Bahrain: Reform, Security, and U.S. Policy
Kenneth Katzman
Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs
May 17, 2011
Congressional Research Service
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www.crs.gov
95-1013
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repared for Members and Committees of Congress

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Bahrain: Reform, Security, and U.S. Policy

Summary
Protests that erupted in Bahrain following the uprising that overthrew Egyptian President Hosni
Mubarak on February 11, 2011, demonstrate that Shiite grievances over the distribution of power
and economic opportunities were not satisfied by previous efforts to include the Shiite majority in
governance. In the early stages of the unrest, Administration contacts with the government were
credited by many for the regime’s decision to suspend using force against the protesters as of
February 19, 2011. However, as protests escalated in March 2011, Bahrain’s government,
contrary to the advice of the Obama Administration, invited security assistance from other
neighboring Gulf Cooperation Council countries; it subsequently moved to forcefully end the
large gatherings and arrest dissident leaders. Some believe the crackdown has reduced prospects
for a negotiated political solution in Bahrain, and could widen the conflict to the broader Gulf
region. Others see the primary consequence of the unrest as fostering sectarian hatreds within the
population, no longer confined to elite power struggles. Possibly because of concerns that a rise
to power of the Shiite opposition could jeopardize the extensive U.S. military cooperation with
Bahrain, the March-May government crackdown has not prompted the Obama Administration to
called for a change of the Al Khalifa regime, but the Administration has criticized the use of
violence by the government.
The 2011 unrest, in which some opposition factions have escalated their demands in response to
the initial use of force by the government, began four months after the October 23, 2010,
parliamentary election. That election, no matter the outcome, would not have unseated the ruling
Al Khalifa family from power, but Shiite activists believed that winning a majority in the elected
lower house could give it greater authority. In advance of the elections, the government launched
a wave of arrests intended to try to discredit some of the hard-line Shiite leadership as proteges of
Iran—a refrain revived by the government during the unrest. Bahrain’s Shiite oppositionists, and
many outside experts, accuse the government of inflating the relationship between Iran and the
opposition in order to justify the use of force against Bahraini Shiites.
Unrest in Bahrain directly affects U.S. national security interests, and might explain why the
Administration response has been more restrained than the response to some of the other regional
uprisings in 2011. Bahrain, in exchange for a tacit U.S. security guarantee, has provided key
support for U.S. interests by hosting U.S. naval headquarters for the Gulf for over 60 years and by
providing facilities and small numbers of personnel for U.S. war efforts in Iraq and Afghanistan.
There is a fear that, over the long term, U.S. use of the naval headquarters facilities might become
untenable because of the instability in Bahrain. This facility has been pivotal to U.S. strategy to
deter any Iranian aggression as well as to interdict the movement of terrorists and weapons-
related technology on Gulf waterways. The United States has designated Bahrain as a “major
non-NATO ally,” and it provides small amounts of security assistance to Bahrain. On other
regional issues such as the Arab-Israeli dispute, Bahrain has tended to defer to Saudi Arabia or
other powers to take the lead in formulating proposals or representing the position of the Persian
Gulf states, collectively.
Fueling Shiite unrest is the fact that Bahrain is generally poorer than most of the other Persian
Gulf monarchies, in large part because Bahrain has largely run out of crude oil reserves. It has
tried to compensate through diversification, particularly in the banking sector and some
manufacturing. In September 2004, the United States and Bahrain signed a free trade agreement
(FTA); legislation implementing it was signed January 11, 2006 (P.L. 109-169).
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Contents
The Political Structure, Reform, and Human Rights .................................................................... 1
Post-Charter Elections........................................................................................................... 2
2002 Elections ................................................................................................................ 2
2006 Elections ................................................................................................................ 3
The 2010 National Assembly and Municipal Election: Prelude to the Uprising ................ 4
February 2011 Uprising......................................................................................................... 6
Government Tactics Change, As Do Protester Demands .................................................. 6
The Saudi/GCC Intervention and Crackdown .................................................................. 7
Current Situation............................................................................................................. 8
Possible Outcomes .......................................................................................................... 8
U.S. Posture on the Uprising ........................................................................................... 9
Other Human Rights Issues ................................................................................................. 10
Women’s Rights............................................................................................................ 11
Religious Freedom ........................................................................................................ 11
Labor Rights ................................................................................................................. 11
Human Trafficking........................................................................................................ 11
Executions and Torture.................................................................................................. 12
U.S. Efforts to Promote Political Reform and Religious Freedom ........................................ 12
U.S.-Bahrain Security and Foreign Policy Relations .................................................................. 12
U.S. Navy Headquarters in Bahrain..................................................................................... 13
Defense Pact and Cooperation With U.S. Operations in Iraq and Afghanistan ...................... 13
Post-September 11 and Post-Saddam Cooperation......................................................... 14
U.S. Arms Transfers and Military Aid.................................................................................. 15
Anti-Terrorism Cooperation ................................................................................................ 16
Relations with and Cooperation Against Iran....................................................................... 16
Bahrain-Iran Gas Development Deal and Other Economic Ties ..................................... 18
Other Foreign Policy Issues................................................................................................. 19
Qatar Territorial Disputes .............................................................................................. 19
Arab-Israeli Issues ........................................................................................................ 19
Economic Issues ....................................................................................................................... 20

Figures
Figure 1. Bahrain ...................................................................................................................... 22

Tables
Table 1. Comparative Composition of National Assembly ........................................................... 5
Table 2. Some Basic Facts About Bahrain ................................................................................. 21
Table 3. U.S. Assistance to Bahrain ........................................................................................... 21

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Contacts
Author Contact Information ...................................................................................................... 22

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The Political Structure, Reform, and Human Rights1
The Al Khalifa family, which is Sunni Muslim and generally not as religiously conservative as the
leaders of neighboring Saudi Arabia, has ruled Bahrain since 1783. The Al Khalifa family’s
arrival from the Saudi peninsula to take control ended a century of domination by Persian settlers.
The Al Khalifa subsequently received political protection from Britain, which was the dominant
power in the Gulf until the early 1970s. Bahrain became independent from Britain in August 1971
after a 1970 U.N. survey (some refer to its as a “referendum”) determined that its inhabitants
preferred independence to Iranian control.
Bahrain is led by King Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa (about 61 years old), who succeeded his father,
Shaykh Isa bin Sulman Al Khalifa, upon his death in March 1999. Educated at Sandhurst Military
Academy in Britain, King Hamad was previously commander of the Bahraini Defense Forces
(BDF). His son, Shaykh Salman bin Hamad, about 41 years old, is Crown Prince. Shaykh Salman
is U.S.-and U.K.-educated and, like the King, has long been considered a proponent of reform
and accommodation with Bahrain’s Shiite majority—about 60%-70% of the 503,000-person
citizenry.2 (There are also an estimated 235,000 expatriates in Bahrain, according to the Central
Intelligence Agency’s “World Factbook” July 2010 estimate.) About 25% of the population is age
14 or younger.
Until the February 2011 unrest and related cabinet reshuffles, the Al Khalifa family had held onto
all strategic ministry positions and at least half of all ministerial slots. There were four Shiite
ministers out of 23 cabinet positions (plus one out of the four deputy prime ministers), and those
ministries run by Shiites have been considered less critical. Shiites are also highly
underrepresented in the security forces, serving mainly in administrative tasks in those forces.
The King’s uncle (the brother of the late ruler), Prime Minister Khalifa bin Salman Al Khalifa,
along with hard-liners in the royal court (including Royal Court chief Shaykh Khalid bin Ahmad
Al Khalifa) and several other ministers, are perceived as skeptical of King Hamad’s reforms.
They believe that the concessions that King Hamad has made to the Shiite majority have caused
the Shiites to increase their political demands rather than satisfy them. Others believe that level of
unrest reached in February 2011 would have been reached long ago had the King’s reforms not
been enacted.
The minor political reforms under the current King’s father, Amir Isa (the December 1992
establishment of a 30-member appointed Consultative Council to comment on proposed laws and
its June 1996 expansion to 40 members), did not come close to quieting the demands of either
Shiites or Sunnis for the restoration of an elected national assembly, even though Bahrain’s
Sunnis are considered less hungry for “democracy” than are the Shiites. An elected assembly was

1 Much of the information in this section is from State Department reports: 2010 Country Reports on Human Rights
Practices (April 8, 2011); the International Religious Freedom Report for 2010 (November 17, 2010); and the
Trafficking in Persons Report for 2010 (June 14, 2010). CRS has no means to independently investigate the human
rights situation in Bahrain or confirm allegations of specific human rights abuses there.
2 Government officials dispute that the Shiite community is as large a majority as the 70% figure used in most
factbooks and academic work on Bahrain. The Shiite community in Bahrain consists of the more numerous “Baharna,”
who are of Arab ethnicity and descended from Arab tribes who inhabited the area from pre-Islamic times. Shiites of
Persian ethnicity are less numerous, and arrived in Bahrain over the past 400 years. They speak Persian and generally
do not integrate with the Baharna or with Sunni Arabs.
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provided for under the 1973 constitution but abolished in August 1975. In the years just prior to
Shaykh Hamad’s accession to rulership, there was daily anti-government violence during 1994-
1998, although the unrest gradually took on a Shiite sectarian character. As Hamad’s first reform
steps after taking over, he changed his title to “King,” rather than “Amir” and implying more
accountability, and held a referendum (February 14, 2002) on a new “National Action Charter
(constitution).”
One reason that the Shiite majority population was not satisfied by the National Action Charter
was that the elected Council of Representatives (COR) and the all-appointed Shura (Consultative)
Council were to be of equal size (40 seats each). Together, they constitute a National Assembly
(parliament) that serves as only a partial check on government power. The King, through the
prime minister, makes all cabinet appointments and thus exercises direct rule; the Assembly does
not appoint—or have power to reject—cabinet appointments. The COR can propose (but not
actually draft) legislation and both chambers can question ministers, although not in public
session. The COR can, by a two-thirds majority, vote no-confidence against ministers and the
prime minister and override the King’s veto of approved legislation, although none of these
actions has occurred since the COR was formed. The King has the authority to dissolve the COR
and amend the constitution. The Shura Council is formally limited to amending draft legislation
and, in concert with the COR, reviewing the annual budget, but these powers provide the Shura
Council with the ability to block action by the COR. The government has tended to appoint
generally more educated and pro-Western members to the Shura Council, and it is generally more
supportive of the government than is the elected COR. There is no “quota” for females in the
National Assembly, as has been included in democratic constitutions in post-Saddam Iraq and
post-Taliban Afghanistan.
The National Assembly has tended to address primarily economic and social issues, and not
national security issues. For example, in May 2010, it voted to ban sale of alcohol to Muslims,
although subject to implementing regulations made by the King, through the government. Other
legislation considered in the Bahraini National Assembly in recent years included bills to combat
cyber crime, regulate the pharmaceutical sector, regulate the press, create an anti-corruption body,
and establish a higher council on social security. However, many of these bills stalled in the 2006-
2010 parliament due to lack of consensus and broader Sunni-Shiite tensions.
Post-Charter Elections
Elections have been held every four years since 2002, each time marked by substantial tension
between the government and the Shiite majority. Formal political parties are banned, but factions
compete as “political societies” which serve as the functional equivalent of parties for election
purposes. In the COR elections, if no candidate in a contested district wins more than 50% in the
first round, a runoff is held one week later.
2002 Elections
The first elections under the Charter were held in October 2002. In the 2002 election, many Shiite
opposition “political societies,” including Al Wifaq, (formally, the Al Wifaq National Islamic
Society, also known as the Islamic National Accord Association—a large faction, led by Shaykh
Ali al-Salman), boycotted the elections on the grounds that setting the COR and the Shura
Council at the same size dilutes popular will. The 2002 boycott lowered turnout (about 52%) and
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helped Sunnis win two-thirds of the COR seats. Of the 170 total candidates, 6 were women, but
none of the women were elected.
2006 Elections
As was widely expected by experts, Sunni-Shiite tensions escalated again in the run-up to the
November 25, 2006, parliamentary and municipal elections. The tension was aggravated by the
Shiite perception that a once-repressed Shiite majority came to power in Iraq through U.S.-
backed elections and that the Bahraini majority was entitled to a similar result. In the fall of 2006,
some Shiites protested, particularly after allegations, some of which were publicly corroborated
by a government adviser (Salah al-Bandar) in August 2006 in a report to an outside human rights
organization, that the government was adjusting election districts so as to favor Sunni candidates.
It was also alleged that the government issued passports to Sunnis in an attempt to shift the
demographic balance to the Sunnis’ advantage.
In the November 2006 elections, two Shiite opposition blocs, Wifaq and the National Democratic
Action Association, participated, raising voter turnout to 72%. Wifaq is avowedly Islamist in
political orientation. A harder-line Shiite opposition faction, Al Haq (Movement of Freedom and
Democracy), boycotted. The opposition, led by Wifaq, won 17 seats, virtually all those it
contested. The Shiite opposition was therefore the largest single bloc in the COR, but it was short
of a majority.
The government was heartened that Sunni Muslims won 23 total seats. Of those, 8 were won by
secular Sunnis and 15 were won by Islamist Sunnis (8 from the Salafists trend and 7 Muslim
Brotherhood members). Only one woman (Latifa al Qaoud, who was unopposed in her district)
won, out of 18 female candidates (down from 31 female candidates in the 2002 elections). As
evidence of continued friction, Wifaq boycotted the speakership contest, and incumbent COR
Speaker Khalifa al-Dhahrani was reelected speaker.
The King subsequently named a new Shura Council with 20 Shiites, 19 Sunnis, and one Christian
(a female). Ten women were appointed. However, the Shiites appointed were not all aligned with
opposition factions, and several were considered “pro-government.” Therefore, the Shura Council
was not a bastion of opposition to the government even though Shiites held half of its seats. In a
nod to the increased Shiite strength as a result of the elections, the government appointed a Shiite
(Jawad al-Araidh) as one of the four deputy prime ministers and another (who is close to Wifaq)
as a minister of state for foreign affairs. Three other Shiites remained in the cabinet.
Heightened political tensions continued in between national elections. In December 2008, the
government made numerous arrests of Shiite demonstrators and accused some of being part of a
foreign-inspired “plot” to destabilize Bahrain. Some were accused of undergoing guerrilla or
terrorist training in Syria. On January 26, 2009, the government arrested three leading Shiite
activists, including the wheelchair-bound Dr. Abduljalil Alsingace and Mr. Hassan Mushaima,
both leaders of Al Haq. They were tried during February-March 2009 but, along with other Shiite
activists, were pardoned and released in April 2009. Alsingace has visited the United States
several times to highlight the human rights situation in Bahrain. (As noted below, Alsingace was
arrested again in August 2010. Mushaima subsequently went into exile in Europe. Mushaima was
arrested after his return and both are on trial in connection with the 2011 unrest.)
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The 2010 National Assembly and Municipal Election: Prelude to the Uprising
The resentments over the 2006 election, and the still unfulfilled demand of Bahrain’s Shiites for
greater political power and an end to economic discrimination, carried over to the 2010 election.
The election was held on October 23, 2010, with a second round runoff for some districts on
October 30. There were only a limited number of international observers, primarily from various
international human rights organizations. Two Bahraini human rights watchdog groups, the
Bahrain Human Rights Society and the Bahrain Transparency Society, again (for the third time)
reached agreement to jointly monitor the 2010 elections. Municipal elections were held
concurrently.
The electorate was about 300,000 persons, voting in 40 districts spread throughout five
governorates. As was the case in the 2006 elections, Shiite oppositionists accused the government
of drawing district boundaries so as to prevent the election of a Shiite majority. Registration of
candidates took place during September 12-16, 2010. About 200 people registered to run, of
whom seven were women. However, one woman withdrew after registering, leaving a field of six
female candidates. Of the six, only one was formally endorsed by a political society, the National
Democratic Action Society (Waad, which means “promise” in Arabic). She is Munira Fakhro, a
prominent Shiite woman who was exiled prior to the political reform process under King Hamad.
In 2006, she narrowly lost to a Sunni Islamist (Minbar, or “platform,” faction). At least four
candidates in districts where there was no opposition were declared winners by September 28,
2010. One of them was a Wifaq member.
Wifaq, still by far the most prominent Shiite political society, registered candidates. Its leader,
Shaykh Ali Salman, was not a candidate, preferring to continue to lead the faction from the
background. Al Haq again boycotted, as it did in 2006. In the run-up to the election, the
government cracked down on Shiite activitists, particularly those who supported boycotting the
election. For example, on September 4, 2010, 23 Shiite leaders were arrested on charges of
attempting a violent overthrow of the government. They were among about 160 Shiites arrested
in August and September, under a 2006 anti-terrorism law that gives the government broad arrest
and prosecution powers. Among those arrested was Dr. Alsingace (see above), on August 13,
2010, upon his return from abroad. Alsingace remained incarcerated and told his lawyers that he
was being beaten and deprived of sleep. A prominent Shiite cleric, Ayatollah Hussein Mirza al-
Najati, said to be close to the most senior Iraqi cleric Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, had his Bahrain
citizenship revoked on September 20, 2010.
Some observers asserted that the government crackdown would drive Bahraini Shiites to
politically support boycotting harder-line movements, such as Al Haq, and in so doing suppress
the election turnout among Shiites. The crackdown did not prompt Wifaq to reverse its decision to
compete. The crackdown might have helped the government’s election strategy but it also led to
stepped up demonstrations by Shiite youth in Shiite neighborhoods. The tensions are also widely
blamed for resulting in a bombing that damaged four police cars on September 15, 2010. The
tensions over the election almost certainly were a catalyst for the major unrest that has occurred
in February 2011, discussed further below.
Among Sunni political societies, there are two that are considered Islamist. They include Minbar,
mentioned above, which is an offshoot of the Muslim Brotherhood, and Al Asala, which is a
harder-line “Salafist” political society. As noted below, in the 2006-2010 parliament, Asala and
Minbar members held a combined 15 seats.
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2010 Election Results
Despite the preelection tensions, the election was held without major reports of violence. Turnout
was about 67% between the two rounds. The results, some unexpected, included:
• The increase of Wifaq’s representation from 17 seats in the 2006-2010 COR to 18
seats. However, the 18 is still short of a majority.
• Unexpected losses by Sunni Islamist factions, reducing their total to 5 seats from
15. Minbar and Asala each saw dramatic reductions in their seats from 2006:
Minbar (Muslim Brotherhood) decreased to 2 seats (from 7) and Asala decreased
to 3 seats (from 8). Most of the seats were picked up by Sunni independents, who
won 17 seats, up from 9 in the 2006-2010 parliament. In addition, the secular and
generally leftwing ideological Waad won no seats at all. These results appeared
to represent a rejection of Islamist ideology, and even all ideological candidates,
in favor of pragmatists who would address Bahrain’s economic difficulties.
• The same one woman won who had won in 2006.
• In the municipal elections conducted concurrently, one woman was elected in the
second round—the first woman to be elected to a municipal council.
In advance of the December 14, 2010, start of the parliamentary term, the King named the 2010-
2014 Shura Council. Thirty of the 40 serving Council members were reappointed, leaving only 10
newly appointed members. A total of 19 Shiites were appointed, including the speaker. The
Council has four women, substantially fewer than the 2006-2010 Council that had nine women.
Among the four, one is Jewish (Nancy Khadouri), out of a Jewish population in Bahrain of about
40 persons, and one is Christian (Hala Qarrisah). Bahrain has an estimated 1,000 Christians. The
Council speaker, Ali al-Salih, a Shiite, was reappointed.
Table 1. Comparative Composition of National Assembly

2006 Lower House (COR)
2010 Lower House (COR
Shiite Islamist (Wifaq) in Elected
17 18
COR
Sunni Independent (mostly secular)
8 17
in COR
Sunni Islamist (Minbar, Muslim
7 2
Brotherhood, moderate Islamist) in
COR
Sunni Islamist (Asala, Salafi,
8 3
conservative Islamist in COR
Sectarian Composition in COR
23 Sunni, 17 Shiite
22 Sunni, 18 Shiite
Sectarian, Religious Composition
20 Shi te, 19 Sunni, 1 Christian 19 Shi te, 19 Sunni, 1 Christian, 1 Jew
Upper House (Shura Council)


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February 2011 Uprising
King Hamad’s efforts to accommodate Shiite aspirations were demonstrated to have failed when
a major uprising began on February 14, 2011, in the wake of the success of an uprising in Egypt
that forced the resignation of Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak. After a few days of protests and
relatively minor confrontations with the mostly Bahraini Sunni and expatriate Sunni security
forces, the mostly Shiite demonstrators converged on the interior of a major traffic circle, “Pearl
Roundabout,” named after a statue that depicted Bahrain’s pearl-diving past. The uprising took
place after King Hamad had authorized the latest annual iteration of a $2,700 payment to citizens.
The initial demands of the protesters were numerous, but generally centered on such political
reforms as altering the constitution to expand the powers of the COR; ending gerrymandering that
prevents Shiites from winning a majority in the COR; providing more jobs and economic
opportunities; and, among some protesters, replacing hard-line Prime Minister Khalifa. A
consistent theme among protesters appeared to be to end the sense among Shiites that they are
“second class citizens” or “not trusted” as Bahraini citizens. On February 15, 2011, King Hamad
spoke to the nation and announced the formation of a committee to investigate the use of force
against protestors, which had killed two until that time.
The unrest took on new dimensions in the early morning of February 17, 2011, when security
forces surrounded the thousands of demonstrators in Pearl Roundabout, many of whom were
asleep, and used rubber bullets and tear gas to remove them from the location. At least four
demonstrators were killed; others died subsequently. The government asserted it had warned of
the impending move, an account disputed by the protesters. At a news conference later on
February 17, Foreign Minister Khalid Al Khalifa claimed Bahraini forces had used a minimum of
force, that some of the protesters were found with weaponry, and that the Pearl Roundabout was
cleared to avoid a “sectarian abyss”—a reference to possible all-out civil conflict between the
Shiites and Sunnis. Amid heavy security patrols to prevent demonstrators from regrouping in
Pearl Roundabout, additional protests took place on February 18, 2011, and security forces
apparently shot several demonstrators. Politically, Wifaq pulled all 18 of its COR deputies out of
the COR immediately following the February 17 crackdown. Their resignations have prompted
the scheduling of by-elections to fill their seats on September 24, 2011, with a second round to be
held on October 1, if needed. Britain closed its embassy in Bahrain after the February 17, 2011,
crackdown, and announced it might ban further arms exports to Bahrain.
Government Tactics Change, As Do Protester Demands
In part at the reported urging of the United States to cease using force against protests, the
government changed tactics on February 19, 2011, pulling security forces back from confronting
protesters. That day, demonstrators re-entered Pearl Roundabout and held large demonstrations at
or around that location subsequently. A February 22, 2011, demonstration was said to be perhaps
the largest in Bahrain’s history, although some accounts say that a demonstration three days later,
which spanned miles of downtown roads, was even larger. The February 22 demonstration
followed by one day a large counter-demonstration by mostly Sunni supporters of the
government.
At the same time, the government, with Crown Prince Salman leading the effort, invited the
representatives of the protesters to begin a formal dialogue to try to agree on a package of
reforms. That effort was supported by a gesture by King Hamad on February 22, 2011, to release
or pardon 308 Bahrainis, including the exiled leader of the hardline Al Haq, Hassan Mushaima
(who returned to Bahrain from exile in Europe on February 27, 2011). According to the
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government, these persons were tried not for political views, per se, but rather for committing or
advocating violence. On February 26, 2011, King Hamad changed several cabinet posts; this
included dropping two Al Khalifa family members from the cabinet, thereby somewhat reducing
the dominance of the family. The posts changed were those that can influence job opportunities
and living conditions.
The pulling back of the security forces, offers of dialogue, and the cabinet reshuffles did not
prevent the protesters’ demands from escalating or cause the protesters to leave the Pearl
Roundabout. However, the government concessions did expose long-standing splits in the
opposition, such as that between the more moderate Wifaq and the more hardline Al Haq. Anger
at the government’s initial use of force appeared to shift many demonstrators closer to Al Haq,
which, as of the beginning of March 2011, demanded a resignation of the monarchy outright.
Wifaq and other more moderate groups appeared willing to accept the formation of a
constitutional monarchy with an elected prime minister, a cabinet that is more representative of
the population, and efforts to promote more job opportunities for Shiites. Six smaller hardline
Shiite political societies reportedly joined Al Haq in insisting on maximalist demands.3 The
regime’s offer of dialogue was not taken up consistently or systematically by the more moderate
groups, and only informal meetings took place in search of a political solution.
The Saudi/GCC Intervention and Crackdown
With no systematic dialogue begun, protests escalated through early March. On March 1, 2011,
demonstrators blocked the entrance to the parliament building and delayed the meeting of its
bodies for six hours. The protests also began to spark Sunni-Shiite clashes which some Bahrainis
believed were evolving into outright sectarian conflict at the mass level—whereas previously
sectarianism had been a concept mainly confined to power struggles among the elites. On March
13, 2011, protesters blockaded the financial district of the capital, Manama, prompting
governmental fears that the unrest could choke this major economic sector. Security forces trying
to contain the growing protests were overwhelmed.
On March 13, Bahrain requested that the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), of which it is a
member, send additional security forces to protect key sites. In response to the request, on March
14, 2011, a GCC force (from the GCC joint Peninsula Shield unit) spearheaded by a reported
1,000 Saudi forces (in armored vehicles) and 500 UAE policemen crossed into Bahrain and took
up positions at key locations in and around Manama. On March 15, 2011, King Hamad declared a
three-month state of emergency technically headed by BDF Chief of Staff Marshal Khalifa bin
Ahmad Al Khalifa, and Bahraini security forces, freed up by the GCC deployment, cleared
demonstrators from Pearl Roundabout (and demolished the pearl monument itself on March 18,
2011).4 Some additional protester deaths were reported in this renewed crackdown. In
conjunction, seven Shiite leaders were arrested, including Al Haq’s Mushaima. Wifaq’s leader,
Shaykh Ali Salman, was not arrested. The remaining Shiite ministers in the cabinet, many of the
Shiites in the Shura Council, and many Shiites in other senior posts in the judiciary and elsewhere
resigned, although some may have subsequently returned to service.

3 “Bahrain Hard-Liners Call for Royal Family to Go. Cable News Network website, March 9, 2011.
4 Some accounts differ on the involvement of the Peninsula Shield force, with some observers arguing that members of
the force have participated directly in suppressing protests, and others accepting the Bahrain/GCC view that the GCC
force is only guarding key locations and infrastructure.
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Well before intervening in Bahrain, the GCC states had begun to fear that the Bahrain unrest
could spread to other GCC states. It was also feared that Iran might be able to exploit the
situation. None of the other GCC states has a Shiite majority (like Bahrain), but most of them,
including Saudi Arabia, have substantial Shiite minorities. The GCC states met at the foreign
minister level on February 16, 2011, and expressed solidarity with the government of Bahrain.
King Hamad visited Saudi Arabia on February 23, 2011, for consultations on how to handle the
unrest, and Crown Prince Salman visited UAE on March 2, 2011. Those countries have arranged
for large pledges of aid (some reports mention $20 billion) to help the Bahrain government (and
that of Oman, which also has faced unrest) create jobs for Shiites. Some experts speculate that
Saudi intervention could prompt a wider conflict; Al Haq leader Hassan Mushaima affirmed those
fears in March 2011 when he warned that Saudi intervention could prompt Iranian intervention on
the side of the Shiite protesters. Allegations of Iranian involvement in the unrest are discussed
later in the section on Bahrain’s foreign policy.
Current Situation
As of late April 2011, observers report that most public protests have ceased. However, human
rights groups, including those testifying at a May 13, 2011, hearing of the Tom Lantos Human
Rights Commission, have reported a broad crackdown in which 630 remain in detention,
including at least 50 medical professionals who helped tend to injured protestors. Over 1,200
people, mostly Shiites, have been dismissed from their jobs. To date, according to government
figures, 24 Bahraini protesters have died in the violence, although opposition figures are much
higher. As part of what some observers call a punitive and excessive continuing crackdown, in
early April 2011, the government closed the pro-opposition newspaper Al Wasat; it editor-in-
chief, Mansour al-Jamri, is to go on trial on May 18 for inciting violence. A well-known human
rights activist, Abdul Hadi al-Khawaja, was arrested April 9 and his daughter subsequently began
a hunger strike. On April 15, 2011, the government announced that Wifaq and another Shiite
political society, the Islamic Action Association, were being investigated for harming national
unity and could potentially be disbanded. On May 2, 2011, two Wifaq officials, one of whom had
resigned from the COR because of the unrest, were arrested. On May 8, 2011, 14 oppositionists,
including Mushaima and Alsingace, went on trial before a state security court; seven others went
on trial in absentia.
In order to preserve the outward sense of calm, security forces are surrounding Shiite villages and
homes to prevent further demonstrations, according to journalists and others visiting Bahrain. The
security force presence in the downtown areas is said to be heavy. Perhaps perceiving the regime
has gained the upper hand, the King announced in early May that the state of emergency would
end on June 1, two weeks earlier than scheduled, although the Saudi/UAE forces that deployed to
Bahrain would not be leaving at that time.
Possible Outcomes
Outcomes of the 2011 unrest are difficult to predict. Some believe the GCC intervention and
subsequent crackdown has hardened the protest movement—still reportedly active
underground—to the point where it will not negotiate and instead seek only to drive the regime
from power. The overthrow of the government and the ascension of a Shiite-led regime is
possible, although the GCC intervention has probably made this outcome less likely, at least in
the short term. On the regime side, compromise has been made more difficult by the apparent
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eclipse of the Crown Prince, who favors dialogue and negotiation, and the ascendancy within the
regime of the Prime Minister and his allies who favor repression and crackdown.
The Obama Administration and many experts believe that compromise is still possible, centered
around the early demands of the opposition for a reduction in the constitutional authority of the
King. Some believe that provisions for direct selection of the prime minister by an empowered
COR could be acceptable to the moderate wing of the opposition. Others believe that, short of an
alteration of the constitution, a potential compromise could involve Wifaq leader Shaykh Ali
Salman becoming prime minister. Some close to the government said earlier in the crisis that, at
the very least, the dismissal of Prime Minister Khalifa Al Khalifa, was likely,5 although that
possibility seems to have faded with the decision to crack down rather than compromise. Another
possibility could include a broader reshuffling of the cabinet to give Shiites many more
ministerial posts and control of key economic ministries. Other potential amendments to the
constitution could include expanding the elected COR, enhancing its powers relative to the upper
house, or abolishing the upper house. Other reforms could include redistricting that would permit
Shiites to win a COR majority. Wifaq already holds the majority of seats on several elected
municipal councils, although these bodies do not have national legislative authority.
U.S. Posture on the Uprising
The U.S. response to the unrest in Bahrain has been colored by the vital U.S. security interests in
Bahrain. The U.S. concern is that a fall of the Al Khalifa regime and ascension of a Shiite-led
government could increase Iran’s influence and lead to a loss of the U.S. use of Bahrain’s military
facilities. In phone calls to their counterparts after the February 17, 2011, clearing of Pearl
Roundabout, Secretary of State Clinton and Secretary of Defense Gates reportedly expressed
concern to the Bahrain government for using force against the protesters. These contacts may
have contributed to the earlier government decision to exercise restraint.
Just prior to the GCC intervention and subsequent crackdown, Secretary of State Clinton and
other U.S. officials had praised the release of political prisoners and called on all parties to take
up the offer by the Crown Prince for a broad political dialogue on reform.6 In a statement,
President Obama praised the February 26 cabinet reshuffle and King Hamad’s restatements of his
commitment to reform.7 The U.S. position did not change significantly following the GCC
intervention—on March 19, 2011, Secretary Clinton reiterated the U.S. support for the Crown
Prince’s offer of dialogue, and said:
Bahrain obviously has the sovereign right to invited GCC forces into its territory under its
defense and security agreements…. [The United States has] made clear that security alone
cannot resolve the challenges facing Bahrain. As I said earlier this week, violence is not and
cannot be the answer. A political process is. We have raised our concerns about the current
measures directly with Bahraini officials and will continue to do so.
The U.S. response has differed little in the more recent phases of the post-GCC intervention
crackdown. On April 30, 2011, according to the White House, President Obama spoke by phone

5 Author conversations with representatives of and observers close to the regime. April 2011.
6 Secretary of State Clinton Comments on the Situation in the Middle East. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=
GbucMZUg3Gc
7 “Obama Welcomes Bahrain Cabinet Reshuffle.” Reuters, February 27, 2011.
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to King Hamad and reportedly stated that Bahrain’s stability depends on respect for the universal
rights of the people of Bahrain, and a process of meaningful reform. At a May 5, 2011, House
Foreign Affairs Committee hearing, State Department officials testified that the United States is
“deeply concerned” by the “campaign of retribution” against the political opposition, adding that
“security operations will not resolve the challenges Bahrain faces.” However, U.S. officials have
not called for the Al Khalifa to step down and yield to a political transition, causing criticism of a
U.S. “double standard” as compared to the U.S. response to the 2011 unrest in Egypt, Tunisia,
and Libya. In his February 25, 2011, visit, Joint Chiefs Chairman Mullen reaffirmed the U.S.-
Bahrain defense relationship, an assertion that critics say demonstrates the U.S. choice of its
security interests over broader values. The Administration did not send an official to testify at the
May 13 Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission hearing discussed above.
Some believe that the Administration’s refusal to call for the ousting of the regime reflects a
consistent pattern of downplaying abuses against Bahrain’s Shiite community. Critics point to
Secretary of State Clinton’s comments in Bahrain on December 3, 2010, referring to the October
2010 elections, saying: “I am impressed by the commitment that the government has to the
democratic path that Bahrain is walking on. It takes time; we know that from our own
experience.”8
At the same time, the Administration has undertaken efforts to help resolve the crisis. Assistant
Secretary of State for the Near East Jeffrey Feltman was sent to Bahrain as of March 14, 2011, to
attempt to achieve the beginning of a sustained dialogue between the government and the
opposition. He visited again in mid-April. Outgoing Deputy Secretary of State James Steinberg,
along with Feltman and an NSC official, visited on May 17, 2011, meeting with senior Bahraini
officials and again urging them to try to start dialogue with the opposition.
The Obama Administration, which presented its FY2012 budget request on February 14, 2011,
just as the unrest in Bahrain was growing, has not announced any alteration of its military and
anti-terrorism assistance or arms sales policy for Bahrain. However, press reports say arms sales
to Bahrain and other U.S. allies are under review because of the unrest in the region.9 It is
possible that outside experts and some in Congress might object to further sales to Bahrain,
particularly of equipment that could be used against protesters. Levels of those sales and aid are
discussed in the sections below. Some say that the United States should begin examining alternate
facilities in the Gulf region in the expectation that continued Bahraini hosting has become
unstable.
Other Human Rights Issues
Many of the general human rights issues are intimately tied to the power struggle between the
Sunni-led regime and the Shiite majority, as noted in U.S. government reports on human rights
and religious freedom in Bahrain. Beyond the Sunni-Shiite schism in Bahrain, State Department
reports, such as the human rights report for 2010, note problems for non-Muslims and for
opponents of the government. Bahrain allows freedom of worship for Christians, Jews, and
Hindus although the constitution declares Islam the official religion. It should be noted that the

8 Department of State. “Remarks With Foreign Minister Al Khalifa After Their Meeting.” December 3, 2010.
9 Adam Entous. “U.S. Reviews Arms Sales Amid Turmoil.” Wall Street Journal, February 23, 2011.
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State Department human rights report, released April 5, 2010, covers the period of calendar year
2010 and does not address the government response to the 2011 unrest.
Women’s Rights
Bahrain has tended to be relatively progressive as far as law and regulations. However, as is the
case with its neighbors, Bahrain’s practices and customs tend to limit women’s rights. Women can
drive, own and inherit property, and initiate divorce cases, although religious courts may refuse a
woman’s divorce request. To try to showcase its progressiveness, the government has promoted
several women to high positions. Since 2005, there have been two female ministers—Minister of
Social Affairs Fatima bint Ahmad al-Balushi and Minister of Information and Culture Mai bint
Muhammad Al Khalifa. A previous female minister of health, Nada Haffadh, resigned in October
2007 following allegations of corruption in her ministry by conservatives who oppose women
occupying high-ranking positions. Two other women, including the president of the University of
Bahrain, have ministerial rank. Ms. Huda Azar Nunu, an attorney and formerly the only Jew in
the Shura Council, is ambassador to the United States.
Religious Freedom
On freedoms for religions other than Islam, the November 17, 2010, State Department report on
international religious freedom, in the section on Bahrain, says that non-Muslims have been able
to practice their religion privately without government interference, and to maintain places of
worship. However, the government requires licenses for churches to operate, and has in the past
threatened to shutter un-licensed churches serving Indian expatriates. The Baha’i faith, declared
blasphemous in Iran and Afghanistan, has been discriminated against in Bahrain. A Baha’i
congregation was repeatedly denied an official license, although other State Department reports
(human rights reports for 2008 and for 2009) say that the Baha’i community now gathers and
operates openly.
Labor Rights
On labor issues, Bahrain has been credited with significant labor reforms, including a 2002 law
granting workers, including non-citizens, the right to form and join unions. The law holds that the
right to strike is a legitimate means for workers to defend their rights and interests, but their right
is restricted in practice, including a prohibition on strikes in the oil and gas, education, and health
sectors. There are about 50 trade unions in Bahrain. The Shura Council has vetoed a proposed law
that would have authorized formation of more than one union per company. All unions must join
the General Federation of Bahrain Trade Unions (GFBTU).
Human Trafficking
On human trafficking, Bahrain was elevated in the 2008 Trafficking in Persons report to “Tier 2
Watch List,” from Tier 3 in the 2007 report, because it is “making significant efforts” to comply
with the minimum standards for elimination of trafficking, but has not shown results, to date. The
2009 Trafficking in Persons Report (June 16, 2009) kept Bahrain as Tier 2 Watch List, with
explanatory language similar to that of the 2008 report. The 2010 Trafficking in Persons Report
(June 14, 2010) upgraded Bahrain yet again to Tier 2 (dropping the “watch list” designation) on
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the grounds that Bahrain is making significant efforts to comply with minimum standards and has
begun making prosecutions under its anti-trafficking statutes.
Executions and Torture
Another issue that predated the 2011 unrest is that of executions. Human Rights Watch and other
groups asserted that Bahrain is going against the international trend to end execution. In
November 2009, Bahrain’s Court of Cassation upheld the sentencing to death by firing squad of a
citizen of Bangladesh. That sentenced was imposed for a 2005 murder. From 1977 until 2006,
there were no executions in Bahrain.
Allegations of torture against Shiite opposition figures are widespread.10 Witnesses at the May 13,
2011, hearing of the Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission asserted that torture was being used
regularly on those arrested in the post-GCC intervention crackdown.
U.S. Efforts to Promote Political Reform and Religious Freedom
The United States has long sought to accelerate political reform in Bahrain and to empower its
political societies through several programs, including the “Middle East Partnership Initiative
(MEPI).” Some funds have been used to help build an independent judiciary and strengthen the
COR. Other U.S.-funded programs focus on women’s empowerment, media training, educational
opportunities, and civil society legal reform. MEPI funds have been used to fund AFL-CIO
projects with Bahraini labor organizations, and to help Bahrain implement the U.S.-Bahrain FTA.
In May 2006 Bahrain revoked the visa for the resident program director of the National
Democratic Institute (NDI), and has not allowed the office to reopen. NDI is conducting
programs to enhance parliamentary capabilities through a local NGO. In February 2010, the
MEPI office of State Department signed a memorandum of understanding with Bahrain to
promote entrepreneurship there and promote opportunities for trade with U.S. small businesses.
Still, some human rights group and Bahraini activists believe the United States has consistently
(including during the February 2011 unrest) downplayed democracy promotion in favor of
broader security issues.
According to the State Department’s International Religious Freedom report for 2010 (November
17, 2010), “The U.S. government discusses religious freedom with the [Bahraini] government as
part of its overall policy to promote human rights.” The religious freedom report also noted that
the U.S. government sponsored the visit to the United States of a prominent Sunni cleric, Shaykh
Salah Al-Jowder, to discuss religious freedom and interfaith dialogue.
U.S.-Bahrain Security and Foreign Policy Relations11
U.S.-Bahrain relations are intimate and mutually reinforcing, thereby raising the stakes for the
United States in the February 2011 unrest. A U.S. Embassy in Manama, Bahrain’s capital, opened
in September 1971, when the threat level in the Persian Gulf was perceived as relatively low.

10 Human Rights Watch. “Bahrain: Torture Redux. “ February 2010.
11 Information in this section obtained from a variety of press reports, and the Defense Security Cooperation Agency
(DSCA).
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Since then, defense issues have become a central feature of U.S.-Bahrain relations. Although Iraq
is no longer a strategic threat to the region because it cannot project power outside its borders,
Iran’s nuclear program is considered a growing threat to the Persian Gulf states, including
Bahrain. There is also the issue of terrorism and piracy in the Gulf, as exemplified by a July 28,
2010, explosion on a Japanese oil tanker in that waterway. The explosion is widely suspected to
have been a terrorist attack, and a faction linked to Al Qaeda (Abdullah Azzam Brigades) claimed
responsibility.
In large part to keep powerful neighbors in check, Bahrain has long linked its security to the
United States, and U.S. efforts to address threats in Iraq, Iran, and Afghanistan have benefitted
from access to Bahraini facilities. In recognition of the relationship, in March 2002, President
Bush (Presidential Determination 2002-10) designated Bahrain a “major non-NATO ally
(MNNA),” a designation that facilitates U.S. arms sales.
U.S. Navy Headquarters in Bahrain
February 2008 marked the 60th anniversary of a U.S. naval command presence in Bahrain;
MIDEASTFOR (U.S. Middle East Force), its successor, NAVCENT (naval component of U.S.
Central Command), as well as the Fifth Fleet (reconstituted in June 1995) are headquartered
there, at a sprawling facility called “Naval Support Activity-Bahrain.” The facility now covers
over 100 acres, and about 2,300 U.S. personnel, mostly Navy, are assigned there.12 Some smaller
U.S. ships (minesweepers) are docked there, but the Fifth Fleet also consists of a Carrier Battle
Group, an Amphibious Ready Group, and various other ships that are afloat or which dock
elsewhere in the region.
To further develop the naval facility (sometimes referred to as “Bahrain Island”), and other
military facilities, the U.S. military is implementing a planned $580 million military construction
program in Bahrain. Construction began in May 2010 to allow larger ships to dock at the naval
facility; the project is expected to be completed, in several phases, by 2015. A January 2008 lease
agreement between the United States and Bahrain allowed for the expansion by making available
the decommissioned Mina (port) Salman. The bulk of the construction program is to expand the
naval facility, but $45 million of the funds is to be used to expand an apron at Shaykh Isa Air
Base and $19 million is to be used for a Special Operations Forces facility. Recent appropriations
and requests to fund the construction include: $54 million for FY2008 (Division 1 of P.L. 110-
161); no funds for FY2009; $41.5 million for FY2010 (P.L. 111-117); $258 million for FY2011
(Bahrain. P.L. 112-10); and $100 million requested for FY2012.
Defense Pact and Cooperation With U.S. Operations in Iraq and
Afghanistan
Bahrain was part of the U.S.-led allied coalition that ousted Iraq from Kuwait in 1991, hosting
17,500 troops and 250 combat aircraft at Shaykh Isa Air Base (mentioned above). Expanding on
the agreement under which Bahrain hosted U.S. naval headquarters, Bahrain and the United
States signed a 10-year defense pact signed on October 28, 1991, seven months after the ousting
of Iraqi troops from Kuwait. The pact was renewed in October 2001 and is up for renewal in

12 Unclassified information provided to CRS by the Department of Defense. Figures are as of June 30, 2010.
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October 2011. The pact not only provides the United States access to Bahrain’s air bases and to
pre-position strategic materiel (mostly U.S. Air Force munitions), but also requires consultations
with Bahrain if its security is threatened, and it expanded exercises and U.S. training of Bahraini
forces.13
Following the liberation of Kuwait in February 1991, there were about 1,300 U.S. military
personnel in Bahrain during the 1990s to contain Saddam Hussein’s Iraq, and Bahraini pilots flew
strikes over Iraq during the war; Iraq fired nine Scud missiles at Bahrain during the war, of which
three hit facilities there. Bahrain hosted the regional headquarters for U.N. weapons inspections in
Iraq during 1991-1998, and the U.S.-led Multinational Interdiction Force (MIF) that enforced a
U.N. embargo on Iraq during 1991-2003. Since the early 1990s, the United States has reportedly
stationed two Patriot anti-missile batteries there.14
Post-September 11 and Post-Saddam Cooperation
The naval headquarters, the U.S. use of which predated the defense pact, has been used to
coordinate the operations of over 20 U.S. warships performing support missions for U.S. and
allied naval operations related to the U.S. military operations ongoing in Iraq and Afghanistan.
These ships are also part of Combined Task Force (CTF) 151 and 152 that seek to interdict the
movement of terrorists, arms, or weapons of mass destruction (WMD)-related technology and
narcotics across the Arabian Sea. These task forces also seek to counter piracy in the Arabia Sea.
In March 2008, Bahrain took a turn in a rotation to command CTF-152, and it commanded again
in December 2010. Bahrain commanded an anti-piracy task force in Gulf/Arabian Sea waters in
October 2010. These operations are offshoots of Operation Enduring Freedom (OEF) in
Afghanistan, which ousted the Taliban after the September 11 attacks. Bahrain allowed the United
States to fly combat missions from its bases (Shaykh Isa Air Base) in both OEF and the war to
oust Saddam Hussein in March-April 2003 (Operation Iraqi Freedom, OIF). During both OEF
and OIF, Bahrain publicly deployed its U.S.-supplied frigate warship (the Subha) to help protect
U.S. ships, and it sent ground and air assets to Kuwait in support of OIF. Bahrain hosted about
4,000 U.S. military personnel during major combat of OEF (October 2001-May 2003).
Bahrain and UAE have been the only Gulf states to deploy their own forces to provide aid to
Afghanistan. In January 2009, Bahrain sent 100 police officers to Afghanistan on a two-year tour
to help U.S./NATO-led stabilization operations there.
Bahrain’s participation in OIF came despite domestic opposition in Bahrain to that war. Because
of its limited income, Bahrain has not contributed funds to Iraq reconstruction, but it attended the
“Expanded Neighbors of Iraq” regional conference process which last met in Kuwait on April 22,
2008. That process was suspended in late 2008 as Iraq stabilized and the United States has begun
the process of withdrawal, expected to be complete by the end of 2011. On October 16, 2008,
Bahrain’s first post-Saddam ambassador to Iraq (Saleh Ali al-Maliki) presented his credentials in
Baghdad, in line with King Hamad’s pledge to President Bush in March 2008. Some of the other
Gulf states, most notably Saudi Arabia, have still not established a full embassy in Iraq, in part

13 Details of the U.S.-Bahrain defense agreement are classified. Some provisions are discussed in Sami Hajjar, U.S.
Military Presence in the Gulf: Challenges and Prospects (U.S. Army War College: Strategic Studies Institute), March
2002, p. 27.
14 Walter Pincus. “Bahrain Government’s Ties With the United States Run Deep.” Washington Post, February 22,
2011.
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due to differences between Saudi Arabia and the Shiite-led government of Prime Minister Nuri al-
Maliki.
U.S. Arms Transfers and Military Aid
To assist Bahrain’s ability to cooperate with the United States on regional security issues,
Congress and successive Administrations, citing Bahrain’s limited income, have supported
military assistance to Bahrain’s small force. The main recipient of such assistance is the relatively
small Bahrain Defense Force (BDF), which has about 13,000 personnel (plus about 1,200
National Guard). The BDF and the police are run by Sunni Bahrainis, but are said to supplement
their ranks with unknown percentages of paid Sunni Muslim recruits from neighboring countries,
including Pakistan, Yemen, Jordan, Iraq, and elsewhere. Until 1998, Bahrain’s internal security
services were run by a former British colonial police officer, Ian Henderson, who had a reputation
among Shiites for using repressive measures. The current director of the internal security service
is Shaykh Khalifa bin Abdullah Al Khalifa, considered a hardliner in the royal family.
Bahrain is eligible to receive grant “excess defense articles” (EDA). The United States transferred
the FFG-7 “Perry class” frigate Subha (see above) as EDA in July 1997. According to the State
Department’s FY2012 budget request, the U.S. Navy is supporting providing another frigate (an
“extended deck frigate”) to Bahrain as EDA because the Subha is approaching the end of its
service life. In 1996, the United States gave Bahrain a no-cost five-year lease on 60 M60A3
tanks; title subsequently passed to Bahrain. Foreign Military Financing (FMF) was suspended for
Bahrain in FY1994 but restarted in appreciation of Bahrain’s support in OEF and OIF.
Recent FMF (and funds provided under “Section 1206” of the National Defense Authorization
Act of 2006, P.L. 109-163), have been provided to help Bahrain maintain U.S.-origin weapons, to
enhance inter-operability with U.S. forces, to augment Bahrain’s air defenses, to support and
upgrade the avionics of its F-16 fleet, and to improve counter-terrorism capabilities. As an
example, the United States has supplied Bahrain with a coastal radar system that reportedly
provides Bahrain and the U.S. Navy a 360-degree field of vision around Bahrain.15 Some funds
have been used to build up Bahrain’s Special Operations forces. The Defense Department
estimates that, in part due to U.S. assistance, as of FY2008, about 45% of Bahrain’s forces are
fully capable of integrating into a U.S.-led coalition.
As noted in the table, small amounts of International Military Education and Training funds
(IMET) are provided to Bahrain to inculcate principles of civilian control of the military,
democracy, and interoperability with U.S. forces. During FY2010, 26 Bahraini students attended
U.S. military schools.
Purchases With National Funds
Despite its limited funds (Bahrain’s total government budget was about $6 billion in 2009),
Bahrain has purchased some U.S. systems. In 1998, Bahrain purchased 10 U.S.-made F-16Cs
from new production, worth about $390 million. In 1999, the United States sold Bahrain 26
Advanced Medium-Range Air-to-Air Missiles (AMRAAM) to arm the F-16s, although some
Members were concerned that the AMRAAM sale could promote an arms race in the Gulf.

15 “Bahrain Government’s Ties With the United States Run Deep.” Op. cit.
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Section 581 of the FY1990 foreign operations appropriation act (P.L. 101-167) made Bahrain the
only Gulf state eligible to receive the STINGER shoulder-fired anti-aircraft missile, and the
United States has sold Bahrain about 70 Stingers since 1990. (This authorization has been
repeated in subsequent legislation.) To allay congressional concerns about possible U.S.
promotion of missile proliferation in the region, an August 2000 sale of 30 Army Tactical Missile
Systems (ATACMs, a system of short-range ballistic missiles fired from a multiple rocket
launcher) included an agreement for joint U.S.-Bahraini control of the weapon. (A notification of
a possible sale to Bahrain of 30 ATACM missiles and associated equipment, valued at about $70
million, was sent to Congress on November 4, 2010. Lockheed Martin is the prime contractor for
the missiles.)
Among recent sales notified to Congress by the Defense Security Cooperation Agency (DSCA)
are a sale, worth up to $42 million, of 180 “Javelin” anti-armor missiles and 60 launch units; a
sale, worth up to $252 million, of nine UH-60M Blackhawk helicopters; a sale, notified August 3,
2007, of six Bell search and recovery helicopters, valued at about $160 million; and a sale,
notified on July 28, 2009, of up to 25 AMRAAMs (Raytheon Missile Systems Corp.) and
associated equipment, valued at about $74 million.
Some of the most recent sales are in accordance with the State Department’s “Gulf Security
Dialogue,” begun in 2006 to counter Iran, and under which a total of about $20 billion worth of
U.S. weapons might be sold to the Gulf monarchy states. Only a small portion of that total sales
volume is reportedly slated for Bahrain. As noted above, U.S. arms sales policy to Gulf allies and
other Middle Eastern countries is said to be under review in light of regional unrest that began in
early 2011, including Bahrain.
Anti-Terrorism Cooperation
Bahrain’s cooperation in post-September 11 regional security operations was discussed above. As
far as terrorists operating inside Bahrain itself, the State Department’s report on international
terrorism for 2009 (released August 5, 2010) credits Bahrain for having “actively monitored
terrorism suspects” and for achieving convictions of five men accused of membership of a
terrorist organization—the first use of a 2006 counterterrorism law. The report, however, as did
the same report of the previous year, notes that Bahrain has not overcome legal constraints that
have sometimes hampered its ability to detain and prosecute suspected terrorists.
Bahrain also continues to host the Middle East and North Africa Financial Action Task Force
(MENA/FATF) secretariat and its Central Bank, Financial Information Unit (within the Central
Bank), and local banks cooperate with U.S. efforts against terrorism financing and money
laundering. As noted by the State Department in the FY2012 budget justification, some of the
U.S. assistance to Bahrain (NADR funds) are used to provide training to its counter-terrorism
institutions and to augment the ability of Bahraini forces to protect U.S. diplomatic and military
facilities in Bahrain. The Bahraini Ministry of Interior is the lead agency that receives this support
and, according to the FY2012 budget justification, the Administration is “reviewing” the use of
this aid to ensure that none was used “against protestors” in the 2011 unrest.
Relations with and Cooperation Against Iran
As noted previously, Bahrain focuses its foreign policy intently on Iran, which has purportedly
demonstrated an ability to aggravate Bahrain’s domestic turmoil to a greater degree than has any
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other regional power. Bahrain perceives Iran as willing and able to support Shiite groups against
Bahrain’s Sunni-dominated government, although in recent years, and in the current crisis,
evidence of direct Iranian interference in Bahrain has been limited. In December 1981, and then
again in June 1996—a time when Iran was actively seeking to export its Islamic revolution—
Bahrain publicly accused Iran of trying to organize a coup by pro-Iranian Bahraini Shiites (the
Islamic Front for the Liberation of Bahrain, IFLB).
The issue of alleged Iranian involvement in the 2011 unrest has risen to the surface of the debate
in Bahrain and the United States. To date, there has been little evidence of direct Iranian
intervention. Iranian leaders have criticized the Bahraini crackdown, however, and Bahrain and
Iran have withdrawn their ambassadors from each others’ capitals. On March 21, 2011, King
Hamad indirectly accused Iran of involvement in the unrest by saying a “foreign plot” had been
foiled by the GCC assistance and on April 17, 2011, the Bahraini government sent a letter to U.N.
Secretary-General Ban Ki Moon formally alleging that the pro-Iranian Shiite faction Hezbollah is
seeking to destabilize Bahrain with “logistical help” from unnamed countries (but clearly
referring to Iran). Secretary of Defense Gates has not accused Iran of instigating the unrest but
has warned that the protraction of the crisis allows Tehran opportunities to exploit it, perhaps by
urging the hardliners among Bahrain’s Shiites not to compromise.16 On April 14, 2011, U.S.
officials, speaking on background, told journalists that Tehran is debating how much aid, if any,
to provide to Bahrain’s opposition, and that there was some information to indicate that Iran
might have transferred small amounts of weapons to Bahraini oppositionists.17 On May 16, 2011,
Iranian warships began an effort to transport 150 pro-Bahrain opposition Iranian Shiites to
Bahrain, but turned back the following day for fear of provoking a clash with GCC ships. This
event came two days after Iran’s Foreign Minister praised a speech by King Hamad that appeared
intended to lower tensions with Iran by “offering friendship” to Tehran.
Well before the 2011 unrest, Bahrain’s fears about Iran had been infused by lingering suspicions,
sometimes fed by Iranian actions, that Iran never accepted the results of the 1970 U.N. survey
giving Bahrain independence rather than integration with Iran. Those findings were endorsed by
U.N. Security Council Resolution 278, which was ratified by Iran’s parliament. After these
official determinations, Bahrain had considered the issue closed, after over a century of Persian
contestation of Bahraini sovereignty. Those contests included an effort by Reza Shah Pahlavi of
Iran in the 1930s to deny Bahrain the right to grant oil concessions to the United States and
Britain.
In recent years, Bahrain’s leadership—and other countries in the region—have reacted strongly
against statements by Iranian editorialists and advisers to Iranian leaders appearing to reassert
Iran’s claim. One such example was a July 2007 Iranian newspaper article reasserting the Iranian
claim to Bahrain. However, that article, along with the Bahraini Crown Prince’s November 3,
2007, comment that Iran is developing a nuclear weapon (Iran claims it is developing only
civilian nuclear power), did not mar the visit of Iranian President Ahmadinejad on November 17,
2007. In March 2009 by former Iranian parliament speaker Ali Akbar Nateq Nuri, now an advisor
to Iran’s Supreme Leader, again referring to Bahrain as Iran’s 14th province. Iran’s Foreign
Ministry immediately tried to limit any diplomatic damage by asserting respect for Bahrain’s

16 http://www.stripes.com/gates-protracted-bahrain-negotiations-allowing-greater-iran-influence-1.137532
17 Adam Entous and Matthew Rosenberg. “U.S. Says Iran Helps Crackdown in Syria.” Wall Street Journal, April 14,
2011.
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sovereignty and independence, but some Arab governments sharply criticized the Nateq Nuri
comments. Morocco broke relations with Iran as a response.
In connection with its own concerns about Iran, Bahrain has supported the U.S. position that Iran
is not fully cooperating with U.N. Security Council requirements to verifiably demonstrate that its
nuclear program is not a cover for a nuclear weapons program. In the joint news conference with
Secretary Clinton on December 3, 2010, referenced earlier, the foreign minister restated Bahrain’s
support for Iran’s right to nuclear power for peaceful uses. However, it stated forthright that
“when it comes to taking that [nuclear] power, to developing it into a cycle for weapon grade, that
is something that we can never accept, and we can never live with in this region.”18
At the same time, so as not to provide Iran a pretext to pressure Bahrain, Bahrain’s leaders have
sometimes tried to silence voices in Bahrain that publicly attack Iran. An example is the one-day
suspension in 2009 of the newspaper Akhbar al Khaleej (Gulf News) for running an editorial by a
Bahrain Shura Council member who criticized Iranian leaders. Bahrain regularly supports the
invitation of high-ranking Iranian officials to the annual International Institute for Security
Studies (IISS) conference in Bahrain called the “Manama Dialogue,” held every December. At
times, there have been expectations that U.S. officials might meet with Iranian officials at the
margins of the conference, although such meetings have not taken place in practice. Iranian
officials have sometimes been known to cancel their travel to the meeting on short notice,
particularly if they sense that the conference will feature U.S. or other criticism of Iran.
Bahrain-Iran Gas Development Deal and Other Economic Ties
Another way in which Bahrain stays engaged with Iran is through discussions of major energy
projects with Iran and by conducting normal trade and banking ties with it. The 2007
Ahmadinejad visit resulted in a preliminary agreement for Bahrain to buy 1.2 billion cubic feet
per day (for 25 years) of Iranian gas via an undersea pipeline to be built. The deal would have
involved a $4 billion investment by Bahrain to develop Phases 15 and 16 of Iran’s South Pars gas
field, which presumably would be the source of the gas that Bahrain would import. The March
2009 comments of Nateq Nuri, discussed above, led to the suspension of this deal. On October
21, 2009, Bahrain’s Minister of Oil and Gas Abd al-Husayn Mirza said talks on the deal would
“resume soon,” although the 2011 unrest and withdraw of mutual ambassadors further clouds the
prospects for the deal.
There are no indications that Iran-Bahrain commerce has been affected by the 2011 unrest.
Energy market observers say that Bahrain energy firms are still supplying gasoline to Iran. No
U.N. Security Council Resolution bars such sales, but a U.S. law signed on July 1, 2010—the
Comprehensive Iran Sanctions, Accountability, and Divestment Act of 2010 (CISADA, P.L. 111-
195)—provides for sanctions against foreign firms that sell more than $1 million worth of
gasoline to Iran. Some energy firms in the Gulf, including in Kuwait, reportedly have become
reticent to continue supplying gasoline to Iran because of the U.S. action, but Bahrain is not
known to have publicly disavowed further gasoline sales to Iran.19

18 Department of State. Transcript of Remarks by Secretary Clinton and Foreign Minister Al Khalifa. December 3,
2010.
19 CRS conversations with foreign diplomats, including some from the Gulf. July – September 2010.
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In March 2008, the U.S. Department of Justice sanctioned Future Bank, headquartered in
Bahrain, because it is controlled and partially owned by Iran’s Bank Melli. The sanctions, under
Executive Order 13382 (anti-proliferation), prevent U.S. citizens from participating in
transactions with Future Bank and require the freezing of any U.S.-based bank assets. The Bank
remains in operation.
Other Foreign Policy Issues
Bahrain has close relations with the other GCC states, in particular Saudi Arabia, as evidenced by
its turn to Saudi Arabia to help it deal with the 2011 unrest. Virtually all the GCC states have
political structures similar to that of Bahrain, and several have substantial Shiite minorities
(although not majorities, as Bahrain does). Saudi Arabia’s Shiites (about 10% of the population)
are located mostly in the eastern provinces, across a causeway constructed in 1986 that connects
the two countries. This linkage partly explains Saudi concerns about the unrest shaking the royal
family in Bahrain.
Qatar Territorial Disputes20
The United States cooperates closely with both Qatar and Bahrain, which is why the Bahrain-
Qatar territorial dispute was closely watched by U.S. policymakers. The resolution of the dispute
has partly removed these tensions as an issue for U.S. Gulf policy. Qatar, like Bahrain, is a GCC
monarchy; however, their relations have been sometimes acrimonious because of territorial
disputes with roots in the 18th century, when the ruling families of both countries controlled parts
of the Arabian peninsula. Qatar-Bahrain relations have improved since an International Court of
Justice ruled on March 16, 2001, on the disputes. The ICJ ruled in favor of Qatar on some of the
issues, and in favor of Bahrain on others, but the central dispute—over the Hawar Islands—was
decided in favor of Bahrain. Qatar expressed disappointment over the ruling but said it accepted it
as binding, and the two have since muted mutual criticism and cooperated on major regional
issues. The territorial disputes were referred to the ICJ by Qatar in 1991 after clashes in 1986 in
which Qatar landed military personnel on a man-made reef (Fasht al-Dibal) that was in dispute,
and took some Bahrainis prisoner. Saudi mediation in the 1986-1991 period proved fruitless. That
reef was awarded to Qatar in the ICJ ruling. However, the ICJ ruled against Bahrain’s claim to the
town of Zubara on the Qatari mainland, where some members of the Al Khalifa family were long
buried. Two smaller islands, Janan and Hadd Janan, were ruled not part of the Hawar Islands
group and were awarded to Qatar.
Arab-Israeli Issues
On the Arab-Israeli dispute, Bahrain has not been as significant a mediator or broker as have its
larger neighbors in the Gulf or broader Middle East. Bahrain has not taken a leading role in recent
efforts to reconcile Hamas and Fatah to rebuild Palestinian unity, for example. On the other hand,
Bahrain is not inactive on the issue: On July 16, 2009, Crown Prince Salman authored an op-ed
calling on the Arab states to do more to communicate directly with the Israeli people on their
ideas for peaceful resolution of the dispute.21 Following on that idea, on October 1, 2009, the

20 See The Estimate. Dossier: The Bahrain-Qatar Border Dispute: The World Court Decision, Part 1 and Part 2. March
23, 2001, and April 6, 2001.
21 “Arabs Need to Talk to the Israelis.” Washington Post op-ed. July 16, 2009.
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foreign minister called for direct talks with Israel. In the previously cited December 3, 2010, joint
press conference with the foreign minister, Secretary of State Clinton expressed appreciation for
Bahrain’s support of Palestinian Authority leaders who are trying to build viable institutions and
rule of law in the Palestinian territories.
Earlier, Bahrain participated in the 1990-1996 multilateral Arab-Israeli talks, and it hosted a
session on the environment (October 1994). Bahrain did not follow Oman and Qatar in
exchanging trade offices with Israel. In September 1994, all GCC states ceased enforcing
secondary and tertiary boycotts of Israel while retaining the ban on direct trade (primary boycott).
In conjunction with the U.S.-Bahrain FTA, Bahrain dropped the primary boycott and closed
boycott-related offices in Bahrain.
Still, the Arab-Israeli dispute always has the potential to become a political issue within Bahrain.
Islamist hard-liners in Bahrain have accused the government of trying to “normalize” relations
with Israel, citing the government’s sending a delegate to the November 27, 2007, summit on
Middle East peace in Annapolis, the foreign minister’s meeting with Israeli officials at U.N.
meetings in September 2007, and by proposing (in October 2008) a “regional organization” that
would group Iran, Turkey, Israel, and the Arab states. That proposal has not been implemented to
date. In late October 2009, the elected COR passed a bill making it a crime (punishable by up to
five years in jail) for Bahrainis to travel to Israel or hold talks with Israelis. The bill, which has
not proceeded to become law (concurrence by the upper house, and acceptance by the King),
apparently was a reaction to a visit by Bahraini officials to Israel in July 2009. The visit was to
obtain the release of five Bahrainis taken prisoner by Israel when it seized a ship bound with
goods for Gaza, which is controlled by Hamas. In June 2010, Sunni and Shiite Islamists in
Bahrain held a demonstration to denounced the Israeli seizure of a ship in a flotilla intended to
run the Israeli blockade of the Hamas-run Gaza Strip.
Economic Issues
Like the other Gulf states, Bahrain was affected by the international financial crisis of 2008-2009,
but perhaps to a lesser extent than the wealthier states of Kuwait, UAE, and Saudi Arabia.
Bahrain did not experience the construction and real estate “bubble” to the degree that this
occurred in, for example, UAE.
Bahrain has the lowest oil and gas reserves of the Gulf monarchy states, estimated respectively at
210 million barrels of oil and 5.3 trillion cubic feet of gas. Some economic statistics are presented
in Table 2. Without the ample oil or gas resources of its neighbors, Bahrain has diversified its
economy by emphasizing banking and financial services (about 25.5% of GDP). At current rates
of production (35,000 barrels per day of crude oil), Bahrain’s onshore oil reserves will be
exhausted in 15 years, but Saudi Arabia shares equally with Bahrain the 300,000 barrels per day
produced from the offshore Abu Safa field. The United States buys virtually no oil from Bahrain;
the major U.S. import from it is aluminum. Aluminum and other manufacturing sectors in
Bahrain account for the existence in Bahrain of a vibrant middle and working class among its
citizens. However, these classes are largely composed of majority Shiite Muslims who are
envious of the “ownership class” mostly of Sunni Muslims.
To encourage further reform and signal U.S. appreciation, the United States and Bahrain signed
an FTA on September 14, 2004. Implementing legislation was signed January 11, 2006 (P.L. 109-
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169). However, in light of the unrest, the AFL-CIO has urged the United States to void the FTA
on the grounds that Bahrain is preventing free association of workers and abridging their rights.
In 2010, the United States exported $1.25 billion worth of goods to Bahrain, and imported $420
million in goods from that country. In 2005, total bilateral trade was about $780 million,
suggesting that trade has expanded significantly following the FTA.

Table 2. Some Basic Facts About Bahrain
Population
About 740,000, of which 503,000 are citizens
Religions
81% Muslim, 9% Christian, 10% other
GDP (purchasing power parity) $28
billion (2009)
Budget
$5.81 billion revenues, $5.86 billion
expenditures (2009)
External Debt
$11 billion (2009)
Inflation Rate
3% (2009)
GDP Real Growth Rate
2.9% in 2009, down from over 6% in 2008
Size of Bahrain Defense Forces (BDF)
About 13,000, plus about 1,200 National
Guard. Some personnel are expatriates,
including other Arab and Pakistani.
Source: CIA, The World Factbook.

Table 3. U.S. Assistance to Bahrain
($ in millions)
FY2011
FY2012

FY03 FY04
FY05 FY06
FY07
FY08 FY09
FY2010
request
request
FMF
90.0 24.6 18.847 15.593 14.998 3.968 8.0
19.0
19.5
25.0
IMET
0.448 0.600
0.649 0.651 0.616 0.622 .661
.670
.700
.700
NADR


1.489 2.761 .776 0.744 .500
1.10
1.5
.500
“Section
1206”
5.3
24.54
4.3
16.2


Notes: IMET = International Military Education and Training Funds, used mainly to enhance BDF military
professionalism and promote U.S. values. NADR = Non-Proliferation, Anti-Terrorism, De-Mining and Related
Programs, used to sustain Bahrain’s counterterrorism capabilities and interdict terrorists. Section 1206 are DOD
funds used to train and equip Bahrain’s special forces, its coastal surveillance and patrol capabilities, and to
develop its counter terrorism assessment capabilities. (Named for a section of the FY2006 Defense
Authorization Act, P.L. 109-163.) FY2008 funds derived from FY2008 supplemental (P.L. 110-252), and the
Consolidated appropriation (P.L. 110-329). FY2009 funds included funding from FY2008 supplemental (P.L. 110-
252) as wel as regular appropriation (P.L. 111-8). FY2010 funds are from Consolidated Appropriation (P.L. 111-
117). FY2011 funds are appropriated by P.L. 112-10, Continuing Appropriations for FY2011.
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Figure 1. Bahrain

Source: https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/ba.html.

Author Contact Information

Kenneth Katzman

Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs
kkatzman@crs.loc.gov, 7-7612


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