Mexico-U.S. Relations: Issues for Congress
Clare Ribando Seelke
Specialist in Latin American Affairs
Mark P. Sullivan
Specialist in Latin American Affairs
June S. Beittel
Analyst in Latin American Affairs
February 3, 2010
Congressional Research Service
7-5700
www.crs.gov
RL32724
CRS Report for Congress
P
repared for Members and Committees of Congress
Mexico-U.S. Relations: Issues for Congress
Summary
The United States and Mexico have a close and complex bilateral relationship, with extensive
economic linkages as neighbors and partners under the North American Free Trade Agreement
(NAFTA). Bilateral relations are characterized by strong commercial and cultural ties and
cooperation on a range of bilateral and international issues. In recent years, security issues have
dominated the bilateral agenda, as the United States has supported Mexican President Felipe
Calderón’s campaign against drug trafficking organizations (DTOs) and organized crime.
Halfway through his six-year term, President Calderón of the conservative National Action Party
(PAN) is focused on dealing with two major challenges: restarting the Mexican economy, which
contracted by 7% in 2009 (largely as a result of the U.S. recession), and combating DTOs. In
addition, Calderón submitted a wide-ranging political reform proposal to the Mexican Congress
in December 2009, which, if enacted, would introduce run-off presidential elections, permit
legislators to run for re-election, and reduce the size of the Congress. As the 2012 presidential
elections approach, the Congress, which is now dominated by the Institutional Revolutionary
Party (PRI), could be reluctant to give President Calderón any major legislative victories or to
take up difficult issues such as reforming the declining oil sector.In recent years, U.S.-Mexican
relations have grown stronger as the two countries have worked together to combat drug
trafficking and secure their shared border. President Obama met with President Calderón in
Mexico on April 16-17, 2009, to discuss counterdrug cooperation, immigration reform, and
climate change. The leaders met again in August 2009 alongside Canadian Prime Minister
Stephen Harper at the North American Leaders Summit in Guadalajara to discuss how to
coordinate their responses to the global economic crisis, climate change, and security issues. They
pointed to North America’s successful response to the H1N1 “swine flu” outbreak as a model for
future collaboration. One challenge for Mexico-U.S. relations has been how to resolve an ongoing
dispute involving the implementation of NAFTA trucking provisions. In March 2009, Congress
terminated a pilot project for Mexican-registered trucks to operate beyond the border commercial
zone, and Mexico responded by imposing import tariffs on more than 90 U.S. agricultural and
industrial products.
During its second session, the 111th Congress is likely to maintain an active interest in Mexico
with counternarcotics, border, and trade issues dominating the agenda. To date, Congress has
appropriated some $1.3 billion in assistance for Mexico under the Mérida Initiative, an anti-crime
and counterdrug package first funded in FY2008, including $210.3 million in the FY2010
Consolidated Appropriations Act (P.L. 111-117). Congress is likely to maintain a keen interest in
how implementation of the Mérida Initiative and related domestic initiatives to improve border
security are proceeding, particularly as it considers the President’s FY2011 budget request, which
includes at least $341 million in assistance to Mexico, including $310 million in assistance
accounts that have funded the Mérida Initiative. Congress may also be interested in how the
Obama Administration moves to resolve the current trucking dispute with Mexico now that P.L.
111-117 would permit the resumption of a U.S.-funded pilot program for Mexican trucks.
Congress may also consider proposals for comprehensive immigration reform. For more
information, see CRS Report R40135, Mérida Initiative for Mexico and Central America:
Funding and Policy Issues; CRS Report R40582, Mexico’s Drug-Related Violence; CRS Report
RL32934, U.S.-Mexico Economic Relations: Trends, Issues, and Implications; and CRS Report
RL31738, North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) Implementation: The Future of
Commercial Trucking Across the Mexican Border.
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Mexico-U.S. Relations: Issues for Congress
Contents
Recent Developments.................................................................................................................. 1
Background on Mexico ............................................................................................................... 4
Political Developments ......................................................................................................... 4
Drug Trafficking and Heightened Violence and Crime in Mexico .......................................... 5
Economic Crisis and Nascent Recovery ................................................................................ 7
Foreign Policy Challenges..................................................................................................... 9
Mexican-U.S. Relations ............................................................................................................ 10
Background ........................................................................................................................ 10
Obama Administration ........................................................................................................ 11
U.S. Assistance to Mexico................................................................................................... 12
Bilateral Cooperation on Counternarcotics and Security Efforts........................................... 13
Mérida Initiative ........................................................................................................... 14
Department of Defense Assistance to Mexico................................................................ 16
Related Security Cooperation with Mexico.................................................................... 17
Money Laundering and Bulk Cash Smuggling............................................................... 18
Precursor Chemicals ..................................................................................................... 18
Weapons Trafficking ..................................................................................................... 19
Human Smuggling ........................................................................................................ 21
Human Rights Issues........................................................................................................... 21
Compliance with Human Rights Conditions in the Mérida Initiative.............................. 22
Accountability for Abuses Committed During the “Dirty War” Period ........................... 23
Migration............................................................................................................................ 23
Cooperation in the Aftermath of the 2009 H1N1 “Swine Flu” Outbreak............................... 25
Trade Issues ........................................................................................................................ 26
Functioning of NAFTA Institutions ............................................................................... 27
Trade Disputes .............................................................................................................. 27
North American Cooperation on Security and Economic Issues ........................................... 29
Legislation in the 111th Congress ............................................................................................... 30
Enacted and Considered Legislation.................................................................................... 30
Additional Legislative Initiatives......................................................................................... 31
Figures
Figure 1. Map of Mexico, Including States and Border Cities ...................................................... 3
Tables
Table 1. U.S. Assistance to Mexico by Account, FY2007-FY2010............................................. 12
Table 2. FY2008 – FY2010 Mérida Funding for Mexico by Aid Account and
Appropriations Measure......................................................................................................... 14
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Mexico-U.S. Relations: Issues for Congress
Contacts
Author Contact Information ...................................................................................................... 34
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Mexico-U.S. Relations: Issues for Congress
Recent Developments
On February 1, 2010, the Obama Administration submitted its FY2011 budget request to
Congress. Although the complete budget request for Mexico will not be available until the State
Department releases its FY2011 Congressional Budget Justification for Foreign Operations, it
appears that the Administration has requested at least $341 million in assistance to Mexico,
including $310 million in assistance accounts that have funded the Mérida Initiative. (see “U.S.
Assistance to Mexico”)
On January 27, 2010, Mexico’s Central Bank announced that remittance inflows fell 15.7% in
2009 to $21 billion.
On January 15, 2010, Mexican officials announced that 2,000 newly trained federal police would
take over primary responsibility for securing Ciudad Juarez, Chihuahua, the country’s most
violent city, from the military forces that had controlled public security efforts in the city since the
spring of 2009. A day later, the Mexican military deployed 850 more soldiers to Tijuana, Baja
California, a city where violence has spiked in recent months.
On January 12, 2010, the Mexican government arrested Teodoro “el Teo” Simental, a drug
trafficker accused of orchestrating at least 300 murders in Baja California.
On January 1, 2010, Mexican authorities found the bodies of an American educator from El
Monte, California, Agustin Roberto “Bobby” Salcedo, and five other men who were allegedly
kidnapped from a restaurant and then killed by suspected drug traffickers in Durango, Mexico.
On December 30, 2009, Mexican federal police arrested Carlos Beltrán Leyva, the brother of
Arturo Beltrán Leyva and himself a major drug trafficker, in Sinaloa.
On December 30, 2009, the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms, and Explosives announced
that it had deployed a bilingual version of its “e-Trace” firearms tracing technology to Mexico.
On December 16, 2009, Mexican marines killed Arturo Beltrán Leyva, one of Mexico’s most
wanted drug traffickers, during a shootout in Cuernavaca, Morelos. Just prior to the funeral for
one of the marines who was killed in the operation against Beltrán Leyva, gunmen entered the
marine’s home and killed four of his close family members.
On December 16, 2009, Congress appropriated $50 million in funding for counternarcotics
communication equipment for Mexico in the FY2010 Department of Defense Appropriations Act
(P.L. 111-118).
On December 15, 2009, the U.S. Embassy in Mexico City announced the delivery of five Bell
helicopters, valued at $66 million, that had been purchased for Mexico’s Secretary of Defense as
part of the Mérida Initiative.
On December 15, 2009, President Calderón presented a proposal for comprehensive political
reform to the Mexican Congress. Among other things, the reform package seeks to introduce a
presidential run-off election in the event that neither candidate wins an outright majority, to allow
senators and deputies to be re-elected and to serve for up to 12 years, and to reduce the size of the
Mexican Senate and Chamber of Deputies.
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On December 13, 2009, Congress passed the FY2010 Consolidated Appropriations Act (P.L. 111-
117), which allows for $210.3 million for Mérida funds for Mexico subject to the same human
rights conditions as those provided in P.L. 111-8. The Act does not include language that was in
P.L. 111-8 prohibiting the Department of Transportation from funding a pilot project for Mexican-
registered trucks to operate beyond the border commercial zone.
On December 3, 2009, the Government Accountability Office (GAO) issued a preliminary report
for Congress on the status of funding for the Mérida Initiative. By the end of September 2009,
GAO found that $830 million of the $1.3 billion in Mérida funds appropriated for Mexico and
Central America had been obligated by the State Department, but only $26 million of the funds
had actually been spent. The report is available at: http://www.gao.gov/products/GAO-10-253R.
On November 17, 2009, the Mexican Congress gave final approval for the FY2010 budget. While
the final bill included an increase in income taxes for the country’s top income brackets, a slight
increase in the value-added tax, and a tax on beer and cigarettes, it did not include a 2%
consumption tax that President Calderón had proposed. On the expenditure side, the budget
requires the Calderón Administration to make cutbacks in its operating and personnel budgets,
while maintaining spending for social programs, infrastructure, and the agriculture sector. The
budget dedicates roughly $6.9 billion for security-related programs.
On October 22-23, 2009, agents from several U.S. federal agencies, as well as state and local
police, engaged in a joint operation in 38 U.S. cities against La Familia Michoacana. The raid
resulted in 300 arrests.
On October 11, 2009, President Calderón ordered the liquidation of Luz y Fuerza del Centro
(LyFC), an ill-performing state-owned electricity company that served Mexico City and several
surrounding states. The move sparked massive protests by the 42,000 unionized workers that had
enjoyed overly generous benefits from the company.
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Figure 1. Map of Mexico, Including States and Border Cities
Source: Map Resources, adapted by CRS.
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Mexico-U.S. Relations: Issues for Congress
Background on Mexico
Political Developments
Over the past decade, Mexico has moved from one-party rule by the PRI to multi-party
democracy. Current PAN President Felipe Calderón won the July 2006 presidential election in an
extremely tight race, defeating Andrés López Obrador of the leftist Democratic Revolution Party
(PRD) by less than 234,000 votes. The presidential race was so close that final results were not
announced until early September 2006, when the Federal Electoral Tribunal completed
adjudication of all the challenges to those results. Calderón was sworn in to a six-year term on
December 1, 2006.
In the first half of his term, President Calderón, whose PAN party became the largest party in the
Senate and Chamber of Deputies after the 2006 legislative elections, had some success in turning
to the PRI for help in advancing his legislative agenda. In 2007, he secured passage of long-
awaited fiscal and pension reforms that had stalled under the Fox Administration. In June 2008,
President Calderón signed a judicial reform decree after securing the approval of Congress and
Mexico’s states for an amendment to Mexico’s Constitution. Under the judicial reform, Mexico
will have eight years to move from a closed door process based on written arguments to a public
trial system with oral arguments and the presumption of innocence. In October 2008, the
government secured approval of an energy sector reform intended to improve the transparency
and management flexibility of state-oil company, Petroleos Mexicanos (PEMEX). Critics
maintained that its watered-down provisions, which provide only limited opportunities for private
investment in the company, would not do enough to encourage new oil exploration.1
In the months leading up to the July 5, 2009 midterm elections, most polls indicated that the PRI,
which had fared well in recent state and municipal elections, would fare well as compared to the
PAN and the PRD. The PRI performed even better than those polls had suggested, capturing 237
of 500 seats in the Chamber of Deputies, five of six governorships, and several municipalities.
Analysts have attributed the PRI’s strong performance to growing popular concern about the
country’s economic downturn, as well as the party’s effective use of its still formidable national
machinery. Although President Calderón is still popular, the PAN lost seats in the Chamber (from
206 to 147) and two key governorships, with voters expressing frustration with the party’s failure
to distinguish itself from the PRI. (The PAN still controls the Senate, however.) The PRD fared
even worse than the PAN in the mid-term elections, winning just 72 seats in the Chamber, as
internal divisions within the party led Andrés Lopez Obrador to throw his support behind left-
leaning candidates from smaller parties, many of whom won.2
1 Alexandra Olson, “Mexico Approves Oil Reform Bill in General Terms, Experts Call it Disappointment for
Investors,” AP, October 28, 2008.
2 Andrew Selee and Katie Putnam, “Mexico’s 2009 Midterm Elections: Winners and Losers,” Woodrow Wilson
Center, July 2009; George W. Grayson, “The PRI Makes a Comeback in Mexico,” Foreign Policy Research Institute,
July 2009.
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The composition of the new Congress, which was sworn in on September 1, 2009, could
complicate President Calderón’s agenda in the second half of his term. The PRI, which, combined
with the support of the allied Green Ecological Party (PVEM) party, now controls a majority in
the Chamber, is likely to try to use its position to gear up for the 2010-2011 gubernatorial
elections and the 2012 presidential election. However, many observers maintain that the PRI is
unlikely to block any major security or economic stimulus initiatives, given the severity of the
drug violence and economic challenges that Mexico is facing. Moreover, the PRI is expected to
be more cooperative now than it was after winning a majority in the 2003 elections, for fear of
being dismissed by voters in 2012 as obstructionist.3
Drug Trafficking and Heightened Violence and Crime in Mexico4
Mexico is a major producer and supplier to the U.S. market of heroin, methamphetamine, and
marijuana and the major transit country for as much as 90% of the cocaine sold in the United
States. A small number of Mexican drug trafficking organizations (DTOs), often erroneously
referred to as “drug cartels,”5 control the most significant drug distribution operations along the
Southwest border. The criminal activities of these Mexican DTOs reach well beyond the towns
and cities of the border, extending along drug trafficking routes into cities across the United
States.6 In the past few years, the violence and brutality of the Mexican DTOs have escalated as
an increasing number of groups have battled each other for control of lucrative drug trafficking
routes into the United States.
Since taking office in December 2006, President Calderón has made combating drug trafficking
organizations (DTOs) a top priority of his administration. He has called increasing drug violence
in Mexico a threat to the Mexican state and has sent thousands of soldiers and police to drug
trafficking “hot-spots” in at least 16 states throughout Mexico. Joint deployments of federal
military and police officials are just one part of the Calderón government’s strategy against the
DTOs. That strategy involves (1) deploying the military to restore law and order, (2) law
enforcement operations, (3) institutional reform and anti-corruption initiatives7, (4) recovering
social cohesion and trust, and (5) building up international partnerships against drugs and crime
(like the Mérida Initiative).8 President Calderón has also used extradition as a major tool to
3 “Country Report: Mexico,” Economist Intelligence Unit, January 2010.
4 For more on DTOs and drug-related violence in Mexico, see CRS Report R40582, Mexico’s Drug-Related Violence ,
by June S. Beittel.
5 The term drug cartel remains the term used colloquially and in the press, but some experts disagree with this because
“cartel” often refers to price-setting groups and it is not clear that Mexican drug cartels are setting illicit drug prices.
6 The U.S. Justice Department’s National Drug Threat Assessment 2009, published in December 2008, identified
Mexican DTOs as the greatest drug trafficking threat to the United States. The current dominance of the Mexican
DTOs over the U.S. drug market arose with the closing of the Caribbean route through which drugs, and particularly
cocaine from Colombia, was channeled into the United States. With increased U.S. efforts to interdict narcotic
smugglers in the Caribbean and Florida in the late 1980s and 1990s, the Colombian drug cartels began subcontracting
with Mexican DTOs to smuggle cocaine into the United States across the Southwest border. By the late 1990s,
Mexican DTOs had pushed aside the Colombians and gained greater control and market share of cocaine trafficking
into the United States.
7 In August 2009, for example, the Mexican government replaced all of the customs inspectors posted at the country’s
airports and border crossings with 1,454 new, better-trained inspectors.
8 Embassy of Mexico, Washington, DC. “Mexico and the Fight Against Drug Trafficking and Organized Crime:
(continued...)
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combat drug traffickers, extraditing 95 individuals in 2008 and a record-breaking 107 individuals
in 2009.9 These efforts, combined with increased collaboration and intelligence-sharing with U.S.
law enforcement agencies, have resulted in some significant government victories against the
DTOs – including the recent killing of Arturo Beltrán Leyva and capture of Teodoro Garcia
Simental.10
Despite these victories, the persistent and increasingly brazen violence committed by the drug
traffickers, which has occurred partially in response to government pressure, has led to increasing
criticism of Calderón’s aggressive anti-drug strategy.11 In 2008 and again in 2009, the
government’s crackdown and rivalries and turf wars among Mexico’s DTOs fueled an escalation
in violence throughout the country, including in northern states near the U.S.-Mexico border. In
the past two years, conservative estimates indicate that at least 11,740 Mexicans died in drug-
related violence, including nearly 535 police and military officers who were killed in 2009.12
Kidnapping for money, robbery, and extortion have also increased significantly, as some of the
DTOs have evolved into what analysts have termed “full-scale mafias.”13
Some experts assert that, in order to maintain popular support for its security policies, the
Calderón government will have to show success in dismantling the DTOs, while also reducing
drug-related violence in places like Ciudad Juarez, Sinaloa, Durango, and Baja California.14
Mexican officials are reportedly revising their military-led strategy in Ciudad Juarez and have
just deployed 2,000 newly trained federal police to set up checkpoints and patrol the city. This
move may help respond to academics and human rights groups who have argued that Calderón’s
heavy reliance on military forces to perform public security tasks has resulted in a growing
number of human rights violations by security forces.15 The Mexican government is also
reportedly considering an increase in funding for social and economic development programs to
address the root causes of violence in Juarez and other border communities.16
(...continued)
Setting the Record Straight,” June 2009, p. ii.
9 Email from Mexican Embassy in Washington D.C., January 12, 2010.
10 Elliot Spagat, “Mexico-U.S. Cooperation Cited in 2nd Drug Lord Arrest,” Associated Press, January 12, 2010.
11 José de Cordoba and Joel Millman, “Mexico Ramps up Drug War With a Surge on Rio Grande,” Wall Street
Journal, December 22, 2009; Jorge C. Castañeda, “What’s Spanish for Quagmire?” Foreign Policy, January/February
2010.
12 Figures for 2008 and 2009 are drawn from David Shirk, “Drug Violence in Mexico: Data and Analysis from 2001-
2009,” Trans-Border Institute (TBI), January 2010, citing data gathered by Reforma newspaper. For a description as to
why Reforma data are used instead of other sources, see p. 2-3 of the TBI report, available at:
http://www.justiceinmexico.org/resources/pdf/drug-violence.pdf.
13 Mark Stevenson, “Mexican Cartels go From Drugs to Full-Scale Mafias,” AP, August 16, 2009.
14 Shirk, January 2010.
15 Jorge Rocha Quintero, “Public Security and Human Rights,” in Police and Public Security in Mexico, edited by
Robert A. Donnelly and David A. Shirk. San Diego, CA: University Readers, 2009.
16 William Booth and Steve Fainaru, “Mexico Questions its Drug Strategy; Violence in Juarez Prompts Officials to
Admit Military Failure,” Washington Post, December 27, 2009.
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Economic Crisis and Nascent Recovery17
Mexico’s economy is strongly dependent on economic conditions in the United States because
more than 80% of its exports are destined for the U.S. market and the United States is its primary
source of tourism revenues and foreign investment. The Mexican economy grew 3.3% in 2007,
the first year of the Calderón government. Slower growth was already anticipated for 2008 due in
part to decreasing consumer demand in the United States, declining Mexican oil production, and
slow growth in remittances sent by Mexicans abroad. The global financial crisis, which caused a
run on the Mexican peso, further reduced GDP growth in 2008 to just 1.4%. For 2009, the
Mexican economy contracted by approximately 7%, the worst decline in six decades. Experts do
not expect Mexico’s real GDP to recover 2008 levels until 2011.18
The Calderón government has been struggling to cope with the combined effects of the U.S. and
global recessions, a nationwide outbreak of H1N1 “swine” flu, and declining oil production. The
U.S. recession has resulted in steep declines in demand for Mexican exports, particularly in the
manufacturing sector. Mexico’s exports to the United States between the period of January –
November of 2009 declined by 22% when compared to the same period of 2008.19 The economic
decline in the United States has also resulted in declining remittance flows to Mexico. In 2008,
remittances to Mexico fell to an estimated $25 billion, the lowest level since 2005. According to
Mexico’s Central Bank, remittance flows through in 2009 totaled just $21.2 billion, 16% lower
than last year.20 These developments were further exacerbated by the outbreak of pandemic H1N1
“swine flu” in April 2009, which prompted the government to close restaurants, schools, and
retail establishments for nearly two weeks. The tourism industry, Mexico’s third largest foreign
exchange earner, was especially hard hit by the outbreak, with a 50% drop in income earned by
foreign visitors in May and a 29% drop in June as compared to the year before.21 Declining oil
prices and production have also been major economic setbacks for Mexico, which depends on oil
proceeds for over one-third of government revenue.
The Calderón government took a number of measures to attempt to cushion the Mexican
economy from the fallout of the global economic crisis and the U.S. recession. The government
used billions in its international reserves to shore up the peso, and the Mexican central bank
established a temporary reciprocal currency sway line with the U.S. Federal Reserve for up to $30
billion. The government also hedged its oil exports for 2009 at a price of $70 a barrel in an effort
to protect the economy from the decline in oil prices. The central government increased liquidity
in the banking system, including multiple cuts in the prime policy lending rate. It also increased
its credit lines with the World Bank, International Monetary Fund, and Inter-American
Development Bank. In 2009, Mexico's fiscal stimulus amounted to 2.5% of GDP and was
targeted on infrastructure spending and subsidies for key goods of household budgets, particularly
those reducing energy costs. Government programs to support small and medium-sized
17 For background on the Mexican economy and U.S.-Mexican economic relations, see CRS Report RL32934, U.S.-
Mexico Economic Relations: Trends, Issues, and Implications, by M. Angeles Villarreal.
18 “Country Report: Mexico,” EIU, January 2010.
19 Based on data from the United States International Trade Commission (USITC) dataweb.
20 “Mexico’s Record Drop in Remittances,” Latinnews Daily, January 28, 2010.
21 “Mexico Foreign Tourism Income Sinks 29% in June,” Reuters, August 10, 2009.
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businesses, worker training, employment generation, and social safety nets were maintained and,
in some cases, expanded.22
There are signs that the Mexican economy has begun to recover from the economic crisis, but the
costs of the government’s policy responses to that crisis have placed significant strain on
Mexico's public finances. Economic growth picked up in the third and fourth quarters of 2009,
and many experts are predicting that the Mexican economy may grow by as much as 3.5% in
2010.23 However, Mexico’s overall fiscal deficit is expected to reach 2.8% for 2010, estimated to
be near the maximum that the country can afford. Recent downward revisions of Mexico's credit
rating (still investor grade) reflect growing concern over Mexico's financial position in light of
weak economic fundamentals and Mexico's recovery relying so heavily on a U.S. economic
rebound. As a result, the Calderón government has ended some of the fuel subsidies put into place
in January 2009 and garnered legislative approval for a relatively austere budget for 2010.24
As elsewhere in Latin America, there are concerns that the economic downturn in Mexico has
negatively impacted the country’s recent progress in reducing poverty. Mexico, with a population
of almost 110 million, is classified by the World Bank as an upper middle income developing
country, with a per capita income level of $9,980 (2008). According to officials from the United
Nations Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), the percentage of
Mexicans living in poverty fell between 2000 and 2006, but rose again between 2006 and 2008 to
include roughly 45% of the population. ECLAC has also estimated that the number of individuals
living in extreme poverty in Mexico and Central America increased by 800,000 in 2009.25
Mexico’s main poverty reduction program is Oportunidades (Opportunities). The program,
formerly known as Progresa (Progress), began under President Ernesto Zedillo (1994-2000) and
has since expanded to benefit 5 million Mexican families (25 million individuals). The program
seeks not only to alleviate the immediate effects of poverty through cash and in-kind transfers,
but to break the cycle of poverty by improving nutrition, health standards, and educational
attainment. It provides cash transfers to families in poverty who demonstrate that they regularly
attend medical appointments and can certify that children are attending school. While some have
praised Oportunidades for its positive effects on educational and nutrition outcomes, others have
criticized it for creating dependency on government handouts.26 On April 9, 2009, the World
Bank approved a $1.5 billion loan to Mexico to expand the Oportunidades program in an effort to
relieve the social impact of the economic downturn.
22 ECLAC. The Reactions of the Governments of the Americas to the International Crisis: An Overview of Policy
Measures up to 31 March 2009. April 2009.
23 “Mexico (Country Intelligence),” IHS Global Insight, January 28, 2010.
24 “Mexico Economy: Budget Passed, What Next?” EIU Viewswire, November 18, 2009; “President Felipe Calderón
Eliminates Fuel Subsidies, Contributing to Increase in Price of Basic Goods,” SourceMex Economic News & Analysis
on Mexico, January 13, 2010.
25 U.N. Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean, Statistical Yearbook for Latin America and the
Caribbean 2008; “ECLAC: Extreme Poverty Up in 2009 in Mexico, Central America,” Latin American Herald
Tribune, January 23, 2010.
26 Santiago Levy, Good Intentions, Bad Outcomes – Social Policy, Informality and Economic Growth in Mexico.
Washington D.C.: Brookings Institution, April 2008.
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Foreign Policy Challenges
While the bilateral relationship with the United States has continued to dominate Mexican foreign
policy, former President Fox (2000-2006) and current President Calderón have pursued more
diversified foreign policies than their recent predecessors. The Fox Administration pursued other
policy initiatives after the September 2001 terrorist attacks turned U.S. attention away from
Mexico and toward the Middle East. Mexico held a temporary seat on the U.N. Security Council
in 2002 and 2003 and voted against the U.S. invasion of Iraq, which disappointed the Bush
Administration. Fox promoted Plan Puebla-Panama, now called the Mesoamerican Plan, a series
of energy, infrastructure, and regional connectivity initiatives with Central America. He attempted
to revive the G-3 group trade preferences (Colombia, Venezuela, and Mexico); however,
Venezuela formally withdrew from the group in November 2006. Fox also sought better ties with
countries in South America. He attempted to expand trade with the European Union under the
EU-Mexico free trade agreement (FTA) that went into effect in July 2000, and with Japan under
the Mexico-Japan FTA that entered into force in April 2005.27
President Calderón has sought to pursue an independent foreign policy with even closer ties to
Latin America. Calderón has regularly met with President Álvaro Uribe of Colombia, with whom
he has formed a partnership, along with the leaders of Guatemala and Panama, to combat drug
trafficking and organized crime. The Colombian government has offered to share training,
intelligence, and “best practices” with Mexico that it has gathered through many years of
counterdrug operations. In mid-August 2009, President Calderón visited Brazil to discuss the
possibility of forming a Brazil-Mexico FTA, as well as developing greater energy cooperation
between PEMEX and Petrobras, Brazil’s state-owned oil company. Security cooperation between
Mexico and the Central American Integration System (SICA) has also expanded under President
Calderón. Progress has also continued to advance, albeit slowly, on the Mesoamerican Project
mentioned above. The Calderón government attempted to help resolve the political crisis in
Honduras after the ouster of former president Manuel Zelaya in June 2009, and has recognized
the new government of Porfirio Lobo elected in November 2009. In response to the January 2010
earthquake in Haiti, Mexico pledged $8 million in financial support and sent 10 aircraft, 2 ships
(one of which is a hospital ship), 208 experts in search and rescue, and 1,500 tons of humanitarian
supplies.28
President Calderón has also tried to mend relations with Cuba and Venezuela, which had become
tense during the Fox Administration. In September 2007, Mexican and Venezuelan ambassadors
presented credentials to the respective governments, restoring full relations for the first time since
November 2005. In May 2004, President Fox recalled Mexico’s ambassador to Cuba;
ambassadors were later restored, but relations between the two countries remained tense through
the remainder of the Fox administration. A Cuban ambassador to Mexico also presented his
credentials to President Calderón in September 2007. In November 2008, a new Mexico-Cuba
agreement intended to help slow the trafficking of undocumented Cubans passing through
Mexico to the United States took effect.29
27 For more information, see CRS Report R40784, Mexico’s Free Trade Agreements, by M. Angeles Villarreal.
28 Organization of American States (OAS), “Update on OAS Efforts in Support of Haiti,” January 21, 2010.
29 “Cuban Envoy to Mexico Says Migration Agreement to Halt People Trafficking,” BBC Monitoring Americas,
(continued...)
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Mexican-U.S. Relations
Background
Until the early 1980s, Mexico had a closed and statist economy and its independent foreign policy
was often at odds with the United States. Those policies began to shift, however, under President
Miguel de la Madrid (1982-1988), and changed even more dramatically under President Carlos
Salinas de Gortari (1988-1994) and President Ernesto Zedillo (1994-2000). Presidents Salinas
opened Mexico’s economy to trade and investment, while President Zedillo adopted electoral
reforms that leveled the playing field for opposition parties and increased cooperation with the
United States on drug control and border issues.
President Fox (2000-2006) encouraged strong relations with the United States, and called for
greater cooperation under NAFTA and for a bilateral migration agreement that would regularize
the status of undocumented Mexicans in the United States. In the aftermath of the September
2001 terrorist attacks in the United States, the focus of relations shifted to border security issues
as the United States became increasingly concerned about homeland security. Relations became
strained during the debate on immigration reform in the United States. After President Bush
approved the Secure Fence Act of 2006, Mexico, with the support of 27 other nations, denounced
the proposed border fence at the Organization of American States.
Under the Calderón government, drug trafficking and violence, border security, and immigration
have continued to define the bilateral relationship. Felipe Calderón made his first official visit to
the United States as President-elect in early November 2006, after first visiting Canada and
several Latin American countries. During his visit, Calderón criticized the authorization of 700
miles of fencing along the U.S.-Mexico border and noted that it complicated U.S.-Mexico
relations. He asserted that job creation and increased investment in Mexico would be more
effective in reducing illegal migration from Mexico than a border fence. Calderón signaled a shift
in Mexican foreign policy when he noted that while immigration is an important issue in the
bilateral relationship, it is not the only issue, as trade and economic development are also
important.
President Calderón reiterated these concerns during President Bush’s March 2007 visit to Mexico.
During the visit, President Calderón also called for U.S. assistance in combating drug and
weapons trafficking. Specifically, Calderón promised to continue his efforts to combat drug
trafficking and called for U.S. efforts to reduced the demand for drugs. Calderón’s willingness to
increase narcotics cooperation with the United States led to the development of the Mérida
Initiative, a multi-year U.S. assistance effort announced in October 2007 to help Mexico and
Central America combat drug trafficking and organized crime.
(...continued)
November 20, 2008.
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Obama Administration
U.S.-Mexican relations have continued to be close under the Obama Administration, largely
focusing on cooperation in combating organized crime and drug trafficking. In mid-January 2009,
President Calderón visited then President-elect Obama in Washington D.C. That pre-inaugural
meeting, which has become somewhat of a tradition for recent U.S. presidents, demonstrated the
importance of strong relations with Mexico.
Secretary of State Hillary Clinton traveled to Mexico City and Monterrey, Mexico, on March 25-
26, 2009 to discuss a broad range of bilateral issues, including cooperation under the Mérida
Initiative. The Secretary asserted that the U.S. relationship with Mexico “is one of the most
important relationships between any two countries in the world” and that both countries “need a
strong and sustained partnership, one based on comprehensive engagement, greater balance,
shared responsibility, and joint efforts to address hemispheric and global issues.”30 During her
visit, Secretary Clinton and Mexican Foreign Minister Patricia Espinosa announced the creation
of a new bilateral implementation office in Mexico where Mexican and U.S. officials will work
together on efforts to combat drug traffickers and associated violence. Perhaps most significantly,
Secretary Clinton criticized the failure of U.S. antidrug policy and acknowledged that an
“insatiable demand for illegal drugs” in the United States “fuels the drug trade.”31
Clinton’s visit to Mexico was followed in early April 2009 with trips by Homeland Security
Secretary Napolitano and Attorney General Holder where they met with Mexican officials and
attended an arms trafficking conference. Both officials emphasized new efforts by their agencies
to combat the drug cartels, including the deployment of additional personnel and resources to
support anti-gun trafficking and interdiction efforts, as well as law enforcement cooperation.
On April 16-17, 2009, President Barack Obama traveled to Mexico to meet with President
Calderón. The two presidents discussed cooperation in the fight against drug-related violence,
immigration reform, and a new bilateral framework on clean energy and climate change. During
the visit, President Obama acknowledged the U.S. demand for drugs was helping to keep the
Mexican drugs cartels in business, and that “more than 90% of the guns recovered in Mexico
come from the United States.”32
At the North American Leaders’ Summit in Guadalajara, Mexico in August 2009, President
Obama praised Mexico’s response to the H1N1 swine flu outbreak and gave his full support for
President Calderón’s struggle against the drug cartels. Obama stated that he has “great confidence
in President Calderón’s administration applying the law enforcement techniques that are
necessary to curb the power of the cartels, but doing so in a way that’s consistent with human
rights.”33 During the summit, President Obama, President Calderón, and Canadian Prime Minister
30 U.S. Department of State, Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton, “Remarks with Mexican Foreign Secretary
Patricia Espinosa After Their Meeting,” Mexico City, Mexico, March 25, 2009.
31 Mark Lander, “Clinton Says Demand for Illegal Drugs in the U.S. ‘Fuels the Drug Trade’ in Mexico,” New York
Times, March 26, 2009.
32 “President Obama and Mexican President Felipe Calderón Hold News Conference,” CQ Newsmaker Transcripts,
April 16, 2009.
33 U.S. Department of State, “Press Release: North American Leaders Discuss Trade, H1N1 Flu, Climate Change,”
(continued...)
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Harper pledged to work together to restore economic growth in North America, combat climate
change, and prepare for the fall flu season.
U.S. Assistance to Mexico
Mexico, a middle income country, traditionally has not been a major recipient of U.S. foreign
assistance, but this changed in FY2008 with congressional approval of the Administration’s
request for funding to support the Mérida Initiative (see “Mérida Initiative” section below).
Because of the Mérida Initiative funding, U.S. assistance to Mexico rose from $65 million in
FY2007 to almost $406 million in FY2008. Table 1 provides an overview of recent U.S.
assistance to Mexico funded through State Department aid accounts, while Table 2 provides a
breakdown of Mérida assistance by account. Aside from Mérida-related funding, Mexico receives
development assistance aimed at reducing poverty and inequality and helping the Mexican
economy benefit from the North American Free Trade Agreement. Mexico also benefits from
military training programs funded through the State Department’s International Military
Education and Training Account (IMET), as well as counter-terrorism assistance provided
through the Non-proliferation, Anti-terrorism and Related Programs (NADR) account.
Table 1. U.S. Assistance to Mexico by Account, FY2007-FY2010
U.S. $ millions
FY2009
Regular
FY2009
FY2009
FY2010
Account FY2007 FY2008a
(Est.)a
Supp.
Total
(est.)b
CSHc
3.7 2.7 2.9 — 2.9
n/a
DA
12.3 8.2 11.2 — 11.2
10.0
ESF
11.4 34.7 15.0 — 15.0
15.0
FMF
0.0 116.5 39.0 260.0 299.0
5.3
IMET
0.1
0.4
0.8
—
0.8 n/a
INCLE
36.7 242.1 294.0 160.0 454.0
190.0
NADR
1.3
1.4
3.9
—
3.9 n/a
TOTAL
65.4 405.9 366.88 420.0 786.8
n/a
Sources: U.S. Department of State, Congressional Budget Justification for Foreign Operations FY2008-FY2010,
Joint Explanatory Statement to Division F, FY2010 Consolidated Appropriations Act (H.R. 3288/P.L. 111-117).
Notes: CSH= Child Survival and Health; DA=Development Assistance; ESF=Economic Support Fund;
FMF=Foreign Military Financing; IMET=International Military Education and Training; INCLE=International
Narcotics Control and Law Enforcement; NADR=Non-proliferation, Anti-terrorism and Related Programs.
a. FY2008 assistance includes funding from the Supplemental Appropriations Act, 2008 (P.L. 110-252). FY2009
assistance includes FY2009 bridge funding from the Supplemental Appropriations Act, 2008 (P.L. 110-252).
(...continued)
August 10, 2009.
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b. FY2010 appropriations levels will not be available until the U.S. Department of State’s FY2011Congressional
Budget Justification for Foreign Operations is released.
c. Beginning with the FY2010 request, the Child Survival and Health Account became known as Global Health
and Child Survival—USAID.
On February 1, 2010, the Obama Administration submitted its FY2011 budget request to
Congress. Although the complete budget request breakdown for Mexico will not be available
until the State Department releases its FY2011 Congressional Budget Justification for Foreign
Operations, the President’s budget request to Congress shows that that the Administration is
requesting at least $341 million in total assistance to Mexico. This includes $310 million in
assistance accounts that have funded the Mérida Initiative: $292 million in INCLE, $8 million in
FMF, and $10 million in ESF.
Bilateral Cooperation on Counternarcotics and Security Efforts
In the 1980s and 1990s, U.S.-Mexican counternarcotics efforts were often marked by mistrust.
Beginning in 1986, when the U.S. President was required to certify whether drug-producing
countries and drug-transit countries were cooperating fully with the United States, Mexico often
was criticized for its lack of efforts, which in turn led to Mexican government criticism of the
U.S. assessment. Reforms to the U.S. drug certification process enacted in September 2002 (P.L.
107-228) essentially eliminated the annual drug certification requirement, and instead required
the President to designate and withhold assistance from countries that had “failed demonstrably”
to make substantial counternarcotics efforts.34 In the aftermath of these reforms, U.S. bilateral
cooperation with Mexico on counternarcotics efforts improved considerably during the Fox
administration (2000-2006), and as described above, combating DTOs has become a priority of
the current Calderón administration.
Until 2006, Mexico refused to extradite criminals facing the possibility of life without parole to
the United States. However, two decisions by the Mexican Supreme Court facilitated extraditions
to the United States. In November 2005, in a partial reversal of its October 2001 ruling, the Court
found that life imprisonment without the possibility of parole is not cruel and unusual
punishment. Then the Court ruled in January 2006 that U.S. extradition requests only need to
meet the requirements of the 1978 bilateral extradition treaty, not Mexico’s general law on
international extradition that was promulgated in 1975.35 That decision made the extradition
process easier. President Calderón has used extradition as a major tool to combat drug traffickers.
Extraditions from Mexico rose from 41 in 2005 to a record 107 in 2009.
The State Department’s 2009 INCSR maintains that the degree of U.S.-Mexican cooperation on
counternarcotics and law enforcement under the Calderón Administration is unprecedented, and
characterizes President Calderón’s efforts to deal with increased violence stemming from the drug
cartels as courageous. In 2008, Mexican law enforcement seized over 19 metric tons (mt) of
34 See CRS Report 98-174, Mexican Drug Certification Issues: U.S. Congressional Action, 1986-2002, by K. Larry
Storrs.
35 Jesus Aranda, “Allana la Corte el Camino para Extraditar a Connacionales a EU,” La Jornada, February 1, 2006;
“Mexico: Court Clears Way for Faster Extraditions to U.S.,” Latin American Weekly Report, February 7, 2006; and,
U.S. Department of State, INCSR 2006.
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cocaine, down from 48 mt in 2007, while seizures of cannabis, and heroin were also down
significantly. In the report, U.S. law enforcement agencies attribute the recent reductions in
seizures to better Mexican enforcement, which has forced traffickers to seek alternative routes.
The decline in methamphetamine seizures is attributed to the government’s actions to restrict the
importation of precursor chemicals used for the production of the drug.
Mérida Initiative36
The United States and Mexico issued a joint statement on October 22, 2007, announcing a multi-
year plan for $1.4 billion in U.S. assistance to Mexico and Central America to combat drug
trafficking and other criminal organizations. The Mérida Initiative, named for the location of a
March 2007 meeting between Presidents Bush and Calderón, expands bilateral and regional
cooperation to combat organized crime, DTOs, and criminal gangs. The stated objective of the
Mérida Initiative, according to the U.S. and Mexican government joint statement, is to maximize
the effectiveness of efforts against drug, human, and weapons trafficking.37 The Bush
Administration first requested funds for Mérida, $500 million for Mexico and $50 million for
Central America, in its FY2008 supplemental appropriations request.
Table 2. FY2008 – FY2010 Mérida Funding for Mexico by Aid Account and
Appropriations Measure
($ in millions)
FY2009
FY2009
FY2008
Bridge
FY2009
Supp.
FY2010
Supp. (P.L.
(P.L. 110-
(P.L. 111-
(P.L. 111-
P.L. 111-
Account
Account
110-252)
252)
8)
32)
117)
Totals
ESF
20.0 0.0 15.0 0.0 15.0 50.0
INCLE 215.5 48.0 246.0 160.0 190.0 859.5
FMF 116.5
0.0
39.0
260.0
5.3
420.8
Total 352.0 48.0
300.0
420.0
210.3
1,330.3
Sources: U.S. Department of State, FY2008 Supplemental Appropriations Spending Plan; FY2009 Appropriations
Spending Plan, and FY2009 Supplemental Spending Plan; FY2010 Consolidated Appropriations Act (P.L. 111-117).
Notes: ESF=Economic Support Fund; FMF=Foreign Military Financing; INCLE=International Narcotics Control
and Law Enforcement.
To date, Congress has appropriated a total of $1.1 billion for Mexico under the Mérida Initiative.
Legislative action on Mérida appropriations has included the following:
• In June 2008, the 110th Congress appropriated $352 million in FY2008
supplemental assistance and $48 million in FY2009 bridge fund supplemental
assistance for Mexico in P.L. 110-252, the FY2008 Supplemental Appropriations
36 For more information, see CRS Report RS22837, Mérida Initiative: U.S. Anticrime and Counterdrug Assistance for
Mexico and Central America, by Clare Ribando Seelke.
37 U.S. Department of State and Government of Mexico, “Joint Statement on the Mérida Initiative,” October 22, 2007.
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Act. Congress divided the funding for Mexico in P.L. 110-252 between the
International Narcotics Control and Law Enforcement (INCLE), Foreign Military
Financing (FMF), and Economic Support Fund (ESF) aid accounts. Congress
limited the amount of FMF and INCLE available to provide equipment to the
Mexican military and made 15% of FMF and IMET contingent on meeting
certain human rights conditions.38 Congress also earmarked $73.5 million for
judicial reform, institution building, rule of law, and anti-corruption activities.
• In March 2009, the 111th Congress passed the Omnibus Appropriations Act, (P.L.
111-8) providing $300 million for Mexico within the INCLE, ESF, and FMF
accounts with not less than $75 million for judicial reform, institution building,
anti-corruption, and rule of law activities. The measure continues human rights
conditions similar to those set forth in P.L. 110-252.39
• In June 2009, the 111th Congress passed the FY2009 supplemental appropriations
measure, P.L. 111-32, which includes $160 million in INCLE assistance and $260
million in FMF for Mexico, $354 million more than the Administration’s request.
The $160 million in INCLE funds can be used to supply the Mexican federal
police with items such as fixed and rotary wing aircraft (including three
requested Blackhawk helicopters). The $260 million in FMF funding is for
expedited aviation assistance to the Mexican Navy (SEMAR) to enhance air
transport ability and aerial surveillance. While the INCLE funds provided by P.L.
111-32 are subject to the same human rights conditions as in P.L. 111-8, the FMF
funds provided are not subject to human rights conditions.
• On December 13, 2009, Congress passed the FY2010 Consolidated
Appropriations Act (H.R. 3288/P.L. 111-117), which allows for $210.3 million
for Mexico in the INCLE, ESF, and FMF accounts subject to the same human
rights conditions as P.L. 111-8. While Congress provided less funding for
Mérida-related programs in Mexico and Central America than the
Administration’s FY2010 request, Congress had appropriated significantly more
for Mexico than requested in the FY2009 supplemental spending measure, and
considered $254 million of this as forward funding of FY2010.40
38 Human rights conditions for Mexico in P.L. 110-252 include (1) improving transparency and accountability of
federal police forces; (2) establishing a mechanism to conduct regular consultations among relevant Mexican
government authorities, Mexican human rights organizations, and other relevant Mexican civil society organizations, to
make consultations concerning implementation of the Mérida Initiative in accordance with Mexican and international
law; (3) ensuring that civilian prosecutors and judicial authorities are investigating and prosecuting, in accordance with
Mexican and international law, members of the federal police and military forces who have been credibly alleged to
have committed violations of human rights, and the federal police and military forces are fully cooperating with the
investigations; and (4) enforcing the prohibition, in accordance with Mexican and international law, on the use of
testimony obtained through torture or other ill-treatment.
39 P.L. 111-8 also has a provision requiring that prior to the procurement or lease of aircraft, that the Director of the
Defense Security Cooperation Agency, in consultation with the Secretary of State, shall submit to the Committees on
Appropriations an analysis of alternatives for the acquisition of all aircraft for the Merida Initiative.
40 In the Joint Explanatory Statement to P.L. 111-117, the conferees direct the Secretary of State to submit a report to
within 90 days of the enactment of the Act addressing how prior Mérida funds have been used, progress to date, any
planned adjustments in the uses of funds, and post-Merida plans.
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The August 2009 submission of the State Department’s human rights progress report for Mexico
met the statutory requirement for the release of the FY2008 supplemental and FY2009 regular
FMF and IMET funds that had been on hold. Those funds totaled roughly $88.5 million.
Congress has expressed concerns about the slow implementation of the Mérida Initiative. On
December 3, 2009, the Government Accountability Office (GAO) issued a preliminary report for
Congress on the status of funding for the Mérida Initiative. By the end of September 2009, GAO
found that $830 million of the $1.3 billion in Mérida funds appropriated for Mexico and Central
America had been obligated by the State Department, but only $26 million of the funds had
actually been spent.41
State Department officials in Mexico City have reported significant progress in Mérida
implementation since the GAO reporting period ended. According to an equipment report
provided by State Department officials, roughly $77.2 million worth of equipment was delivered
to Mexico by the end of December 2009, including 30 ion scanners and five Bell helicopters for
the Mexican Army. Another $135.5 million in equipment is scheduled to be delivered by June
2010, including a $50 million CASA surveillance aircraft for the Mexican Navy and three UH-60
helicopters for the SSP. With respect to Mérida-funded training programs, 42% of training
projects were reported to have achieved “significant progress” in implementation by mid-
November 2009, including those involving police professionalization and continuing education,
prison reform, prosecutorial capacity building, and human rights training programs.42
Department of Defense Assistance to Mexico
Apart from the Mérida Initiative, the U.S. Department of Defense (DOD) provided a $13 million
counterterrorism training and equipment package to the Mexican military in FY2008.43 In
addition, while DOD only provided some $3.1 million in CN training assistance to Mexico in
FY2008, DOD assistance expanded to roughly $28.2 million in FY2009 in order to complement
Mérida programs.44 On December 16, 2009, Congress appropriated an additional $50 million in
funding for counternarcotics communication equipment for Mexico in the FY2010 Department of
Defense Appropriations Act (H.R. 3326/P.L. 111-118).45
41 U.S. Government Accountability Office (GAO), “Status of Funds for the Mérida Initiative,” December 3, 2009,
GAO 10-253R, available at: http://www.gao.gov/products/GAO-10-253R.
42 Government of Mexico, Technical Secretariat of the National Security Council, Implementation Tracking System of
Merida Initiative Projects, November 20, 2009.
43 In the FY2006-FY2008 annual Department of Defense (DOD) authorization bills, Congress provided DOD with
authority to train and equip foreign military forces to perform counterterrorism operations. This “Section 1206”
authority, as it is known, enables DOD to use defense funds to conduct or support train and equip programs such as
those usually provided under State Department security assistance authorities and budgets. U.S. Department of
Defense, “Section 1206 Programs Fact Sheet.” July 29, 2009.
44 Section 1022 of the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2008 (P.L. 110-181) extends Section
1033(b) of the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 1998 to make available train and equip authorities to
Mexico. Estimates of DOD CN support to Mexico for FY2008 and FY2009 are from U.S. Department of Defense,
“Fact Sheet: Current DOD CN Support to Mexico,” July 2009.
45 Funding for this equipment is listed as “Digital Communications Equipment” on p.352 of the Joint Explanatory
Statement for the FY2010 Defense Appropriations Act (H.R. 3326/P.L.-111-118).
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Related Security Cooperation with Mexico
In March 2009, Secretary of Homeland Security Janet Napolitano announced a set of Southwest
border initiatives aimed at (1) guarding against violent crime spillover into the United States; (2)
supporting Mexico’s crackdown campaign against drug cartels in Mexico; and (3) reducing the
movement of contraband in both directions across the border.46
Components of the Department of Homeland Security are providing significant assistance to
advance those aims. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) has created a dozen Border
Enforcement Security Taskforces (BESTs) since 2006, including eight on the U.S. southwest
border. The taskforces serve as platforms for cooperation among local, state, and federal agencies
as well as a point of cooperation with Mexico’s Secretary of Public Security (SSP). ICE has also
coordinated the establishment of Special Investigative Units in Mexico that work with ICE
special agents on criminal investigations and prosecutions in such areas as money laundering,
human trafficking, and alien smuggling. DHS components such as ICE, Customs and Border
Protection (CBP), and the U.S. Coast Guard have longstanding relationships with their Mexican
counterparts to jointly disrupt the activities of drug trafficking organizations.
In late March 2009, the Department of Justice (DOJ) announced increased efforts to combat
Mexican drug cartels in the United States and to help Mexican law enforcement battle the cartels
in their own country. Deputy Attorney General David Ogden is leading a Mexican Cartel Strategy
that uses federal prosecutor-led task forces that bring together all law enforcement components to
identify and dismantle the cartels through investigation, prosecution, and extradition of their key
leaders and facilitators. Department of Justice components involved in the increased efforts
include the FBI, Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA), Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco,
Firearms, and Explosives (ATF), U.S. Marshals Service (USM), and the Department’s Criminal
Division and the Office of Justice Programs.47 On August 20, 2009, U.S. Attorney General Holder
announced indictments against 43 Mexican drug dealers accused of exporting narcotics into the
United States and distributing them in U.S. cities. He praised Mexico-U.S. cooperation in the
investigations that led to those indictments. On October 22-23, 2009, agents from several U.S.
federal agencies, as well as state and local police, engaged in a joint operation in 38 U.S. cities
against La Familia Michoacana. The raid resulted in 300 arrests.
ATF has begun a new intelligence-driven effort known as Gunrunner Impact Teams (GRITs),
deployed eTrace firearms tracking technology to Mexico, and beefed up its Project Gunrunner
program as a part of its efforts to stop the flow of guns into Mexico. (For more see “Weapons
Trafficking”” section below).
DEA has worked with the Mexican government for decades and has 11 offices in the country. The
agency is increasing its agents allocated to the Southwest border field divisions and is forming
mobile teams to target Mexican methamphetamine trafficking operations. DEA’s cooperation with
46 U.S. Department of Homeland Security, “Press Release: Secretary Napolitano Announces Major Southwest Border
Security Initiative,” March 24, 2009.
47 U.S. Department of Justice, “Department of Justice Announces Resources for Fight against Mexican Drug Cartels,”
Fact Sheet, March 24, 2009; and “Fact Sheet: Department of Justice Efforts to Combat Mexican Drug Cartels,” US Fed
News, April 4, 2009.
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Mexico has included Project Reckoning targeting the Gulf Cartel and Operation Xcellerator
targeting the Sinaloa Cartel. DEA also is the lead agency at the El Paso Intelligence Center
(EPIC), a national tactical intelligence center that emphasizes law enforcement efforts on the
Southwest border.
In July 2009, the U.S. Treasury Department designated four drug cartel leaders of the Gulf Cartel
and Los Zetas as Specially Designated Narcotics Traffickers pursuant to the Foreign Narcotics
Kingpin Designation Act (Kingpin Act), thereby imposing U.S. economic sanctions on those
individuals.
Money Laundering and Bulk Cash Smuggling
Interrupting the flow of money from drug sales in the United States to Mexico, estimated to range
from $15 billion to $25 billion annually,48 may be one of the most effective ways to disrupt the
activities of the Mexican DTOs. A portion of this money is used to buy weapons in the United
States to arm the DTOs and their drug enforcers. Other drug proceeds are used to corrupt law
enforcement and public officials, enabling the DTOs to continue to operate with impunity. Some
analysts suggest that the U.S. Treasury is doing a good job of making it difficult to launder money
within financial institutions. Therefore, the preferred mode to transfer drug proceeds by the
Mexican DTOs is through shipments of bulk cash.49
In order to address the problem of bulk cash smuggling, the DEA has carried out bulk cash
seizures with the FBI, ICE, and Customs and Border Protection (CBP). In 2005, ICE and CBP
launched a program known as “Operation Firewall,” which resulted in increased operations
against bulk cash smuggling in the U.S.-Mexico border region. Since 2005, Operation Firewall
has resulted in 583 arrests and the seizure of more than $282 million.50 Many operations have
been carried out in coordination with Mexican customs and the Mexican money laundering vetted
unit. In 2008, ICE created a Trade Transparency Unit (TTU) in Mexico. Mexican TTU
representatives are receiving training and technical support from ICE officials in how to identify
cross-border trade anomalies that could be indicative of bulk cash smuggling.
Precursor Chemicals
Reducing the trafficking of chemicals necessary for drug manufacture is addressed in the Mérida
Initiative joint statement. The recent NDIC report of the U.S. Department of Justice credits
Mexico’s recently established import restrictions on products containing methamphetamine
precursors with reducing Mexican methamphetamine shipments to the United States in 2007 and
2008.51 Strong bilateral cooperation between the United States and Mexico has resulted in large
48 Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars Mexico Institute, The United States and Mexico: Towards a
Strategic Partnership, January 2009.
49 Testimony of Andrew Selee, Director of the Mexico Institute, Woodrow Wilson Center before the House
Subcommittee on National Security and Foreign Affairs of the Committee on Oversight and Government Reform,
March 12, 2009.
50 U.S. Department of Homeland Security, Statement of John T. Morton, Assistant Secretary, ICE, before the House
Appropriations Subcommittee on Homeland Security, November 19, 2009.
51 National Drug Intelligence Center, National Drug Threat Assessment 2009, U.S. Department of Justice, Product
(continued...)
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drug seizures including the shutting down of five “super” methamphetamine laboratories in
Mexico in 2008 according to the Department of State’s 2009 International Narcotics Control
Strategy Report.
Weapons Trafficking52
In recent years, Mexican drug traffickers and enforcer gangs have increasingly relied on military-
style firearms, a large percentage of which are purchased in the United States. The cartels often
obtain their weapons through “straw purchases,” whereby people who are legally qualified buy
the weapons from licensed gun dealers or at gun shows in border states and sell them to
smugglers who take them across the border. In November 2008, the Mexican government made
the largest seizure of drug-cartel weapons in Mexican history when it found a cache of 540 rifles,
15 grenades, 500,000 rounds of ammunition, and 14 sticks of TNT at a house in the border town
of Reynosa, Mexico.53
In FY2004, ATF began a Southwest border initiative dubbed Project Gunrunner that aims to deny
firearms to criminal organizations in Mexico, and to combat firearms-related violence affecting
communities on both sides of the border. 54 The number of ATF personnel dedicated to Project
Gunrunner has increased from around 100 special agents and 25 industry operations investigators
in FY2007, to some 148 special agents and 59 industry operations investigators in March 2009.55
From FY2004 through June 2009, ATF referred 415 cases of firearms trafficking for prosecution
involving more than 1,135 defendants and almost 13,382 guns.56 The 111th Congress has
appropriated additional funding to support Project Gunrunner: $10 million in the American
Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009 (P.L. 111-5), $5 million in the FY2009 Omnibus
Appropriations Act (P.L. 111-8), and $6 million in the FY2009 Supplemental Appropriations Act
(P.L. 111-32).
In addition to these efforts in the United States, under the Mérida Initiative, ATF received $4.5
million for the deployment of eTrace technology to U.S. Consulates in Mexico to combat arms
trafficking.57 In FY2008, Mexico submitted more than 7,500 recovered guns for tracing, showing
(...continued)
2008-Q0317-005, December 2008.
52 For more information, see CRS Report R40733, Gun Trafficking and the Southwest Border, by Vivian S. Chu and
William J. Krouse.
53 “Mexico: Army Seizes Huge Weapons Cache,” Los Angeles Times, November 8, 2008.
54 For background on ATF funding and Project Gunrunner, see CRS Report RL34514, The Bureau of Alcohol,
Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives (ATF): Budget and Operations, by William J. Krouse.
55 U.S. Embassy, Mexico, “Border and Law Enforcement, Project Gunrunner,” ATF Factsheet, available at
http://www.usembassy-mexico.gov/eng/texts/et080116eTrace.html; and Department of Justice, Statement of William
Hoover, Assistant Director for Field Operations, ATF, and Anthony P. Placido, Assistant Administrator for Intelligence
Division, DEA, before Senate Committee on the Judiciary, Subcommittee on Crime and Drugs, March 17, 2009.
56 DOJ, Statement of Anthony P. Placido, Assistant Administrator for Intelligence Division, DEA, and Bill McMahon,
Deputy Assistant Director, ATF, before the House Homeland Security Committee, Subcommittee on Border, Maritime,
and Global Counterterrorism, July 16, 2009.
57 U.S. Department of Justice, “Statement of Joseph M. Arabit, Special Agent in Charge, El Paso Division, Drug
Enforcement Administration, and William McMahon, Deputy Assistant Director, Field Operations, ATF,” before the
Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, March 30, 2009.
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that most originated in Texas, Arizona, and California. Roughly 93% of those firearms were
either made in, or imported to, the United States.58
The Department of Homeland Security (DHS), especially ICE and CBP are also involved in
taking action to stop the southbound flow of weapons to Mexico. Both ICE and CBP have the
authority to enforce export provisions of the Arms Exports Control Act. In collaboration with
Mexican law enforcement authorities, ICE launched a new bilateral program against weapons
smuggling in June 2008 known as Operation Armas Cruzadas. Among other activities, the
program involves intelligence sharing and joint law enforcement efforts with vetted Mexican
units. As DHS reported in March 2009, the operation has resulted in more than 100 criminal
arrests, 42 convictions, and the seizure of more than 400 weapons.59
On June 18, 2009, the Government Accountability Office (GAO) released a report identifying
some problems that exist in the information-gathering and coordination efforts of U.S. agencies
charged with combating arms trafficking to Mexico, namely ATF within DOJ and ICE within
DHS.60 The two agencies have since signed an updated agreement on how to coordinate their
Southwest border gun trafficking programs. Further, on August 13, 2009, DHS and DOJ, along
with Mexico, signed a letter of intent to develop a coordinated, bilateral arms trafficking strategy,
another recommendation suggested in the GAO report.
Mexico, for its part, began a pilot program in February 2009 to screen incoming traffic to look for
guns, bulk cash, and other contraband, and is expanding the program across the entire border. On
August 16, 2009, the Mexican government replaced all of the customs inspectors posted at the
country’s airports and border crossings with 1,454 new, better-trained inspectors. Those
inspectors are now using non-intrusive inspection equipment provided through the Merida
Initiative to check vehicles entering Mexico for arms and cash smuggled from the United States.
In light of intensified U.S. efforts to curb weapons trafficking to Mexico, some advocates have
called for the U.S. Senate to act on a pending treaty, the Inter-American Convention Against the
Illicit Manufacturing of and Trafficking in Firearms, Ammunition, Explosives, and Other Related
Materials (CIFTA).61 The treaty, which was signed by the United States in 1997 entered into
force in July 1998, was submitted to the Senate for its advice and consent in June 1998.62
President Obama called for congressional action on CIFTA while in Mexico in April 2009.
58 U.S. Department of Justice, “Department of Justice Announces Resources for Fight against Mexican Drug Cartels,”
Fact Sheet, March 24, 2009.
59 U.S. Department of Homeland Security, “Statement of Mark Koumans, Deputy Assistant Secretary, Office of
International Affairs,” before House Committee on Appropriations, Subcommittee on Homeland Security, March 10,
2009.
60 U.S. GAO, “U.S. Efforts to Combat Arms Trafficking to Mexico Face Planning and Coordination Challenges,”
GAO-09-709, June 2009.
61 Peter DeShazo and Johnna Mendelson Forman, “A treaty that can help stem drug violence in Mexico,” Washington
Times, February 24, 2009.
62 U.S. Department of State, The Inter-American Convention Against the Illicit Manufacturing of and Trafficking in
Firearms, Ammunition, Explosives, and Other Related Materials,” Fact Sheet, March 25, 2009
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Human Smuggling
The Operation Against Smuggling Initiative on Safety and Security (OASISS) is a bilateral effort
begun in August 2005 to combat human smuggling. The program, spearheaded by ICE and
several Mexican agencies, was initially limited to the area between San Diego, California and
Yuma, Arizona, but was extended to El Paso, Texas in April 2006. In August 2007, the United
States and Mexico agreed to extend the program to the Mexican state of Coahuila and the area
between El Paso and Eagle Pass, Texas. The program assists both the Mexican and U.S.
governments in the prosecution of alien smugglers and human traffickers along the southwest
border. According to DHS, with funding from the Mérida Initiative, Mexico intends to implement
the program across the entire United States-Mexico border. 63
Human Rights Issues
According to the State Department’s human rights report covering 2008, the Mexican government
generally respected human rights at the national level by investigating, prosecuting, and
sentencing public officials and members of the security forces accused of abuses, but serious
problems remained. These included unlawful killing by security forces; kidnappings; physical
abuse; poor and overcrowded prison conditions; arbitrary arrests and detention; corruption,
inefficiency and lack of transparency in the judicial system; confessions coerced through torture;
criminal intimidation of journalists leading to self-censorship; impunity and corruption at all
levels of government; domestic violence against women; trafficking in persons; social and
economic discrimination against some members of the indigenous population; and child labor.
The State Department report maintained that neither the government nor its forces commited any
politically motivated killings, but that there were reports that security forces killed several people
during the year in various cases. The report asserted that cruel treatment and physical abuse of
security forces, especially at the state and local level, remained a serious problem. Corruption was
reported to be a major problem, particularly at the state and local level, with police involved in
kidnapping, extortion, or providing protection for organized crime and drug traffickers. Impunity
was pervasive, according to the report, and was a reason that many victims were reluctant to file
complaints.
In the case of the American journalist Bradley Will, who was shot and killed while covering a
protest in Oaxaca in 2006, the State Department report noted that Mexico’s National Human
Rights Commission (CNDH) issued a report in September 2008 criticizing the federal and
Oaxacan state investigations into the killing and implicating Oaxacan state officials. In October
2008, the government arrested Juan Manuel Martínez, an antigovernment protestor, for the
killing, maintaining that Will was shot at close range. Human rights groups and the CNDH
63 House Committee on Appropriations, Subcommittee on Homeland Security, Statement of Mark Koumans, Deputy y
Assistant Secretary, Office of International Affairs, at hearing on “DHS Security Response to Violence on the Border
with Mexico,” March 10, 2009.
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maintain that Will was shot at a distance. 64 Human rights lawyers are arguing for Mr. Martínez’s
release, asserting that the Attorney General lacks evidence against him.65
On August 9, 2009, Mexico’s Supreme Court rejected an appeal by a human rights organization
challenging the Mexican military’s assertion of jurisdiction in cases involving allegations of
human rights abuses committed by soldiers against civilians. In its 2010 human rights report, the
New York-based Human Rights Watch highlighted human rights abuses by military forces and
impunity in the military justice system as major issues that have yet to be addressed by the
Calderón government. In early December 2009, Amnesty International released a new report on
alleged cases of human rights abuses committed by Mexican military forces engaged in
counterdrug efforts that occurred between October 2008 and August 2009.66
Compliance with Human Rights Conditions in the Mérida Initiative
Human rights organizations generally lauded the inclusion of human rights conditions in Mérida
Initiative appropriations legislation. More recently, however, there have been concerns that
Mexico has not been fulfilling the conditions set forth in the legislation. In particular, Mexican
and international human rights groups have criticized the Mexican government for failing to hold
military and police officials accountable for past abuses.67 On July 13, 2009, Human Rights
Watch issued a statement asserting that “Mexican military courts ... have not convicted a single
member of the military accused of committing a serious human rights violation.”68 The head of
the Mexican military’s human rights office held a press conference on July 23, 2009, to dispute
those assertions, but reportedly did not provide details on particular cases that had been
successfully prosecuted in the military justice system.69 In late July, a coalition of U.S. and
Mexican human rights groups sent a letter to the State Department urging it not to issue a
favorable report on the Mexican government’s human rights record.70
On August 13, 2009, the State Department submitted its human rights progress report for Mexico
to Congress, thereby meeting the statutory requirements for FY2008 supplemental and FY2009
regular funds that had been on hold to be released. While acknowledging that serious problems
remain, the report outlines steps that the Mexican government has made to improve police
transparency and accountability, consult with Mexican human rights organizations and civil
society on the Mérida Initiative, investigate and prosecute allegations of human rights abuses by
security forces, and prohibit the use of torture. The report acknowledges that human rights
64 Elisabeth Malkin, “Mexico Says U.S. Journalist Was Killed by a Protester,” New York Times, October 18, 2008.
65 Their concerns are summarized in: Physicians for Human Rights, “México Presenta Teoría Inconsistente en la
Muerte de Periodista Norteamericano,” February 4, 2009.
66 Amnesty International, “Mexico: New Reports of Human Rights Violations by Military,” December 2009.
67 See, for example, Human Rights Watch, “Uniform Impunity, Mexico’s Misuse of Military Justice to Prosecute
Abuses in Counternarcotics and Public Security Operations,” April 2009, available at http://www.hrw.org/en/news/
2009/04/29/mexico-hold-military-account-rights-abuses.
68 Human Rights Watch, “Mexico: U.S. Should Withhold Military Aid: Rights Conditions in Merida Initiative Remain
Unmet,” July 13, 1009, available at: http://www.hrw.org/en/news/2009/07/13/mexico-us-should-withhold-military-aid.
69 Booth and Fainaru, August 5, 2009.
70 Letter from Amnesty International and Other Human Rights Groups to Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, “Human
Rights Concerns to Inform the U.S. Department of State’s Merida Initiative Reporting on Mexico, July 24, 2009.
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complaints against the Mexican military have “increased almost six-fold” since the beginning of
the Calderón government. It also states that “the opaqueness of the [Mexican] military court
system makes it difficult to analyze the nature and type of complaints filed, the status of cases
against members of the military alleged to have violated human rights, or the results of the
military prosecution.”71 Human rights groups have criticized the State Department report, and the
release of Mérida funds that were on hold. 72
Accountability for Abuses Committed During the “Dirty War” Period
During his administration, President Fox pledged to investigate and prosecute those responsible
for past human rights violations, including the “Dirty War” period from the 1960s to 1980s. The
CNDH presented a report to President Fox in November 2001 that documented human rights
abuses and disappearances of persons in the 1970s and early 1980s, and President Fox named
legal scholar Ignacio Carrillo in January 2002 as a Special Prosecutor to investigate these and
other cases. In November 2006, Ignacio Carrillo presented his final report on the repressive era
from the late 1960s to 1982. The report found that the repression was a matter of state policy and
led to the summary execution of over 700 Mexicans, torture, and the razing of villages.
The report was praised by some as an acknowledgment of state responsibility. Others remain
critical since no one has been convicted of charges relating to these alleged crimes. Only one of
the three presidents from this period, Luis Echeverria (1970-1976), is still alive. President
Echeverria faced genocide charges for his role in the repression of a 1968 student protest that left
dozens dead when he was interior minister. Echeverria tried to evade prosecution by claiming the
30-year statute of limitations had expired. A judge rejected this argument and reinstated the arrest
order in November 2006 after he determined that the statute of limitations did not go into effect
until Echeverria left public office in December 1976. In July 2007, the Criminal Tribunal
absolved Echeverria of any responsibility for the 1968 killings. This ruling was upheld by a
Mexican federal court in March 2009, and was criticized by human rights organizations. Amnesty
International maintains that the Mexican government is effectively condoning the abuses of the
past by not effectively prosecuting past human rights cases.73
Migration
Widely cited demographers at the Pew Hispanic Center estimate that there were 7 million
undocumented Mexican migrants residing in the United States as of March 2008, accounting for
almost 59% of the total estimated illegal alien population of 11.9 million.74 Mexico takes the view
that the migrants are “undocumented workers,” making the point that since the U.S. market
attracts and provides employment for the migrants, it bears some responsibility. Mexico regularly
voices concern about alleged abuses suffered by Mexican workers in the United States, and for
71 U.S. Department of State, “Mexico- Merida Initiative Report,” August 2009.
72 Fundar et al., “Obama Administration’s Alleged Release of Mérida Funds: A Violation of U.S. Law That Will
Encourage Serious Human Rights Violations in Mexico,” August 2009.
73 “Mexico: Hopes of Justice Vanish,” Amnesty International, March 27, 2009.
74 Pew Hispanic Center, Trends in Undocumented Immigration: Undocumented Inflow Now Trails Legal Inflow, by
Jeffrey Passel and D’Vera Cohn, October 2, 2008.
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the loss of life and hardships suffered by Mexican migrants as they utilize increasingly dangerous
routes and methods to circumvent tighter border controls. However, Mexico benefits from illegal
migration in at least two ways: (1) it is a “safety valve” that dissipates the political discontent that
could arise from higher unemployment in Mexico, and (2) it is a source of remittances by workers
in the United States to families in Mexico.
In February 2006, the Mexican Congress approved a concurrent resolution on migration and
border security calling for the development of a guest worker program in the United States under
the principle of shared responsibility. The resolution commits Mexico to enforcing legal
emigration “if a guest country offers a sufficient number of appropriate visas.”75 In the resolution,
Mexico also accepts the need to revisit its migration policies to consider enforcement of its
northern and southern borders, enforcement of Mexican immigration laws that respect the human
rights of migrants, and the need to combat human trafficking. The Mexican government further
acknowledges that Mexican workers will continue to emigrate until there are more opportunities
in Mexico. The February 2006 resolution remains the most detailed explanation to date of the
major principles behind Mexico’s policy on immigration.
The U.S. Congress last enacted major immigration reform in 1986 and 1996. Main provisions of
the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986 (P.L. 99-603) included civil and criminal
penalties for U.S. employers who knowingly hire undocumented workers; increased border
control and enforcement measures; anti-discrimination safeguards; provision for legalization of
illegal aliens who resided continuously in the United States before 1982; and a special
legalization for farm workers previously employed on American farms. In 1996, two laws relating
to immigration were enacted, the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act
of 1996 (IIRIRA, P.L. 104-208) and the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity
Reconciliation Act of 1996 (P.L. 104-193). The first measure sought to control illegal
immigration by adding 1,000 Border Patrol agents per year for five years (FY1997-FY2001),
along with additional personnel, equipment, and procedures. The IIRIRA increased penalties for
unlawful presence and created the expedited removal program.76 Individuals who depart the
United States after more than 180 days of unlawful presence now face either a three or 10-year
bar to admission to the United States, depending on the total period of unlawful presence.
In the 110th Congress, the U.S. Senate voted against cloture on the Comprehensive Immigration
Reform Act of 2007 (S. 1348) in June 2007, and the measure was not considered after that vote.
The bill would have improved border security, established a temporary worker program, and
normalized the status of most illegal immigrants in the United States. Mexico has long lobbied for
such reforms. Immigration reform legislation also was introduced in the House of Representatives
in March 2007. The House measure, the Security Through Regularized Immigration and Vibrant
Economy Act of 2007 (H.R. 1645), would have set border and document security benchmarks to
be met before normalizing the status of illegal immigrant or the creation of a guest worker
program. A variety of other migration-related legislative initiatives were introduced in the 110th
Congress, but none were enacted.77
75 “Mexico-U.S.: Migration and Border Security,” Embassy of Mexico, February 2006.
76 For more information on expedited removal, see CRS Report RL33109, Immigration Policy on Expedited Removal of
Aliens, by Alison Siskin and Ruth Ellen Wasem.
77 For a brief history of U.S.-Mexican migration policies, see: Marc R. Rosenblum, “U.S.-Mexican Migration
(continued...)
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It is unclear whether comprehensive immigration legislation will be considered in the 111th
Congress.78 During Secretary of State Clinton’s March 2009 visit to Mexico, she maintained that
“President Obama remains committed to comprehensive immigration reform” and that
immigration reform “is and will be a high priority for him and his presidency.” On June 25, 2009,
President Obama and officials in his Administration met with Members of Congress from both
parties on comprehensive immigration reform. During that meeting, he announced the formation
of a high-level working group headed by DHS Secretary Napolitano to work with Members from
the relevant House and Senate committees that will be drafting immigration legislation.79 At the
North American Leaders Summit in early August, President Obama acknowledged that since
several of his other major legislative initiatives were still pending, immigration reform was
unlikely to occur until early 2010.80 A bill to enact comprehensive immigration reform was
introduced on December 15, 2009, but few observers are predicting that it will be taken up prior
to the 2010 mid-term elections.81
Cooperation in the Aftermath of the 2009 H1N1 “Swine Flu”
Outbreak
On April 24, 2009, Mexico’s Health Ministry announced that a new strain of influenza—
subsequently dubbed pandemic H1N1 by the World Health Organization (WHO)—was affecting
the country with just over 1,000 suspected cases and 20 deaths.82 In addition to closing all schools
and public events through May 6, 2009, the Calderón government also ordered a May 1-5 work-
stoppage around the country, with the exception of banks, hotels, supermarkets, and the
government’s emergency services. Although there were some inaccuracies in its initial reporting
of the number of cases involved in the outbreak, the Mexican government has been praised for
acting “swiftly, transparently, and efficaciously” to prevent the spread of H1N1.83 In particular,
the government has been recognized for its willingness to share information and work
collaboratively with other countries (including the United States) to prevent and treat cases of
H1N1, for launching a high-profile public awareness campaign about the virus, and for using
isolation and quarantine to mitigate its spread.
In response to the outbreak in Mexico, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC)
issued a travel health warning, the agency’s highest advisory level, on April 27, 2009
(...continued)
Cooperation: Obstacles and Opportunities,” in Migration, Trade and Development: Conference Proceedings, Hollifield
et al, eds., Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas, 2007.
78 For more information, see: CRS Report R40501, Immigration Reform Issues in the 111th Congress, by Ruth Ellen
Wasem.
79 The White House, Office of the Press Secretary, “Remarks by the President After Meeting with Members of
Congress to Discuss Immigration,” June 25, 2009.
80 Karoun Demirjian, “Obama Says Immigration Overhaul Will Slide Until 2010,” CQ Today, August 11, 2009.
81 Seth Stern, “Immigration Advocates Push for Overhaul as a Step to Economic Recovery,” CQ, January 26, 2010.
82 Secretaría de Salud (Mexico), “Conferencia de prensa,” Número 2009-133c, April 24, 2009.
83 Alexandra Stern and Howard Markel, “What Mexico Taught the World About Pandemic Influenza Preparedness and
Community Mitigation Strategies,” Journal of the American Medical Association, Vol. 32, No. 11, September 16,
2009.
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recommending that U.S. citizens avoid all nonessential travel to Mexico. By May 15, however,
the CDC downgraded the advisory to a travel health precaution that removed the recommendation
that travel to Mexico be avoided.
The U.S. government responded to the H1N1 outbreak in Mexico by providing at least $16
million in assistance, including a $5 million donation to the WHO and PAHO. On April 29, 2009,
Health and Human Services Secretary Kathleen Sebelius announced that her department had
begun to move 400,000 antiviral drug treatment courses to Mexico—valued at $10 million—to
help slow the spread of the virus.84 On May 2, 2009, the U.S. Agency for International
Development (USAID) provided about $1 million in emergency relief supplies to the government
of Mexico. These supplies were in addition to a previous donation of $1 million in emergency
supplies provided by the U.S. military.85 With international help from the CDC and others,
Mexico was able to build a laboratory within record time that was able to process hundreds of
tests for H1N1 daily.86
Trade Issues87
Trade between Mexico and the United States has grown dramatically since the North American
Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) between the United States, Mexico, and Canada entered into
force in 1994.88 Total U.S. trade with Mexico more than quadrupled from $82 billion in 1993 to
$367 billion in 2008, but the balance of U.S. trade with Mexico has shifted from a surplus of $1.3
billion in 1994 to a deficit of $64.4 billion in 2008 (U.S. exports of $151.5 billion; U.S. imports
of $215.9 billion).89
The United States is Mexico’s most important customer by far, receiving about 80% of Mexico’s
exports, including petroleum, automobiles, auto parts, and winter vegetables, and providing about
50% of Mexico’s imports. The United States is the source of over 60% of foreign investment in
Mexico, and the primary source of important tourism earnings. Mexico is also the leading country
in Latin America in terms of U.S. investment, with the total stock of U.S. investment reaching
more than $120 billion in 2008.90
While NAFTA has increased Mexican trade with the United States and contributed to rising
foreign investment in the country, it has also increased Mexico’s dependence on the U.S.
84 U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, “HHS Deploys SNS Antivirals to Mexico, and Buys More,” Press
Release, April 29, 2009.
85 Email from the U.S. Agency for International Development Mission in Mexico, August 28, 2009.
86 William Booth and Joshua Partlow, “Mexico Raced to Build Flu Testing Laboratory; Lack of Tools Hindered Initial
Response,” Washington Post, May 8, 2009.
87 For more information, see CRS Report RL32934, U.S.-Mexico Economic Relations: Trends, Issues, and
Implications, by M. Angeles Villarreal.
88 The NAFTA agreement was negotiated in 1991 and 1992, and side agreements on labor and environmental matters
were completed in 1993. The agreements were approved by the respective legislatures in late 1993 and went into force
on January 1, 1994. Under the agreements, trade and investment restrictions were eliminated over a 15-year period,
with most restrictions eliminated in the early years of the agreement.
89 U.S. Department of Commerce statistics, as presented by World Trade Atlas.
90 U.S. Embassy in Mexico City, Mexico, “U.S.-Mexico at a Glance: Foreign Direct Investment,” June 2009.
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economy. In 2009, declining U.S. demand for Mexican exports, combined with a drop in tourism
revenues and a record drop in remittances from Mexican workers in the United States, caused a
dramatic downturn in the Mexican economy. Mexico’s economy was among the poorest
performing in Latin America this year, as the country’s GDP contracted by almost 7%. Some have
attributed the severity of the current crisis in Mexico to a lack of diversification in the country’s
export markets.91
Functioning of NAFTA Institutions
Several NAFTA institutions mandated by the agreements have been functioning since 1994. The
tripartite Commission on Environmental Cooperation (CEC) was established in Montreal,
Canada; and the Commission for Labor Cooperation (CLC) was established in Dallas, Texas. In
addition, the bilateral Border Environment Cooperation Commission (BECC), located in Ciudad
Juarez, Mexico; and the North American Development Bank (NADBank), headquartered in San
Antonio, Texas, were created to promote and finance environment projects along the U.S.-Mexico
border. Following up on a March 2002 agreement by Presidents Bush and Fox in Monterrey,
Mexico, to broaden the mandate of the NADBank, Congress agreed in March 2004 to permit the
NADBank to make grants and nonmarket rate loans for environmental infrastructure along the
border. The NAFTA institutions have operated to encourage cooperation on trade, environmental
and labor issues, and to consider nongovernmental petitions under the labor and environmental
side agreements.
Trade Disputes
Outstanding trade disputes between the countries include access for Mexican trucks to operate in
the United States and access for Mexican tuna to the U.S. market. A longstanding dispute
involving sugar and high fructose corn syrup was resolved in 2006.92
Trucking93
Since 1995, the implementation of NAFTA trucking provisions has been in dispute. In March
2009, Congress included a provision in P.L. 111-8, the FY2009 Omnibus Appropriations Act, to
terminate a pilot program that had allowed Mexican-registered trucks to operate beyond the 25-
mile border commercial zone inside the United States. This move prompted retaliation from
Mexico, which argued that the U.S. action was protectionist. Mexico imposed tariffs on over 90
U.S. agricultural and industrial products. The goods accounted for a value of $2.4 billion in U.S.
exports to Mexico in 2007, and most will now face Mexican import duties of between 10-20% of
their value, although in the case of fresh grapes, a 45% duty was imposed.94
91 “Mexico: No Help From NAFTA,” EIU – Business Latin America, August 17, 2009.
92 For more information on recent trade disputes, see CRS Report RL32934, U.S.-Mexico Economic Relations: Trends,
Issues, and Implications, by M. Angeles Villarreal.
93 For further information, see CRS Report RL31738, North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA)
Implementation: The Future of Commercial Trucking Across the Mexican Border, by John Frittelli
94 Christopher Conkey, Jose de Cordoba, and Jim Carlton, “Mexico Issues Tariff List in U.S. Trucking Dispute,” Wall
Street Journal, March 19, 2009.
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Obama Administration officials have repeatedly expressed confidence that a resolution to the
current trucking dispute can be found that will satisfy congressional concerns about the safety of
Mexican trucks, but still fulfill U.S. market access obligations under NAFTA. In March 2009,
Secretary of State Clinton acknowledged that Mexico had the right to use remedies under NAFTA
to impose tariffs on U.S. products, but maintained that neither the U.S. congressional action on
Mexican trucking nor Mexico’s retaliation were in the best interests of either country.95
Transportation Secretary Ray LaHood submitted a set of principles on how to resolve the issue to
the White House in May 2009. President Obama reiterated his commitment to resolving the issue
to President Calderón at their August 9, 2009 meeting in Guadalajara, Mexico, but did not present
a proposal.
While some Members of Congress favor the creation of a new pilot program with Mexico, others,
though concerned about the effects of Mexican retaliatory tariffs on U.S. businesses, remain
opposed to allowing Mexican trucks to operate in the United States. 96 In late July 2009, the
Senate Appropriations Committee issued a report (S.Rept. 111-69) to the FY2010 Department of
Transportation, Housing and Urban Development, and Related Agencies Appropriations measure
(H.R. 3288) that includes non-binding language urging the Obama Administration to develop a
cross-border trucking program that meets U.S. safety standards. The FY2010 Consolidated
Appropriations Act (P.L. 111-117), signed into law on December 16, 2009, does not include
language that was in P.L. 111-8 prohibiting the Department of Transportation from funding a pilot
project for Mexican-registered trucks to operate beyond the border commercial zone.
Tuna
On tuna issues, the Clinton Administration lifted the embargo on Mexican tuna in April 2000
under relaxed standards for a dolphin-safe label in accordance with internationally agreed
procedures and U.S. legislation passed in 1997 that encouraged the unharmed release of dolphins
from nets. However, a federal judge in San Francisco ruled that the standards of the law had not
been met, and the Federal Appeals Court in San Francisco sustained the ruling in July 2001.
Under the Bush Administration, the Commerce Department ruled on December 31, 2002, that the
dolphin-safe label may be applied if qualified observers certify that no dolphins were killed or
seriously injured in the netting process, but Earth Island Institute and other environmental groups
filed suit to block the modification. On April 10, 2003, the U.S. District Court for the Northern
District of California enjoined the Commerce Department from modifying the standards for the
dolphin-safe label. On August 9, 2004, the federal district court ruled against the Bush
Administration’s modification of the dolphin-safe standards, and reinstated the original standards
in the 1990 Dolphin Protection Consumer Information Act. That decision was appealed to the
U.S. Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals, which ruled against the Administration in April 2007,
finding that the Department of Commerce did not base its determination on scientific studies of
the effects of Mexican tuna fishing on dolphins.
95 U.S. Department of State, “Press Availability at TecMilenio University,” March 26, 2009.
96 For the opposing point of view, see: “Kirk Agrees to Work to Minimize Effects of Mexican Trucking Dispute,”
Inside U.S. Trade, August 14, 2009.
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In late October 2008, Mexico initiated World Trade Organization (WTO) dispute proceedings
against the United States, maintaining that U.S. requirements for Mexican tuna exporters prevents
them from using the U.S. “dolphin-safe” label for its products.97 In April 2009, the WTO agreed
to set up a dispute panel to rule on Mexico’s complaint. The United States prefers that the dispute
should be handled by a NAFTA dispute panel instead of a WTO panel. On November 5, 2009, the
U.S. government announced that it had requested formal dispute settlement consultations under
NAFTA.98
North American Cooperation on Security and Economic Issues
In addition to the increased U.S.-Mexican bilateral cooperation that has occurred during the past
two decades, trilateral cooperation between the United States, Mexico, and Canada has also
increased, particularly since NAFTA took effect. During the second George W. Bush
Administration, annual meetings between the North American leaders and their ministers took
place within the framework of the Security and Prosperity Partnership (SPP) of North America,
established in March of 2005. 99 Through the SPP, which consisted of expanded cooperation and
harmonization of policies, the three governments sought to advance the common security and
prosperity of their countries. To make this partnership operational, the leaders established
ministerial-led working groups to develop measurable and achievable goals in priority areas:
competitiveness, smart and secure borders, energy security and environmental protection, food
and product safety, and emergency response. Beginning in June 2005, the SPP working groups
provided annual reports to the three North American leaders on their work and key
accomplishments, with the last SPP report submitted prior to the April 2008 North American
Leaders’ Summit.
Although President Obama and his counterparts in Mexico and Canada no longer refer to
trilateral cooperation as occurring under the SPP initiative, North American cooperation continues
to occur on a wide range of economic and security issues. As previously discussed, the most
recent North American Leaders’ Summit took place in Guadalajara, Mexico on August 9-10,
2009. In addition to important discussions that occurred with respect to combating drug
trafficking and preparing for the fall flu season, the leaders produced, among other things, a list of
energy deliverables aimed at reducing carbon emissions in North America.100 The leaders also
committed to meet again in Canada in 2010.
97 “Mexico Initiates WTO Dispute Proceeding Against U.S. ‘Dolphin-Safe’ Label for Tuna,” International Trade
Reporter, October 30, 2008.
98 “U.S. Seeks NAFTA Consultations In Tuna Labeling Dispute With Mexico,” Inside U.S. Trade, November 13, 2009.
99 For more information, see CRS Report RS22701, Security and Prosperity Partnership of North America: An
Overview and Selected Issues, by M. Angeles Villarreal and Jennifer E. Lake; also see the website of the SPP, available
at http://www.spp.gov/
100 The White House, Office of the Press Secretary, “North American Leaders’ Declaration on Climate Change and
Clean Energy,” August 10, 2009.
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Legislation in the 111th Congress
Enacted and Considered Legislation
P.L. 111-5 (H.R. 1), American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009. Signed into law
February 17, 2009, the measure provides $220 million for construction for the water quantity
program of the International Boundary and Water Commission, United States and Mexico. The
measure also provides $40 million in Department of Justice state and local law enforcement
assistance for competitive grants to provide assistance and equipment along the southern border
and in high-intensity drug trafficking areas to combat criminal narcotics activity, of which $10
million is to be transferred to ATF for Project Gunrunner.
P.L. 111-8 (H.R. 1105), Omnibus Appropriations Act, 2009. Signed into law March 11, 2009.
In Division H, the measure appropriates $300 million for Mexico as a second installment under
the Mérida Initiative. Human rights conditions similar to those included in the FY2008
Supplemental Appropriations Act (P.L. 110-252) apply to 15% of the total funds provided, not
including assistance for judicial reform, institution building, anti-corruption, and rule of law
activities. In Division I, Section 136, the measure prohibits funds in the Act from being used for a
pilot program granting certain Mexican trucks access to U.S. highways beyond the commercial
zone. In the joint explanatory statement for Division B, not less than $5 million is provided for
Project Gunrunner and other firearms trafficking efforts targeting Mexico and the border region.
P.L. 111-32 (H.R. 2346), Supplemental Appropriations Act, 2009. Signed into law June 24,
2009, the measure appropriates $420 million in Mérida Initiative funding for Mexico: $160
million in INCLE assistance and $260 million in FMF assistance. Of the $420 million in FY2009
supplemental assistance to Mexico, 15% of the $160 million in INCLE assistance is subject to the
same human rights conditions set forth in P.L. 111-8, section 7045(e) of Division H. However, the
FMF funds appropriated are not subject to human rights conditions. According to the conference
report (H.Rept. 111-151), the supplemental measure requires a report from the Secretary of State
within 45 days of enactment of the measure detailing actions by the government of Mexico since
June 30, 2008, to investigate and prosecute human rights violations by members of the Mexican
federal police and military forces. The report also calls for a “thorough, independent, and credible
investigation” of the murder of Bradley Will, an American journalist killed while covering a
protest in Oaxaca in 2006.
P.L. 111-84 (H.R. 2647), National Defense Authorization Act for FY2010. Signed into law
October 28, 2009, the measure contains a provision that allows for the Department of Defense to
continue providing support for counter-drug activities in Mexico.
P.L. 111-117 (H.R. 3288), Consolidated Appropriations Act, FY2010, Signed into law
December 16, 2009. In Division F, the measure appropriates up to $210.3 million in Mérida
Initiative funding for Mexico: $190 million in INCLE assistance, $15 million in ESF, and $5.25
million in FMF assistance. Human rights conditions apply to 15% of the total funds provided, not
including assistance for judicial reform, institution building, anti-corruption, and rule of law
activities. In the Joint Explanatory Statement to P.L. 111-117, the conferees direct the Secretary of
State to submit a report to within 90 days of the enactment of the Act addressing how prior
Mérida funds have been used, progress to date, any planned adjustments in the uses of funds, and
post-Merida plans. Apart from the Mérida Initiative, the measure includes $10 million in DA
assistance for Mexico. The measure does not include language prohibiting funds appropriated in
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the Act from being used for a pilot program granting certain Mexican trucks access to U.S.
highways beyond the commercial zone.
P.L. 111-118 (H.R. 3326), Defense Appropriations Act, FY2010, Signed into law December 19,
2009, the measure appropriates $50 million in funding for counternarcotics communication
equipment for Mexico.
H.R. 2410 (Berman) Foreign Relations Authorization Act, FY2010 and FY2011. Introduced
May 14, 2009; House Committee on Foreign Affairs held markup and ordered the bill reported
(H.Rept. 111-136). House approved June 22, 2009. Title IX, Subtitle A of the bill, as introduced,
consists of actions to enhance the Mérida Initiative, including the designation of a high-level
coordinator within the Department of State to implement the program; the addition of Caribbean
Community (CARICOM) countries to the Mérida Initiative; the establishment and
implementation of a program to assess the effectiveness of assistance provided under the Mérida
Initiative; within 180 days and not later than December 1 of each year thereafter, a reporting
requirement regarding the programs and activities carried out under the Mérida Initiative. Title
IX, Subtitle B of the bill would require the President to establish an inter-agency task force on the
prevention of illicit small arms trafficking in the Western Hemisphere; increase penalties for illicit
trafficking in small arms and light weapons; and express congressional support for the ratification
by the United States of the Inter-American Convention Against the Illicit Manufacturing of and
Trafficking in Firearms, Ammunition, Explosives, and Other Related Materials (CIFTA).
H.Amdt. 201 (King) to H.R. 2410, introduced and agreed to on June 10, 2009, provides that the
Secretary of State shall report to Congress on the flow of people, goods, and services across the
borders shared by the United States, Canada, Mexico, Bermuda, and the Caribbean nations.
Additional Legislative Initiatives
H.Res. 258 (Giffords)/S.Res. 72 (Menendez). H.Res. 258 introduced March 18, 2009; referred
to Committee on Foreign Affairs. S.Res. 72 introduced March 10, 2009; referred to Committee on
Foreign Relations. The identical resolutions would express full support for Mexico’s efforts to
confront drug trafficking organizations, apprehend their members, and bring them to justice. The
resolutions would also call on the Department of State to ensure the prompt delivery of Mérida
Initiative equipment and training; to continue to support the Mexican government’s efforts to
strengthen institutions and the rule of law, root out corruption, and protect human rights; and to
ensure full accountability for all assistance and equipment provided by the United States to
Mexico.
H.Res. 1032 (Chu). Introduced January 21, 2010; referred to Committee on Foreign Affairs. The
resolution would express support for continued U.S. assistance to the Mexican government for
fighting drug traffickers and curbing the violence they commit against Mexican and U.S. citizens.
H.R. 495 (Rodriguez)/S. 205 (Bingaman), Southwest Border Violence Reduction Act of 2009.
H.R. 495 introduced January 14, 2009; referred to Committee on the Judiciary and Committee on
Foreign Affairs. S. 205 introduced January 12, 2009; referred to Committee on the Judiciary. Both
bills would direct the Attorney General to expand the resources provided for ATF’s Project
Gunrunner initiative to identify, investigate, and prosecute individuals involved in the trafficking
of firearms across the international border between the United States and Mexico. The bills would
authorize $15 million for each of FY2010 and FY2011 for Project Gunrunner in the United
States, and $9.5 million for each of FY2010 and FY2011 for the Attorney General, in cooperation
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with the Secretary of State, to assign ATF agents to the U.S. mission in Mexico, provide
equipment to support ATF efforts, and provide training for Mexican law enforcement.
H.R. 937 (Filner), Visitors Interested in Strengthening America (VISA) Act of 2009.
Introduced February 10, 2009; referred to Committee on the Judiciary. The bill would waive
certain entry documentary requirements for a non-immigrant child (unmarried and under the age
of 16) who is a citizen or national of Mexico and accompanying parent or adult chaperone in
instances of medical visits, student groups, and/or special community events.
H.R. 1437 (Cuellar), Southern Border Security Task Force Act of 2009. Introduced March 11,
2009; referred to Committees on Homeland Security and the Judiciary. Would establish a task
force to coordinate the efforts of federal, state, and local border law enforcement officials and
task forces to protect U.S. border cites and communities from violence associated with drug
trafficking, gunrunning, illegal alien smuggling, violence, and kidnapping along and across the
international border between the United States and Mexico.
H.R. 1448 (Rodriguez), Border Reinforcement and Violence Reduction Act of 2009.
Introduced March 11, 2009; referred to Committees on the Judiciary, Homeland Security, and
Foreign Affairs. The bill would authorize the Secretary of Homeland Security and the Attorney
General to increase resources to identify and eliminate illicit sources of firearms smuggled into
Mexico for use by violent drug trafficking organizations and for other unlawful activities by
providing for border security grants to local law enforcement agencies and reinforcing Federal
resources on the border. It would authorize: $150 million for FY2010 and each succeeding fiscal
year to the Secretary of Homeland Security for a border relief grant program; $9.5 million for
each of FY2010 and FY2011 for Project Gunrunner (an ATF program) and $15 million for each
of FY2010 and FY2011 for Operation Armas Cruzadas (an ICE program) to deter the trafficking
of firearms across the international border between the United States and Mexico.
H.R. 1611 (Flake). Introduced March 19, 2009; referred to Committee on Transportation and
Infrastructure. The bill would repeal a provision in the Omnibus Appropriations Act, 2009 (P.L.
111-8, Division I, Section 136) that prohibits the use of funds for a cross-border motor carrier
demonstration program to allow Mexican-domiciled motor carriers to operate beyond the
commercial zones along the international border between the United States and Mexico.
H.R. 1867 (Kirkpatrick), Border Violence Prevention Act of 2009. Introduced April 2, 2009;
referred to Committee on Homeland Security. The bill would authorize additional resources to
enhance security activities along the international border with Mexico.
H.R. 1900 (Jackson-Lee), Border Security, Cooperation, and Act Now Drug War Prevention
Act. Introduced April 2, 2009; referred to Committees on Homeland Security and the Judiciary.
Among its provisions, the bill would authorize emergency deployments of U.S. Border Patrol,
DEA, and ATF agents along the border with Mexico; and would authorize $150 million in
FY2010 and each subsequent fiscal year for a border relief grant program.
H.R. 2076 (Grijalva), Border Security and Responsibility Act 2009. Introduced April 23,
2009; referred to Committees on Homeland Security, Armed Services, and Agriculture. The bill
would require the Secretary of Homeland Security, in consultation with other federal, state and
local authorities, to submit a new border protection strategy to Congress that, among other
measures, would not involve the construction of border fencing.
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H.R. 2083 (Hunter), Border Sovereignty and Protection Act. Introduced April 23, 2009;
referred to Committees on the Judiciary, Homeland Security, and Education and Labor. The bill
would require the completion of at least 350 miles of reinforced fencing along the southwest
border within one year of the enactment of the measure.
H.R. 3239 (Kirkpatrick) Introduced July 16, 2009; referred to Committees on Homeland
Security and Foreign Affairs. House Committee on Homeland Security held markup and ordered
the bill reported November 17, 2009. The bill would require the Secretary of Homeland Security,
in consultation with the Secretary of State, to submit a report on the effects of the Mérida
Initiative on the border security of the United States.
H.R. 3252 (Hinojosa). Introduced July 17, 2009; referred to Committee on Financial Services.
The bill would authorize the President to agree to an amendment to the agreement between the
U.S. and Mexican governments to expand the purposes and functions of the Border Environment
Cooperation Commission and the North American Development Bank to allow the Commission
to certify, and the Bank to finance, any type of border infrastructure project.
H.R. 3308 (Schuler)/S. 1505 (Pryor), Secure America Through Enforcement and
Verification Act of 2009 or SAVE Act of 2009. Introduced July 23, 2009; referred to
Committees on Homeland Security, the Judiciary, Ways and Means, Education and Labor,
Oversight and Government Reform, Armed Services, Agriculture, and Natural Resources. The
bill sets forth a wide range of border security and enforcement provisions.
H.R. 4321 (Ortiz) Comprehensive Immigration Reform for America's Security and
Prosperity Act of 2009, CIR ASAP Act of 2009. Introduced December 15, 2009; referred to
Committees on the Judiciary, Homeland Security, Armed Services, Foreign Affairs, Natural
Resources, Ways and Means, Education and Labor, Oversight and Government Reform, and
Administration. The bill contains both border enforcement and legalization provisions and would
attempt to address visa backlogs in the current immigration system.
S. 91 (Vitter). Introduced January 6, 2009; referred to Committee on Foreign Relations. The bill
would reduce the amount of financial assistance provided to the government of Mexico in
response to the illegal border crossing from Mexico into the United States.
S. 339 (Bingaman), Border Law Enforcement Relief Act of 2009. Introduced January 28,
2009; referred to Committee on the Judiciary. The bill would provide financial aid to local law
enforcement officials along the nation’s borders. It would authorize $100 million for each of
FY2010 through FY2014 for a border relief grant program run by the Attorney General.
S. 1190 (Bingaman), Border Law Enforcement Anti-Drug Trafficking Act of 2009.
Introduced June 4, 2009; referred to Committee on the Judiciary. The bill, related to S. 339,
would authorize the Attorney General to award competitive grants to local law enforcement
agencies and institutions of higher education for combating drug-related criminal activity.
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Author Contact Information
Clare Ribando Seelke
June S. Beittel
Specialist in Latin American Affairs
Analyst in Latin American Affairs
cseelke@crs.loc.gov, 7-5229
jbeittel@crs.loc.gov, 7-7613
Mark P. Sullivan
Specialist in Latin American Affairs
msullivan@crs.loc.gov, 7-7689
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