 27, 2006.
82 For example, the G-77 opposed proposals by Secretary-General Annan that gave the Secretariat more power to
move, hire, and fire U.N. Secretariat staff, as well as to modify and consolidate the budgeting process.
83 “Statement on Behalf of the Group of 77 and China on Secretariat and Management Reform: Report of the Secretary-
General entitled ‘Investing in the United Nations’” New York, April 3, 2006, available at http://www.g77.org/
Speeches/040306.htm. Also see “U.N. Management Reform: The Role and Perspective of the G-77,” by Irene
Martinetti, Center for U.N. Reform, September 10, 2007.
84 The foremost institutional reform priority for Japan is changing the composition of the Security Council to “reflect
(continued...)
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The differing perspectives on U.N. reform among developing and developed nations were
highlighted in December 2005 when a group of U.N. member states, led primarily by developed
countries such as the United States and Japan, sought to link progress on management reforms to
the U.N. budget. The countries placed a spending cap of $950 million (about six months of U.N.
spending) on the two-year, $3.6 billion budget in hopes that the General Assembly would adopt a
series of management and budget reform measures proposed by Secretary-General Annan.85 On
May 8, 2006, the General Assembly’s Fifth Committee (Administrative and Budgetary) bypassed
the traditional practice of budget-by-consensus and voted on a resolution, supported by the G-77,
that approved some reforms but delayed the consideration of several others. The developed
nations that imposed the budget cap were disappointed with the outcome, and eventually lifted
the budget cap in June 2006 because they were unwilling to cause a shutdown of the United
Nations.86
Commissions, Task Forces, and Groups
Since the United Nations was established in 1945, many commissions, panels, committees, and
task forces (hereafter referred to collectively as “groups”) have been created to examine ways to
improve the United Nations.87 These groups are established by a variety of stakeholders,
including past secretaries-general, individual member states, groups of member states, NGOs,
academic institutions, and others. The following paragraphs will address the findings of a cross-
section of these groups—the Volcker Commission, the U.S. Institute of Peace U.N. Reform Task
Force, and Secretary-General Kofi Annan’s report, In Larger Freedom: Toward Development,
Security, and Human Rights for All.
Though the circumstances and mandates for each group are different, they made similar
recommendations for improving the United Nations. Notably, each group highlighted the need for
enhanced internal oversight and Secretariat reform, including staff buyouts and enhanced
financial disclosure requirements. The groups also emphasized the need for overall streamlining
and consolidation of the U.N. system (see Appendix B for a side-by-side comparison of the
recommendations).
(...continued)
the realities of the international community in the 21st Century.” For more information on Japanese U.N. reform
priorities, see the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs publication, “Japan’s Efforts for Reform of the U.N.,” available
at http://www.mofa.go.jp/policy/un/reform/pamph0608.pdf.
85 Annan’s reforms were proposed in his March 2006 report, Investing in the United Nations: For a Stronger
Organization World Wide.
86 On July 7, 2006, the General Assembly approved the reforms recommended by the Fifth Committee. (See U.N.
document, A/RES/60/283, July 7, 2006.) A list of the approved reforms is available in the “Recently Adopted Reforms
and the New Secretary-General” section of this report. For more information and additional resources on the six-month
budget cap controversy, http://www.globalpolicy.org/finance/docs/unindex.htm.
87 For a discussion on the effectiveness of various U.N. reform groups, see keynote speech at University of Waterloo
made by Edward C. Luck, Director of the Center on International Organization at Columbia University, “U.N. Reform
Commissions: Is Anyone Listening?” May 16, 2002, available at http://www.sipa.columbia.edu/cio/cio/projects/
waterloo.pdf.
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The Volcker Commission
In April 2004, Secretary-General Annan, with the endorsement of the U.N. Security Council,
appointed an independent high-level commission to inquire into corruption in the U.N.-led Iraq
Oil-for-Food Program.88 The commission, led by former Federal Reserve Chairman Paul Volcker,
concluded that the failures of the Oil-For-Food Program were evidence of a greater need for
“fundamental and wide-ranging administrative reform” in the United Nations.89 The commission
recommended establishing an Independent Oversight Board to review U.N. auditing, accounting,
and budgeting activities; creating the position of Chief Operating Officer to oversee
administrative matters such as personnel and planning practices; providing fair compensation to
third parties involved in U.N. programs (while ensuring that the compensation does not lead to
inappropriate profit); and expanding financial disclosure requirements to cover a variety of U.N.
staff, including those working on procurement.
U.S. Institute of Peace U.N. Reform Task Force
In December 2004, Congress directed the U.S. Institute of Peace to create a bipartisan task force
to examine ways to improve the United Nations so that it is better-equipped to meet modern-day
security and human rights challenges.90 Congress appropriated $1.5 million to the task force and
required that it submit a report on its findings to the House Committee on Appropriations.91 The
task force identified improving internal oversight as its single most important reform
recommendation. It supported the creation of an independent oversight board to direct the budget
and activities of the Office of Internal Oversight Services (OIOS). It also recommended several
management reforms, including establishing the position of Chief Operating Officer, creating a
U.N. Ethics Office, and enhancing whistle-blower protection. It supported broadening the U.N.
staff financial disclosure policy, and recommended the review of all U.N. mandates five years or
older, as well as the incorporation of sunset clauses into all new mandates. The task force
supported incorporating results-based budgeting into the U.N. system, and a one-time buyout for
all unwanted or unneeded staff. It recommended the creation of a new U.N. Human Rights
Council to replace the discredited Commission on Human Rights, but was unable to come to
consensus on Security Council reform.92
88 U.N. document, A/RES/1538, April 21, 2004. The Committee was chaired by Paul Volcker and included Professor
Mark Peith of Switzerland, an expert on money laundering from the Organization for Economic Cooperation and
Development (OECD); and Justice Richard Goldstone of South Africa, a former prosecutor with the International
Criminal Tribunals for the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda. The Commission’s final report was released on October 27,
2005. For more detailed information on the functioning of the Iraq Oil-For-Food Program, see CRS Report RL30472,
Iraq: Oil-For-Food Program, Illicit Trade, and Investigations, by Christopher M. Blanchard and Kenneth Katzman.
89 “Briefing by Paul A. Volcker Chairman of the Independent Inquiry Committee into the U.N. Oil-For-Food Program
for the Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations of the U.S. Senate,” Washington, DC, October 31, 2005.
90 Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2005 (P.L. 108-447, December 8, 2004). In the report accompanying the act,
conferees stated that they were “deeply troubled by the inaction of the United Nations on many fronts, especially in
regard to the genocide in Darfur, Sudan and the allegations of corruption regarding the United Nations Oil-For-Food
Program.” Conferees directed that the task force should include experts from the American Enterprise Institute,
Brookings Institution, Council on Foreign Relations, Center for Strategic and International Studies, Hoover Institution,
and the Heritage Foundation.
91 The Task Force was co-chaired by former Speaker of the House Newt Gingrich and former Senate Majority Leader
George Mitchell, and released its first report, American Interests and U.N. Reform in June 2005. Following the 2005
U.N. World Summit in New York, the Task Force released an updated report entitled, The Imperative for Action, in
December 2005. The USIP Task Force reports are available at http://www.usip.org/un/report/.
92 The Task Force stated that any Security Council reform should “enhance the effectiveness of the Security Council
(continued...)
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In Larger Freedom: Towards Development, Security, and Human Rights for All
On March 21, 2005, Secretary-General Annan released his report, In Larger Freedom, in response
to the findings of the High-Level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change.93 The report was
presented to member states as a starting point for discussion at the 2005 U.N. World Summit, and
included the following management reform recommendations:
• the review of all U.N. mandates over five years old;
• a one-time staff-buyout to ensure U.N. Secretariat staff meets current needs;
• the establishment of a cabinet-style decision-making body in the Secretariat to
improve management and policy activities;
• the review of all budget and human resource operations; and
• a comprehensive review of Office of Internal Oversight Services to examine
ways to enhance its authority and effectiveness.
In addition, Secretary-General Annan proposed a broad range of institutional and programmatic
reforms, including modifying the composition of the U.N. Security Council so that it more
adequately reflects current political realities, and replacing the Commission on Human Rights
with a new Human Rights Council. Annan also recommended streamlining the General Assembly
agenda and committee structure so that the Assembly can increase the speed of its decision-
making and react more swiftly and efficiently to events as they occur.94
Implementing Reform: Mechanics and Possible
Challenges
Mechanics of Implementing Reform
Previous and current U.N. reform initiatives encompass an array of organizational issues that may
require different processes for implementation. These reforms might be achieved by amending the
U.N. Charter or through various non-Charter reforms. Charter amendment is a rarely used
practice and has only occurred on three occasions. Non-Charter reforms are more common and
comparatively easier to achieve.
(...continued)
and not in any way detract from the Council’s efficiency and ability to act in accordance with the U.N. Charter.” (See
page 7 of the Task Force’s report, American Interests and U.N. Reform.)
93 See “Reform Efforts (1997-2005)” section of this report for more information on the High-Level Panel.
94 Annan also supported reforming the U.N. Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) so that it may better coordinate
with economic and social agencies and departments within the U.N. system. More information on ECOSOC reform is
available at http://www.centerforunreform.org/node/186 and http://www.globalpolicy.org/socecon/un/reform/
articlesindex.htm.
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Amending the U.N. Charter
Articles 108 and 109 provide for potential changes to the U.N. Charter. Article 108 of the Charter
states that a proposed Charter amendment must be approved by two-thirds of the full General
Assembly, and be ratified “according to the constitutional processes” of two-thirds of U.N.
member states, including the all permanent members of the Security Council.95 The Charter was
first amended in 1963 to increase U.N. Security Council membership from 11 to 15 members, and
to increase ECOSOC membership from 18 to 27. It was last amended in 1973, when ECOSOC
membership increased from 27 to 54.96 Examples of possible reform initiatives that might involve
amending the U.N. Charter include, but are not limited to: increasing Security Council
membership—either permanent and/or non-permanent members; increasing membership on
ECOSOC; and adding or removing a principal organ.97
Article 109 of the Charter allows for a convening of a General Conference of U.N. members with
the purpose of “reviewing the present Charter.” The date and place of the Conference would be
determined by a two-thirds vote in the General Assembly, and an affirmative vote from any nine
Security Council members. Potential revisions to the Charter would be adopted at the conference
by a two-thirds vote (with each country having one vote), and take effect when ratified by the
governments of two-thirds of U.N. member states. A Charter review conference has never been
held.
Non-Charter Reform Process
Since 1945, the General Assembly has authorized reforms of its own processes and procedures—
as well as those of the Secretariat—without Charter amendment. The General Assembly has
established various fora for discussing reform issues, including a Committee on the Charter of the
United Nations98 and a Working Group on the Security Council.99 The General Assembly has also
implemented reforms on its own by adopting proposals introduced by member states or the
Secretary-General.100 The Secretary-General can also implement reform in his capacity as chief
95 Article 108 of the U.N. Charter states, “Amendments to the present Charter shall come into force for all Members of
the United Nations when they have been adopted by a vote of two-thirds of the members of the General Assembly and
ratified in accordance with their respective constitutional processes by two thirds of the members of the United Nations,
including all the permanent members of the Security Council.” A copy of the U.N. Charter is available at
http://www.un.org/aboutun/charter/.
96 Simma, Bruno, The Charter of the United Nations: A Commentary. Second Edition, Vol. II. New York, Oxford
University Press, 2002, p. 1367-1357.
97 Principal organs of the United Nations include the Trusteeship Council (TC); Security Council; General Assembly;
Economic and Social Council; International Court of Justice; and the Secretariat. There is an ongoing effort to abolish
the TC, a system that was designed to administer and supervise U.N. trust territories. The TC suspended its operations
on November 1, 1994, with the independence of its last trust territory, Palau.
98 The “Special Committee on the Charter of the United Nations and on the Strengthening of the Role of the
Organization,” was established in 1974 to consider “any specific proposals that Governments might make with a view
to enhancing the ability of the U.N. to achieve its purposes,” as well as “suggestions for the more effective functioning
of the U.N. that might not require amendments to the Charter.” The Committee also makes recommendations for
possible Charter amendments. Most recently, in 1995 it proposed an amendment to delete “enemy state” clauses in the
Charter. For more information on the Committee, see http://www.un.org/law/chartercomm/.
99 The “Working Group on the Question of Equitable Representation on and Increase in the Membership of the Security
Council and Other Matters Related to the Security Council,” was established in 1993, and a copy of its most recent
report is available at http://www.reformtheun.org/index.php?module=uploads&func=download&fileId=1757.
100 For example, on March 15, 2006, the Assembly negotiated and approved a resolution replacing the previous U.N.
(continued...)
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administrative officer. For example, as part of his reform proposal in 1997, Annan established a
Senior Management Group to “ensure more integrated and cohesive management of the
Secretariat.”101 The Secretary-General can also make administrative decisions regarding the
organization of some U.N. departments.
Other non-Charter reforms have included the establishment of consensus-based budgeting in
1986; the creation of an Office of Strategic Planning in the Secretariat, authorized by Kofi Annan
in 1997; and the establishment of a Peacebuilding Commission by the Security Council and
General Assembly in 2006.102
Possible Challenges to Reform
Achieving meaningful and comprehensive U.N. reform is a significant and ongoing challenge for
U.N. member states. Congress may wish to take possible reform obstacles into account when
considering legislation that exercises oversight or supports a reform agenda.
National Self-Interest and Differing Reform Perspectives
Each U.N. member state has its own political agenda and foreign policy goals, and may also have
its own definition of U.N. reform. As a result, member states often hold differing views on how
best to implement reform and how to measure the success or failure of a given reform initiative.
In some cases, failure to reach consensus can lead to significant delay, or failure, of certain
reform initiatives. Some member states package their policy priorities as U.N. reform to further
their own policy goals. This can cause distrust among member states as countries question
whether reform proposals by other member states are based on self-interest or a genuine desire to
improve the U.N. system.
Competing Priorities
Some observers cite the inability of U.N. member states or secretaries-general to effectively
prioritize reform initiatives as an obstacle to U.N. reform. When Secretary-General Annan
presented his 2005 reform proposals, for example, he requested that they be adopted by the
General Assembly not in increments, but as a package of reforms.103 Instead of considering a
large series of reform proposals, some observers argue that member states should select only a
few reform priorities and work toward their adoption and implementation. Others contend that the
most efficient way to achieve reform may be for member states first to adopt reform initiatives
(...continued)
Commission on Human Rights with a new Human Rights Council, which was considered a key component of U.N.
reform by many member states and NGOs.
101 U.N. document, A/52/684, November 10, 1997.
102 An example of a possible non-Charter reform could be the redistribution of regional seats on the Security Council or
ECOSOC. For further discussion on possible non-Charter reforms, see article by Louis B. Sohn, “Important
Improvements in the Functioning of the Principal Organs of the United Nations that Can be Made Without Charter
Revision,” American Journal of International Law, October, 1997.
103 “The Secretary-General’s Statement to the General Assembly,” New York, March 21, 2005, available at
http://www.un.org/largerfreedom/sg-statement.html.
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they can agree to and then gradually work toward tackling the more divisive and complicated
reform issues.
Organizational Structure and Bureaucracy
The United Nations is a highly complex and decentralized organization, and therefore may be
slow to consider or implement potential reforms. Some argue that there is a “culture of
inaction”104 in the United Nations, and that U.N. managers and staff are resistant to the
implementation of new programs or changes to existing programs. Many contend that prospective
and agreed-to reforms lack clear plans for implementation, including deadlines and cost
estimates. They stress that this overall lack of planning may affect the progress and ultimate
success of reforms already implemented, as well as those reforms currently being considered by
the General Assembly.105 Some also emphasize that without proper implementation plans and
follow-up, U.N. member states will be unable to adequately gauge the overall effectiveness of
reforms.
Limited Resources
Many observers note that a significant challenge for U.N. reform efforts may be the effective
implementation of reforms within the current U.N. budget. Some reform initiatives, such as the
Peacebuilding Commission, were established by member states to operate “within existing
resources.”106 Many argue that the existing U.N. budget limits may not be able to support all of
the reform initiatives currently being considered. Some member states, including the United
States, however, contend that money saved from other reforms, such as mandate review, could
create a funding source for further reforms and/or the creation of new U.N. programs or bodies.
External Influences
The complex relationships that exist among member states outside of the U.N. system may be
another challenge affecting U.N. reform efforts. These relationships are entirely independent of
the United Nations but can affect how countries work together within the U.N. framework to
achieve reform objectives. Military conflict, religious and ethnic differences, political conflict,
trade and economic issues, and geography can all potentially impact reform cooperation among
U.N. member states.
104 “Annan’s ‘Culture of Inaction.’” The Chicago Tribune, December 12, 2006.
105 U.S. Government Accountability Office Report, GAO-07-14, United Nations Management Reforms Progressing
Slowly with Many Awaiting General Assembly Review, October 2006.
106 U.N. document, A/RES/60/1, 2005 World Summit Outcome, September 16, 2005.
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Appendix A. Previous Reform Legislation
When considering U.N. reform issues, the 112th Congress may wish to explore the nature and
effectiveness of past legislative approaches and how or if they may have influenced the adoption
of reform measures at the United Nations. There is evidence that legislation such as the
Kassebaum-Solomon Amendment and the Helms-Biden Agreement may have led, either directly
or indirectly, to substantive changes in U.N. policies. The following sections highlight selected
reform legislation from 1986 to the present and note any subsequent changes to internal U.N.
policy.
Kassebaum-Solomon Amendment (1986-1987)107
In the mid-1980s, some members of Congress expressed concern that U.S. influence over the
U.N. budget was not proportionate to its rate of assessment. In 1986 Congress passed legislation,
popularly known as the “Kassebaum-Solomon amendment,” which required that the U.S.
assessed contribution to the U.N. regular budget be reduced to 20% unless the United Nations
gave major U.N. financial contributors a greater say in the budget process.108 Subsequently, in
1986 the General Assembly adopted a new budget and planning process that incorporated
consensus-based budgeting as a decision-making mechanism, thus giving member states with
higher assessment levels a potentially greater voice in the budget process.
U.N. Office of Internal Oversight Services (1993)
In the early 1990s, some members of Congress and the Administration were concerned with the
apparent lack of oversight and accountability within the U.N. system. In 1993, as part of the
FY1994 State Department Appropriations Act, Congress directed that 10% of U.S. assessed
contributions to the U.N. regular budget be withheld until the Secretary of State certified to
Congress that “the United Nations has established an independent office with responsibilities and
powers substantially similar to offices of Inspectors General Act of 1978.”109 On July 29, 1994,
the U.N. General Assembly established the Office of Internal Oversight Services (OIOS) which
reports directly to the Secretary-General and provides “internal auditing, investigation,
inspection, programme monitoring, evaluation and consulting services to all U.N. activities under
the Secretary-General’s authority.”110
Helms-Biden Agreement (1999)
In the late 1990s, Congress and the Administration negotiated and agreed to legislation that would
further U.S. reform policy at the United Nations. The Helms-Biden bill authorized payment of
some U.S. arrears if specific reform benchmarks were met and certified to Congress by the
107 For a more detailed account of the Kassebaum-Solomon Provisions, see CRS Report RL33611, United Nations
System Funding: Congressional Issues, by Marjorie Ann Browne.
108 Foreign Relations Authorization Act, FY1986 and 1987 (H.R. 2068, P.L. 99-93), Section 143, August 16, 1985.
109 U.S. Department of State Appropriations Act, 1994 (H.R. 2519, P.L. 103-121), October 27, 1993.
110 More information on OIOS is available at http://www.un.org/depts/oios/. See U.N. document, A/RES/48/218 B,
August 12, 1994, for a detailed description of its mandate.
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Secretary of State.111 Under the terms of Helms-Biden, the United States agreed to (1) pay $819
million in arrearages over fiscal years 1998, 1999, and 2000, and (2) forgive $107 million owed
to the United States by the United Nations in peacekeeping costs if the United Nations applied the
$107 million to U.S. peacekeeping arrears. For arrearage payments to occur, Congress required
that the U.S. assessment for contributions to the U.N. regular budget be reduced from 25% to
22% and that the peacekeeping contribution be reduced from 30% to 25%.112 In December 2000,
the U.N. General Assembly reduced the regular budget assessment level to from 25% to 22%, and
the Peacekeeping share from approximately 30.4% to 28%. In subsequent years, the U.S.
peacekeeping assessment continued to fall and is now close to 26.5%.
111 The Helms-Biden Agreement was incorporated into the Consolidated Appropriations Act for FY2000 (H.R. 3194,
P.L. 106-113), November 19, 1999.
112 See CRS Report RL33700, United Nations Peacekeeping: Issues for Congress, by Marjorie Ann Browne for further
information.
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Appendix B. Key U.N. Reform Recommendations
and Proposals by Independent and U.N. Affiliated
Groups
Report of the Task Force on
In Larger Freedom:
Report of the Independent
the United Nations
Towards Development,
Inquiry Committee into the
(June 2004,
Security and Human Rights
United Nations Oil-for-Food
December 2005)
for All
Program
(March 2005)
(October 2005)
Improved management reform,
Secretariat reform, including:
Strengthen U.N. management
including:
practices, including:
Establish an Independent
Review of the Office of Internal
Establish an Independent Oversight
Oversight Board to function as an
Oversight Services and general
Board with responsibility over
independent audit committee;
strengthening of internal
internal and external audits and
oversight;
investigations;
Establish the role of Chief
Creation of a cabinet-style
Create the position of Chief
Operating Officer (COO);
decision-making mechanism;
Operating Officer (COO);
Establish policies for improved
Authority/resources
for
Expand
financial
disclosure
financial disclosure standards,
Secretary-General to realign
requirements for U.N. staff,
whistle-blower protection; and
and/or buy-out Secretariat staff;
including the Secretary-General,
and full review of budget and
Deputy-Secretary-General, and
human resources operations; and
those involved in procurement
and/or disbursement;
Review of all U.N. mandates and
Review of al U.N. mandates five
Improve coordination and
sunset clauses for new mandates.
years or older.
framework for cross-agency U.N.
programs; and
Reorganization of the General
Streamlining the General
Ensure third party agencies involved
Assembly;
Assembly to speed-up decision-
in U.N. programs are entitled to fair
making processes;
compensation.
Replace the Commission on
Replace the discredited
Human Rights with a new Human
Commission on Human Rights
Rights Council;
with a new Human Rights
Council;
Identification of U.N. programs
Modify composition of the
that could be more effective if
Security Council to reflect
funded by voluntary contributions;
current political realities; and
and
Improving the Department of
Reform ECOSOC so it may
Peacekeeping Operations so that
better coordinate the U.N.
it becomes “a more independent
development agenda and guide
program” with its own rules and
other economic and social
regulations to address its unique
agencies in the United Nations.
mission.
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Appendix C. Organizational Chart of the U.N. System
(as of December 2007)
Source: http://www.un.org/aboutun/chart_en.pdf.
Notes: Solid lines from a Principal Organ (top row) indicate a direct reporting relationship; dashes indicate a non-subsidiary relationship.
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Author Contact Information
Luisa Blanchfield
Specialist in International Relations
lblanchfield@crs.loc.gov, 7-0856
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