Proposed Colombia Free Trade Agreement:
Labor Issues
Mary Jane Bolle
Specialist in International Trade and Finance
January 22, 2010
Congressional Research Service
7-5700
www.crs.gov
RL34759
CRS Report for Congress
P
repared for Members and Committees of Congress
Proposed Colombia Free Trade Agreement: Labor Issues
Summary
This report examines three labor issues and arguments related to the pending U.S.-Colombia free
trade agreement (CFTA; H.R. 5724 and S. 2830): violence against trade unionists; impunity
(accountability for or punishment of the perpetrators); and worker rights protections for
Colombians. For general issues relating to the CFTA, see CRS Report RL34470, The Proposed
U.S.-Colombia Free Trade Agreement: Economic and Political Implications, by M. Angeles
Villarreal. For background on Colombia and its political situation and context for the agreement,
see CRS Report RL32250, Colombia: Issues for Congress, by June S. Beittel.
Opponents of the pending U.S.-Colombia free trade agreement (CFTA) argue against it on three
points: (1) the high rate of violence against trade unionists in Colombia; (2) the lack of adequate
punishment for the perpetrators of that violence; and (3) weak Colombian enforcement of
International Labor Organization (ILO) core labor standards and labor laws.
Proponents of the agreement argue primarily for the proposed Colombia FTA on the basis of
economic and national security benefits. Accordingly, they argue, the CFTA would: support
increased exports, expand economic growth, create jobs, and open up investment opportunities
for the United States. They also argue that it would reinforce the rule of law and spread values of
capitalism in Colombia, and anchor hemispheric stability.
Proponents specifically respond to labor complaints of the opponents, that (1) violence against
trade unionists has declined dramatically since President Álvaro Uribe took office in 2002; (2)
substantial progress is being made on the impunity issue as the government has undertaken great
efforts to find perpetrators and bring them to justice; and (3) the Colombian government is taking
steps to improve conditions for workers.
If Congress were to approve the Colombia FTA, it would be the second FTA (after Peru) to have
some labor enforcement “teeth.” Labor provisions including the four basic ILO core labor
standards would be enforceable through the same dispute settlement procedures as for all other
provisions (i.e., primarily those for commercial interests.) Opponents argue that under CFTA,
only the concepts of core labor standards, and not the details of the ILO conventions behind them,
would be enforceable.
Proponents point to recent Colombian progress in protecting workers on many fronts. They argue
that approval of the FTA and the economic growth in Colombia that would result is the best way
to protect Colombia’s trade unionists. They also argue that not passing the agreement would not
resolve Colombia’s labor issues.
Opponents argue that delaying approval of the proposed CFTA further would give Colombia
more time to keep improving protections for its workers.
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Proposed Colombia Free Trade Agreement: Labor Issues
Contents
Background ................................................................................................................................ 1
Political Context ................................................................................................................... 1
Trade/Economic Context....................................................................................................... 2
Labor Context ....................................................................................................................... 2
Violence Against Trade Unionists................................................................................................ 3
Long-Term Trends in Murders of Trade Unionists ................................................................. 3
Long-Term Trends in Three Measures of Violence Against Trade Unionists........................... 5
Impunity ..................................................................................................................................... 6
Labor Laws, Protections, and Enforcement.................................................................................. 7
Possible Implications .................................................................................................................. 8
Figures
Figure 1. Historic Data on Murders of Trade Unionists, 1997-2008 ............................................. 4
Figure 2. Assassinations, Death Threats, and Arbitrary Detentions of Trade Unionists,
1999-2008................................................................................................................................ 5
Tables
Table A-1. Data for Figure 1: Historic Data on Murders of Trade Unionists ............................... 10
Table A-2. Data for Figure 2: Assassinations, Death Threats, and Arbitrary Detentions of
Trade Unionists...................................................................................................................... 10
Appendixes
Appendix. Data for Figure 1 and Figure 2 ................................................................................. 10
Contacts
Author Contact Information ...................................................................................................... 11
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Proposed Colombia Free Trade Agreement: Labor Issues
he purpose of this report is to examine three labor issues and arguments related to the
pending U.S.-Colombia free trade agreement (CFTA; H.R. 5724 and S. 2830): violence
T against trade unionists; impunity (accountability for or punishment of the perpetrators);
and worker rights protections for Colombians.1 For general issues relating to the CFTA, see CRS
Report RL34470, The Proposed U.S.-Colombia Free Trade Agreement: Economic and Political
Implications, by M. Angeles Villarreal. For background on Colombia and its political situation
and context for the agreement, see CRS Report RL32250, Colombia: Issues for Congress, by
June S. Beittel.
Opponents of the pending U.S.-Colombia free trade agreement (CFTA) argue against it on three
points: (1) the high rate of violence (murders, arbitrary detentions/kidnappings, and death threats)
against trade unionists in Colombia; (2) the lack of adequate punishment for the perpetrators of
that violence; and (3) weak Colombian enforcement of International Labor Organization (ILO)
core labor standards and labor laws.
Proponents of the agreement argue primarily for the proposed Colombia FTA on the basis of
economic and national security benefits. Trade typically benefits all parties to a trade agreement,
as each country tends to specialize in exporting those goods which it can produce relatively more
efficiently, and to import those which it produces relatively less efficiently than its trading
partners. Accordingly, proponents argue, the CFTA would: support increased exports, expand
economic growth, create jobs, offer consumers a greater variety of goods and services at lower
prices, and encourage economic development by attracting foreign investment and expanding
output. They also argue that it would reinforce the rule of law, spread values of capitalism in
Colombia, and anchor hemispheric stability.
Proponents specifically respond to the above labor complaints that (1) murders and kidnappings
against trade unionists have declined dramatically since President Álvaro Uribe took office in
2002; (2) substantial progress is being made on the impunity issue as the government has
undertaken great efforts to find perpetrators and bring them to justice; and (3) the Colombian
government is taking steps to improve conditions for workers.
Background
Political Context2
Colombia is one of the oldest democracies in Latin America, and has a bicameral legislature. Yet
it has been plagued by an ongoing armed conflict for over 40 years. This violence has been
aggravated by a lack of state control over much of Colombian territory—rugged terrain that has
1 The proposed U.S.-Colombia Free Trade Agreement (FTA) was signed on November 22, 2006. Implementing
legislation was introduced on April 8, 2008 as H.R. 5724 and S. 2830. On April 9, 2008, through H.Res. 1092 (H.Rept.
110-575) the House made certain provisions under “trade promotion authority” (otherwise known as the “fast-track”)
inapplicable to the CFTA, so that it is no longer obligated to vote within 60 days of a session and may schedule a vote
at any time. This stopped the fast-track clock. For more information on the fast-track or trade promotion process, see
CRS Report RL33743, Trade Promotion Authority (TPA): Issues, Options, and Prospects for Renewal, by J. F.
Hornbeck and William H. Cooper; and CRS Report RL33864, Trade Promotion Authority (TPA) Renewal: Core Labor
Standards Issues, by Mary Jane Bolle.
2 This section was taken from CRS Report RL32250, Colombia: Issues for Congress, by June S. Beittel.
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Proposed Colombia Free Trade Agreement: Labor Issues
been hard to govern. In addition, a long history of poverty and inequality has left Colombia open
to other influences, among them drug trafficking. Leftist guerrilla groups inspired by the Cuban
Revolution formed in the 1960s as a response to state neglect and poverty. Right-wing
paramilitaries formed in the 1980s to defend landowners, many of whom were drug traffickers,
against guerrillas. The shift of coca production from Peru and Bolivia to Colombia in the 1980s
increased drug violence and provided a new source of revenue for both guerrillas and
paramilitaries. In 2002 Colombians elected an independent, Álvaro Uribe, as President, largely
because of his aggressive plan to reduce violence in Colombia.
Trade/Economic Context
Colombia is the United States’ fourth largest trading partner in Latin America, and its 33rd largest
import source and 26th largest export destination world-wide. Machinery, organic chemicals, and
cereals constitute half of total exports to Colombia, and petroleum accounts for 41% of all
imports from Colombia. Given the relatively small level of trade between the United States and
Colombia, the CFTA would, according to a U.S. International Trade Commission report, likely
have minimal to no effect on output or employment for most sectors of the U.S. economy.3
U.S. proponents argue that the proposed CFTA would provide a number of economic benefits,
including market access for U.S. consumer and industrial products; cooperation in the production
of textiles and apparel; and new opportunities for U.S. farmers and ranchers.4 However, the trade
effect overall is expected to be very small. The largest changes in U.S. output are projected for the
cereal grains production sector (0.3%) and the sugar sector (-0.3%); the largest changes in U.S.
employment are projected to be in cereal grains (0.3%), sugar cane (-0.3%), and textiles (-0.3%.)5
Colombia’s exports to the United States already enter the United States mostly duty-free under
the Andean Trade Preference Act (ATPA). However, new U.S. investment in Colombia as a result
of the agreement could support increased economic growth and employment and additional
exports to the United States.
Colombian proponents argue that the only Western Hemisphere “Pacific Rim” countries with
which the United States does not have a free trade agreement are Colombia, Ecuador, and
Panama. The United States has FTAs with all others: Canada, Mexico, Guatemala, Honduras, El
Salvador, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, Peru, and Chile. The investment that goes into these other
countries from the United States as a result, the Colombian Embassy argues, means that new
exports from Latin America to the United States are increasingly coming from non-Colombian
countries, putting Colombia at an economic disadvantage relative to its neighbors.6
Labor Context
Colombia’s official labor force is about 18.2 million, as compared with 138 million for the United
States. Roughly 23% of Colombia’s labor force is involved in the agricultural sector, 19% is
involved in the manufacturing/industry sector, and 58% is employed in the service sector. Almost
3 U.S. International Trade Commission. U.S.-Colombia Trade Promotion Agreement: Potential Economy-Wide and
Selected Sectoral Effects, December, 2006. P. 2-13.
4 Office of the U.S. Trade Representative. Colombia FTA Facts, October 2008.
5 USITC U.S.-Colombia Trade Promotion Agreement: Potential Economy-Wide and Selected Sectoral Effects, op. cit.
6 Colombian embassy, in an interview, November 20, 2008.
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60% of the workforce in Colombia is employed in the (largely unregulated, undocumented)
informal sector. The unemployment rate in Colombia is roughly 11.8% in 2008. During most of
the more than 40 years that Colombia has experienced internal armed conflict, membership and
participation in labor unions has waned. Between 1959 and 1965, the unionization rate grew from
5.5% to 13.5%. Since 1966, the unionization rate has declined to 4% or 742,000 of the 18.2
million workforce. Of these, fewer than 150,000, or 0.8% of the labor force are working under a
labor contract.7
Violence Against Trade Unionists
Long-Term Trends in Murders of Trade Unionists
A key issue in the debate on the CFTA is the long-term trend in murders of Colombia’s trade
unionists as they try to express rights that are in concept protected in Colombia’s laws.
Three organizations track data on the number of trade unionists murdered each year: the
Colombian government; the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC), successor to the
International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU); and the Escuela Nacional Sindical
(ENS) or National Labor School, a non-governmental organization founded in 1982 in Colombia
to provide “non-partisan and independent” information on human rights, labor, and the dynamics
of association and collective bargaining. Figure 1 below tracks each of their data on the number
of murders of trade unionists in Colombia and world-wide between 1997 and 2008. It shows a
wide year-to-year variation in the number of trade unionists murdered, but a primarily downward
trend since 2001.
Inconsistency among the three trend lines for Colombia reflects the fact that the three data
sources do not always agree on which murders should be counted as “trade unionist.” Those
murders that may not be counted by all sources include non-affiliated advisors to unions, retired
and inactive union members, rural and community organization members, and teachers.8 The
large bump in the murder trend line from 1999-2003 coincides with a large bulge in the
cultivation of coca produced in Colombia and a simultaneous decline in coca production in
Bolivia and Peru, according to Department of State data. The fact that the three lines for
Colombia’s murders of trade unionists closely track and crowd the line depicting such murders
world-wide shows the extent to which Colombia accounts for most such world-wide murders.
Colombia’s share ranges from a low of 49% in 1999 to a high of 86% in 2002, and then declines
to 54% in 2006.
7 Data in this paragraph are from Economist Intelligence Unit. Country Report Colombia, October 2008, p. 16; U.S.
Bureau of Labor Statistics; and U.S. State Department. Country Reports on Human Rights Practices, 2008, published
February 2009.
8 Until recently, murders of teachers were not counted in Colombian government statistics. Yet teachers constitute the
group that has suffered the most casualties. Out of 1,994 murders in which the victim is identified by occupation
between 1986 and 2006, 825, or 41%, were teachers. Source: 2,515 or that sinister case to forget, by Guillermo Correa
Montoya, researcher for the ENS. Two researchers note that most teachers who are victims are typically singled out for
what they do outside of their classrooms as labor activists. Source: “Targeted Teachers,” by Seth Stern and Rachel Van
Dongen, Christian Science Monitor, June 17, 2003. Country Reports on Human Rights Practices, 2008, notes that for
2008, teachers made up the largest percentage of registered unionists (34%). In part because of their presence in rural,
conflict-laden parts of the country, teachers constituted 55% of all trade unionists killed during the year.
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Proposed Colombia Free Trade Agreement: Labor Issues
Proponents argue that Colombia’s large share of the total may reflect the fact that other countries
may not document the murders of their trade unionists as carefully as Colombia does.
Figure 1. Historic Data on Murders of Trade Unionists, 1997-2008
Source: ICFTU/ITUC, ENS, and Colombian Government. See Appendix for data behind this graph.
Opponents of the proposed Colombia FTA tend to focus on the entire 10-plus year trend in
murders and the close relationship between Colombia’s murders and world-wide murders of trade
unionists. Proponents, including the Bush Administration and the Colombian government, focus
on the steady decline in such murders since Uribe became president in 2002, and on actions taken
recently by the Colombian government to reduce these fatalities. Such actions include bringing to
Colombia a permanent ILO representative, passing new labor laws, stepping up enforcement of
labor laws, implementing a new judicial system, and setting up a trade unionist protection
program. Under this program, in 2008, roughly 1,980 trade unionists were receiving protection—
18% of all persons receiving protection.9 Opponents of the Colombia FTA also point out other
reasons for the decline in murders, including the decline in targets: Unions in Colombia have
dwindled from 13% of the formal labor force in 1965 to 4% currently. They and their efforts have
been eroded primarily through such means as violence and employer-mandated union-substitution
devices such as government-sanctioned collective pacts and cooperative associations.10
Proponents of the proposed CFTA point out that the number of trade unionists murdered as a
share of all trade unionists is considerably smaller than the total number of murders as a share of
the general population. The AFL-CIO counters that “It is simply not meaningful to compare
random crime statistics to targeted assassinations.”11
9 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices, 2008: Colombia, February 25, 2009.
10 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices, 2007.
11 AFL-CIO. Colombia: Continued Violence, Impunity and Non-Enforcement of Labor Law Overshadow the
Government’s Minor Accomplishments, September 2008 Update.
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Long-Term Trends in Three Measures of Violence Against
Trade Unionists
A companion issue to trade unionist murders is long-term trends in three separate measures of
trade union violence: murders/assassinations, kidnappings/arbitrary detentions, and death threats.
Proponents of the CFTA note reductions in assassinations and arbitrary detentions since 2004.
Opponents, examining the data longer term, focus on a third means of intimidation: death threats.
They argue that in recent years perpetrators have switched their focus from murders to death
threats, because this more subtle form of intimidation can achieve the same results of
discouraging union activity with less public notice.12 These three methods of intimidation are
tracked individually in the left graph in Figure 2 and cumulatively in the right graph. The right
graph shows that assassinations were about equal to death threats in 2001-2002 when murders
were at their peak, but averaged less than one-quarter the number of death threats between 2003
and 2007, when murders were lower.
Figure 2. Assassinations, Death Threats, and Arbitrary Detentions of
Trade Unionists, 1999-2008
Source: Escuela Nacional Sindical (ENS, 2008). See Appendix for data behind this graph.
12 Speech by José Luciano Sanín Vásquez, Director General of the ENS, sponsored by the Global Policy Network,
February 27, 2008.
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Impunity
The second main issue of opponents in debating CFTA is impunity—accountability for and
punishment of the perpetrators of assassinations, arbitrary detentions, and death threats.
Perpetrators of the violence typically fall into three main groups: paramilitaries, guerrillas, and
the Colombian military.13 The human rights advocates group Amnesty International USA reports
on the difficulty in identifying the perpetrators in cases of trade union violence. However, it
reports that, among “cases in which clear evidence of responsibility is available” in 2005, of all
human rights abuses against trade unionists: paramilitaries committed 49%; security forces
committed 43%; guerrilla forces committed 2%; and criminals committed 4%.14
Proponents of the agreement cite data showing progress in bringing perpetrators of the violence to
justice: As the result of a tripartite agreement with the ILO (among the government, trade
confederations, and business groups), the Office of the Colombian Prosecutor General, in October
2006, created a special sub-unit to investigate and prosecute 1,272 criminal cases of violence
against trade union members. These included 187 priority cases as determined by the unions.15
As of October 20, 2008, there were a total of 147 convictions in cases involving violence against
trade union members between 2001 and 2008, with 97 (66%) of them handed down in 2007-
2008.16 José Luciano Sanín Vásquez, Director General of the ENS views convictions over a
longer period of time and points out that since 1986, in about 97% of the cases of murders of
trade unionists, the perpetrators have never been identified and brought to justice. He argues
further that while in some cases the perpetrators of labor killings are found guilty, in zero cases
has the mastermind behind the crime been convicted.17
In September 2009, the AFL-CIO, in a submission to the USTR, laid out detailed labor and
human rights conditions it wanted Colombia to meet before the United States would consider
approving the CFTA. These included (1) convictions in a substantial majority of the over 2,700
cases of trade unionists murdered and prosecutions against both those responsible for carrying out
13 U.S. State Department. Charting Colombia’s Progress.
14 Amnesty International USA. Colombia Killings, Arbitrary Detentions, and Death Threats—the Reality of Trade
Unionism in Colombia, Introduction. 2007. ENS data.
15 On June 12, 2008, three union confederations, CUT, CGT, and CTC, submitted to the ILO a list of 2,669 homicides
and forced disappearance cases as part of case 1787. According to the government of Colombia, the Ministry of Social
Protection is now cross-referencing this new case list with its existing case list.
16 Embassy of Colombia. Colombia: An Update on Actions to Strengthen the Rights and Protections for Trade Unions,
May 2008, p. 14; Recent Progress in Labor in Colombia, June 2008; and Colombian Embassy letter to the Honorable
George Miller, November 5, 2008, attachment 5, p. 4. It should be noted that, according to government of Colombia
statistics, in approximately 34% of the cases, the defendant was convicted in absentia and is not currently in custody.
Therefore, approximately 66% of those convicted are serving time in prison.
17 Speech by José Luciano Sanín Vásquez, op. cit. As of July of 2009, an AFL-CIO submission to the USTR notes 154
convictions in cases involving violence between 2001 and 2008, with most of them handed down in 2007-2008. The
AFL-CIO Submission notes that a March 2009 report by Fiscalia (Colombia’s Office of the Attorney General) claims
that 33 “intellectual authors” of the crimes had been sentenced. However, a subsequent July 20, 2009, report included
no information on intellectual authors. Source: AFL-CIO. Before the U.S. Trade Representative, Comments
Concerning the Pending Free Trade Agreement with Colombia. Filed September 15, 2009, p. 4.
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Proposed Colombia Free Trade Agreement: Labor Issues
the crimes and those planning the crimes; and (2) the undertaking of substantial efforts to
investigate non-lethal forms of violence, including death threats.18
Labor Laws, Protections, and Enforcement
A third main issue in the CFTA is adequacy of enforcement of Colombia’s labor laws, and
Colombia’s ability to protect workers. Many observers point out that enforcement of labor laws
and standards generally is an issue for Colombia as well as throughout Latin America and other
developing countries.
Proponents point to Colombia’s system of labor laws and protections, which include ratification
of all four ILO core labor standards. They argue that “Colombia’s laws provide for fundamental
labor rights and more.”19 These ILO standards (1) protect the right of workers to organize and
bargain collectively, (2) prohibit forced labor, (3) prohibit child labor, and (4) provide for non-
discrimination in employment.
After long-standing criticisms by the ILO that Colombia was not adhering to its labor code, in
January 2007, a “permanent” ILO representative opened an office in Colombia pursuant to a June
2006 tripartite agreement. In October 2007, it received $4.0 million in funding from the
Colombian government. Subsequently, the ILO removed Colombia from discussion in its
Committee for the Application of Standards (which examines significant problems in specific
countries) for the first time in 21 years.20 The ILO has no enforcement authority. Its main tools
are technical assistance and moral suasion. However, the government and the ILO are working to
improve cooperation among national, regional and municipal governments to eradicate child
labor and protect working youth—issues addressed in the paragraph below.
Opponents argue that the State Department’s Country Reports on Human Rights Practices, 2007
notes numerous shortcomings in Colombian law and its enforcement, of which the following are
examples: Right to organize and bargain collectively: The right to organize and bargain
collectively in Colombia is limited because of high unemployment, a large informal economic
sector, traditional anti-union attitudes, and violence against trade union leaders. Prohibitions
against forced labor: Forced labor is a problem in prostitution and in new illegal guerrilla
groups which practice forced conscription, including the conscription of children. Prohibitions
against child labor: Child labor remains a significant problem, particularly in the informal
sector, as well, in the sex industry, in mining, and in coca picking. Colombia’s 276 labor
inspectors for enforcing child labor laws in the formal sector (covering about 20% of the child
labor force) are seen as inadequate for effective enforcement.
Finally, the State Department’s Country Reports, 2008, also points to the inadequacy of some of
Colombia’s labor laws. For example, the monthly minimum wage in Colombia, about $176, does
not provide sufficient income to purchase a basic market basket of goods for a family of four. In
addition, it is difficult to enforce the minimum wage in the informal sector.
18 AFL-CIO. Before the U.S. Trade Representative, Comments Concerning the Pending Free Trade Agreement with
Colombia. Filed September 15, 2009, pp. 5-6.
19 Office of the USTR. Colombia FTA Facts. Colombia’s Labor Laws and Labor Protections. March 2008.
20 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices, 2007.
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Possible Implications
If Congress were to approve the proposed Colombia FTA, it would be the second FTA (after
Peru) to have some labor enforcement “teeth.” Labor provisions including the four basic ILO core
labor standards (enumerated in the previous section) would be enforceable through the same
dispute settlement procedures as for all other provisions, such a those for commercial interests.
Opponents argue that under CFTA, only the concepts of core labor standards, and not the details
of the ILO conventions behind them, would be enforceable.
Proponents point to recent Colombian progress in protecting workers on many fronts. First the
personal protection program for union members has been a success in that since 2002, not a
single trade union member enrolled in the program has been killed, according to the Colombian
Embassy. Second, funding for investigating and prosecuting perpetrators of crimes against trade
unionists has increased. Third the government has engaged in greater social dialogue with the
ILO and other international union organizations, which are having an impact on national labor
policy. Fourth, there are a number of new legislative proposals pending to further protect basic
core labor rights.21
On national security issues, proponents acknowledge the continuing violence in Colombia as well
as recent corruption and wiretapping scandals. They assert that the level of reported violence has
steadily and significantly declined under President Uribe. They argue further that rather than
hiding the scandals or minimizing them, Colombia is taking steps to root them out and cleanse the
political system, recognizing that more must be done, including bringing to justice those who
have committed crimes against unionists. However, they argue, walking away from the proposed
CFTA or postponing it until conditions are perfect would send an unambiguous signal to friends
and opponents alike that the United States is an unreliable partner without a vision for
cooperation in the Western Hemisphere. They argue that this would make Colombia, Panama,
Peru and others who are making political decisions to enhance relations with the United States
despite strong domestic and external political pressure, re-evaluate their relationship with the
United States.22
Opponents argue that delaying the vote on the proposed CFTA further would give Colombia more
time to keep improving protections for its workers. They assert that Colombia is still the most
dangerous place in the world to be a trade unionist, since it still accounts for the majority of
murders of trade unionists world-wide. They also argue that the progress made in bringing to
justice perpetrators of violence against union workers is limited, and point to the fact that a
significant percentage of those convicted in these cases (34% as of October 20, 2008 according to
the Colombian government) are convicted in absentia and remain at large. They also argue that
members of the Uribe government continue to inaccurately denounce union members as
guerrillas. Finally they argue that passing the CFTA could very well halt the “meager” progress
by the Colombian government on worker rights protections achieved to date.23
21 An Open Letter to Congressional Democrats on Hemispheric Trade Expansion. Signed by seven former Members of
Congress and the Senate and at least 30 former cabinet officials, ambassadors, and foreign and trade policy advisors.
Available at http://www.chamberpost.com/files/Colombia_Letter_from_Former_Democratic_Officials.pdf. (Undated.)
22 Ibid.
23 Various sources already identified plus USLEAP. Violence Against Colombia Trade Unionists and Impunity: How
Much Progress Has There Been Under Uribe? April 2008.
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Proponents argue that the window of opportunity to pass the CFTA may be relatively narrow, and
that approval of the proposed FTA and the economic growth in Colombia that would result is the
best way to protect Colombia’s trade unionists. They also argue that not passing the agreement
would not resolve Colombia’s labor issues.
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Appendix. Data for Figure 1 and Figure 2
Table A-1. Data for Figure 1: Historic Data on Murders of Trade Unionists
Year
World-Wide
Colombia
Colombian
ICFTU/ITUC
ICFTU/ITUC
ENS
Government
1997
299
170
1998
157
97
1999 140 69 82
2000 210 153 134 105
2001 223 185 194 205
2002 213 154 192 196
2003 129 90 102 101
2004 145 99 94 89
2005 115 70 72 40
2006 144 78 76 60
2007 130 39 39 26
2008 76 49 49 39
Source: ICFTU/ITUC: Annual Survey of Violations of Trade Union Rights, various years; ENS: Escuela Nacional
Sindical. Informe de Violaciones a la Vida, Libertad e Integridad de Sindicalistas en Colombia, Periodo 1 de Enero
a Diciembre de 2008; Colombian Government: Fiscalia, GENERAL DE LA NACION, and 2008 homicides
(assassinations against trade union leaders and union members).
Table A-2. Data for Figure 2: Assassinations, Death Threats, and
Arbitrary Detentions of Trade Unionists
Year
Assassinations
Arbitrary Detentions
Death Threats
1999 80 29 679
2000 137 38 180
2001 197 12 235
2002 186 13 198
2003 94 50 301
2004 96 79 455
2005 70 56 260
2006 72 16 244
2007 39 19 224
2008 49 26 497
Source: Escuela Nacional Sindical, 2,515 or that sinister ease to forget, 2008, p. 69 Updated for 2007 and 2008.
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Author Contact Information
Mary Jane Bolle
Specialist in International Trade and Finance
mjbolle@crs.loc.gov, 7-7753
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