Jordan: Background and U.S. Relations
Jeremy M. Sharp
Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs
October 30, 2009
Congressional Research Service
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www.crs.gov
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CRS Report for Congress
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repared for Members and Committees of Congress

Jordan: Background and U.S. Relations

Summary
This report provides an overview of Jordanian politics and current issues in U.S.-Jordanian
relations. It provides a brief discussion of Jordan’s government and economy and of its
cooperation in promoting Arab-Israeli peace and other U.S. policy objectives in the Middle East.
This report will be updated periodically to reflect new developments.
Several issues in U.S.-Jordanian relations are likely to figure in decisions by Congress and the
Administration on future aid to and cooperation with Jordan. These include the stability of the
Jordanian regime, the role of Jordan in the Arab-Israeli peace process, Jordan’s role in stabilizing
Iraq, and U.S.-Jordanian military and intelligence cooperation.
Although the United States and Jordan have never been linked by a formal treaty, they have
cooperated on a number of regional and international issues over the years. The country’s small
size and lack of major economic resources have made it dependent on aid from Western and
friendly Arab sources. U.S. support, in particular, has helped Jordan deal with serious
vulnerabilities, both internal and external. Jordan’s geographic position, wedged between Israel,
Syria, Iraq, and Saudi Arabia, has made it vulnerable to the strategic designs of its more powerful
neighbors, but has also given Jordan an important role as a buffer between these potential
adversaries. In 1990, Jordan’s unwillingness to join the allied coalition against Iraq disrupted its
relations with the United States and the Persian Gulf states; however, relations improved
throughout the 1990s as Jordan played an increasing role in the Arab-Israeli peace process and
distanced itself from Saddam Hussein’s Iraq.
The United States has provided economic and military aid, respectively, to Jordan since 1951 and
1957. Total U.S. aid to Jordan through FY2009 amounted to approximately $10.72 billion. Levels
of aid have fluctuated, increasing in response to threats faced by Jordan and decreasing during
periods of political differences or worldwide curbs on aid funding. On September 22, 2008, the
U.S. and Jordanian governments reached an agreement whereby the United States will provide a
total of $660 million in annual foreign assistance to Jordan over a five-year period.
P.L. 111-8, the Omnibus Appropriations Act, 2009, which was signed by President Obama on
March 11, 2009, provides the full FY2009 Bush Administration request for assistance, including
$263.5 in economic aid and $235 million in military assistance.
H.Res. 833, which was referred to the House Committee on Foreign Affairs on October 14, 2009,
commemorates the 60th anniversary of the close relationship between the United States and the
Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan.

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Contents
Latest Developments................................................................................................................... 1
Overview .................................................................................................................................... 2
Domestic Politics and the Economy ............................................................................................ 3
The Hashemite Royal Family ................................................................................................ 4
Parliament, Constitution, and Elections ................................................................................. 4
The 1993 Election Law ................................................................................................... 5
2007 Parliamentary Elections .......................................................................................... 5
The Jordanian Muslim Brotherhood ...................................................................................... 6
The Military and Security Establishment ............................................................................... 7
Reform ................................................................................................................................. 8
The Economy........................................................................................................................ 9
National Budget .............................................................................................................. 9
Jordan and the Global Financial Crisis ............................................................................ 9
Water Shortages & Jordan’s Nuclear Program ............................................................... 10
Current Issues in U.S.-Jordanian Relations ................................................................................ 11
Promoting Peace in the Middle East .................................................................................... 11
Opposition to Normalization ......................................................................................... 12
Reviving the Arab-Israeli Peace Process........................................................................ 12
Jordan-Hamas Relations................................................................................................ 12
The 2008-2009 Israel-Hamas War in Gaza..................................................................... 14
The Road Ahead ........................................................................................................... 14
Iraq..................................................................................................................................... 15
Prospects for Improved Relations .................................................................................. 15
Oil ................................................................................................................................ 15
Iraqi Refugees in Jordan................................................................................................ 16
Al Qaeda-Inspired Terrorism ......................................................................................... 17
Terrorism ............................................................................................................................ 17
Allegations of Torture ................................................................................................... 19
U.S. Aid, Trade, and Military Cooperation................................................................................. 19
U.S. Foreign Assistance to Jordan ....................................................................................... 19
A New Five-Year Aid Deal............................................................................................ 20
Economic Assistance..................................................................................................... 20
Millennium Challenge Account (MCA)......................................................................... 21
Military Assistance........................................................................................................ 21
Trade .................................................................................................................................. 22
Free Trade Agreement ................................................................................................... 22
Qualifying Industrial Zones........................................................................................... 22
Sweat Shop Allegations................................................................................................. 23
Military Cooperation........................................................................................................... 23
Military Sales................................................................................................................ 23
Joint Exercises and Training.......................................................................................... 24
Other Activities ............................................................................................................. 24

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Figures
Figure 1. Map of Jordan .............................................................................................................. 3

Tables
Table 1. Recent Foreign Military Sales to Jordan ....................................................................... 23
Table 2. Annual U.S. Aid to Jordan Since the Gulf Crisis........................................................... 25

Contacts
Author Contact Information ...................................................................................................... 26

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Latest Developments
• In October 2009, King Abdullah II expressed dismay over a perceived lack of
Administration focus on the Middle East peace process. In an interview with
Italian daily La Repubblica, King Abdullah II said, “I've heard people in
Washington talking about Iran, again Iran, always Iran.... But I insist on, and
keep insisting on the Palestinian question: The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is the
most serious threat to the stability of the region and the Mediterranean.”
• On September 2, 2009, Israeli sources reported that National Security Advisor
Uzi Arad secretly visited Jordan to convince King Abdullah II that the Israeli
government is committed to restarting serious peace negotiations with the
Palestinians.1 Israeli leaders also may have attempted to dispel rumors circulating
throughout Jordan that Israel plans to transfer thousands of Palestinians from the
West Bank to the Hashemite Kingdom, which had been suggested by some Israeli
lawmakers in draft legislation put before the Knesset earlier this year.
• In September 2009, a Jordanian citizen who was living in the United States
illegally was arrested and charged with attempting to blow up a skyscraper in
Dallas, Texas. Hosam Maher Husein Smadi, age 19, was arrested after planting
an inert bomb at Fountain Place, a 60-story glass tower in downtown Dallas
following an undercover FBI operation.
• In August 2009, Jordanian authorities permitted Syrian-based Hamas leader
Khaled Meshaal to return to Jordan for two to three days in order to attend the
funeral of his late father. Meshaal was expelled from Jordan in 1999.
• In August 2009, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton held a meeting in Washington
with Jordanian Foreign Minister Nasser Judeh. In her remarks following their
meeting, Secretary Clinton stated that “After six decades of relations, our
partnership has proved both durable and dynamic. We will continue to work
together in areas ranging from assistance with education, healthcare, and water
programs, to border security, good governance, and regional security.”
• In July 2009, King Abdullah II named his 15-year-old son, Prince Hussein Bin
Abdullah, as crown prince. The position had been vacant since 2004, when King
Abdullah II removed the title from his half-brother, Prince Hamzah.
• Congress provided $150 million of Jordan’s total FY2010 FMF appropriation
from P.L. 111-32, the FY2009 Supplemental Appropriations Act. This same bill
also included $150 million in economic aid bringing total U.S. aid to Jordan in
FY2009 to over $880 million.
• In May 2009, the Obama Administration released its FY2010 foreign aid budget
request. It includes $668.3 million in total U.S. assistance to Jordan, including
$300 million in FMF and $363 million in ESF.
• In May and June 2009, the Israeli Knesset (parliament) debated a bill to make
Jordan the official homeland for Palestinians now living in the West Bank.

1 Open Source Center, "National Security Adviser Visited Jordan Secretly," Yedi'ot Aharonot , September 2, 2009,
Document ID# GMP20090902746001.
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According to one Jordanian lawmaker, “It has done big damage.... Even if it’s not
passed, when 53 members of the parliament [Knesset] accept this law in the first
reading, this is very important. We can't think it’s just for show; it’s the real
thinking of the Israeli parliament and they represent the people.”
• In May 2009, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu visited Jordan where
King Abdullah II reportedly asked his counterpart declare Israel’s commitment to
a two-state solution and acceptance of the Arab peace initiative.
• In May 2009, Human Rights Watch issued a letter to the Prime Minister of
Jordan calling on the government to scrap new amendments to its law governing
the oversight of non-governmental organizations in Jordan. According to Human
Rights Watch, “the 2009 proposed amendments would ease the process of
establishing an association by describing more clearly the duties of the registrar
of associations, but they continue to grant the government ultimate political
control to decide whether an association can incorporate. The inclusion of a right
to challenge such denials judicially provides inadequate redress, since the law
includes no criteria for denying permission and the government could act
lawfully by denying permission without reason.”
Overview
Although the United States and Jordan have never been linked by a formal treaty, they have
cooperated on a number of regional and international issues for decades. The country’s small size
and lack of major economic resources have made it dependent on aid from Western and friendly
Arab sources. U.S. support, in particular, has helped Jordan deal with serious vulnerabilities, both
internal and external. Jordan’s geographic position, wedged between Israel, Syria, Iraq, and Saudi
Arabia, has made it vulnerable to the strategic designs of its more powerful neighbors, but has
also given Jordan an important role as a buffer between these potential adversaries. In 1990,
Jordan’s unwillingness to join the allied coalition against Iraq disrupted its relations with the
United States and the Persian Gulf states; however, relations improved throughout the 1990s as
Jordan played an increasing role in the Arab-Israeli peace process and distanced itself from the
Iraqi regime of Saddam Hussein.
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Figure 1. Map of Jordan

Source: Adapted by CRS. (7/16/2006)
Domestic Politics and the Economy
Jordan, created by colonial powers after World War I, initially consisted of desert or semi-desert
territory east of the Jordan River, inhabited largely by people of Bedouin tribal background. The
establishment of the state of Israel brought large numbers of Palestinian refugees to Jordan, which
subsequently annexed a small Palestinian enclave west of the Jordan River. The original “East
Bank” Jordanians, though probably no longer a majority in Jordan, remain predominant in the
country’s political and military establishments and form the bedrock of support for the Jordanian
monarchy. Jordanians of Palestinian origin comprise an estimated 55% to 70% of the population
and generally tend to gravitate toward the private sector.2

2 Speculation over the ratio of East Bankers to Palestinians (those who arrived as refugees and immigrants since 1948)
in Jordanian society tends to be a sensitive domestic issue. Jordan last conducted a national census in 2004, and it is
unclear whether or not the government maintains such statistics. Over time, intermarriage has made it more difficult to
discern distinct differences between the two communities, though divisions do persist.
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The Hashemite Royal Family
Jordan is a hereditary constitutional monarchy
Jordan in Brief
under the prestigious Hashemite family, which
Population
claims descent from the Prophet Muhammad.
(2009):
6,342,948 est.
King Abdullah II has ruled the country since
Area:
89,213 sq. km. (34,445 sq. mi.,
1999, when he succeeded to the throne upon
slightly smaller than Indiana)
the death of his father, the late King Hussein,
Ethnic Groups:
Arabs 98%; Circassians 1%;
after a 47-year reign. Educated largely in
Armenians 1%
Britain and the United States, King Abdullah
Religion:
Sunni Muslim 92%; Christian 6%;
II had earlier pursued a military career,
smal Muslim sects 2% (2001
ultimately serving as commander of Jordan’s
est.)
Special Operations Forces with the rank of
Literacy (2003): 89% (male 95%, female 84%)
Major General. The King’s 15-year-old son
Prince Hussein is the designated crown prince.
GDP (2008):
$19.12 billion; real growth 6.3%
Inflation
King Abdullah II (age 47) has won approval
(2008):
14.9%
for his energetic and hands-on style of
Unemployment 12.9% (official estimate); ca. 30%
governing; however, some Jordanians, notably
(2007):
according to some unofficial
Palestinians and Islamic fundamentalists, are
estimates
opposed to his policies of cooperating with the
External Debt
United States on issues such as Iraq and the
(2006):
$7.3 billion
Arab-Israeli peace process. According to one
Sources: U.S. Dept. of State; Central Bank of Jordan;
former Jordanian cabinet official, “He [King
other U.S. and Jordanian government departments;
Abdullah] talks about information technology
The Economist Intelligence Unit (London)

and foreign investment, but he doesn’t really
know his own people.”3
The king appoints a prime minister to head the government and the Council of Ministers
(cabinet). Typically, Jordanian governments last about 1.5 years before they are dissolved by
royal decree. This is done in order to bolster the king’s reform credentials and to dispense
patronage to various elites. The king also appoints all judges and is commander of the armed
forces.
Parliament, Constitution, and Elections
Jordan’s bicameral legislature is composed of an elected 110-member lower house and an
appointed 55-member upper house.4 Building on his father’s legacy, King Abdullah II has
supported a limited parliamentary democracy, while periodically curtailing dissent when it
threatened economic reforms or normalization of relations with Israel. Overall, parliament has
limited power. In theory, it can override the veto authority of the king with a two-thirds majority
in both the upper and lower houses. A two-thirds majority of the lower house can also dissolve the
cabinet with a “no confidence” vote. However, since both houses almost always have solid pro-
government majorities, such actions are rarely attempted (once in April 1963). The constitution

3 “Jordan’s King Risks Shah’s Fate, Critics Warn,” Los Angeles Times, October 1, 2006.
4 During the late 1970s and early 1980s, the parliament was suspended and legislative powers reverted to the
government.
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enables the king to dissolve parliament and postpone lower house elections for two years.5 The
king also can also circumvent parliament through a constitutional mechanism that allows
provisional legislation to be issued by the cabinet when parliament is not sitting or has been
dissolved. The king also can issue royal decrees which are not subject to parliamentary scrutiny.
Overall, political parties in Jordan are extremely weak, as the moderately fundamentalist Islamic
Action Front (IAF) is the only well organized movement. Most parties represent narrow parochial
interests and are composed of prominent individuals representing a particular family or tribe.
There are approximately 36 small parties in Jordan, consisting of an estimated 4,100 total
members.6
The 1993 Election Law
The opposition in Jordan routinely criticizes the law governing national elections. After Islamists
made gains in the 1989 parliamentary elections, the government changed7 the rules to a “one
man, one vote” system that gives citizens one vote regardless of how many parliamentary seats
represent their district.8 When forced to choose just one representative, voters have typically
chosen candidates based on familial or tribal ties—not on ideology. Reformers would like to see a
mixed election system that provides for some proportional representation and allows parties to
field lists of candidates. In addition, many reformers have called for changes to Jordan’s electoral
map, asserting that the government gerrymandered voting districts to favor candidates from rural
tribal strongholds over urban areas where Islamists typically have more support.9
2007 Parliamentary Elections
On November 20, 2007, approximately 989 candidates vied for 110 seats in the Chamber of
Deputies, parliament’s lower house. Pro-government candidates won an overwhelming majority
while the IAF secured just 6 seats (it only fielded 22 candidates), down from 17 in the 2003
election. The official turnout rate was 54%,10 though the opposition believes that voter
registration rolls were manipulated, ballots were stuffed, and vote buying was rampant.
According to one anonymous voter, “I gave my vote in exchange for JD10 [$14 est.]. I voted and
all my sisters did and we went back home with JD40 [$56] in total.”11 Jordanian authorities did

5 The king also is allowed to declare martial law and suspend the provisions of the constitution. See United Nations
Development Program (UNDP), Programme on Governance in the Arab Region (POGAR), Historical Background of
Jordan’s Constitution, available online at http://www.undp-pogar.org/countries/constitution.asp?cid=7.
6 CRS interview with Jordanian lawmakers, May 2006.
7 The 1993 law was adopted during a period when parliament was suspended. It has never received the formal approval
of parliament, raising questions over its constitutional legitimacy.
8 Under Jordan’s system, electoral districts return several members to parliament, but a voter may vote for only one
candidate. Seats are then awarded to as many of the highest-polling individual candidates as there are seats allocated to
that district.
9 According to one study of Jordan’s election law, “It is no coincidence that under-represented urban governorates have
a large population of Palestinian origin, and that over-represented largely rural governorates are considered mainstays
of support for the regime.” See, David M. DeBartolo, “Jordan: Attention Turns to Electoral Law,” Arab Reform
Bulletin
, published by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Volume 5, Issue 3, April 2007. In Amman,
each legislator represents about 95,000 people. In certain rural provinces, a legislator represents as few as 2,000
individuals.
10 A 51% minimum turnout is required for a legal parliamentary election in Jordan.
11 “Disproportionate Democracy,” Al Ahram Weekly, 22-28 November 2007, Issue No. 872.
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arrest several individuals accused of vote buying. The authorities prohibited non-governmental
organizations from monitoring the election.
In the months prior to the election, the IAF had announced that, despite any significant changes to
the electoral law, it would participate in the November election. When asked why the IAF has
decided to participate after boycotting the July municipal elections,12 one spokesman remarked
that “the party that boycotts loses an important forum. The Islamists want to have the important
forum which parliament provides.” Reportedly, the IAF decided to participate after the prime
minister pledged to hold a clean election in exchange for the Islamists limiting the number of
candidates they would field. Other reports suggest that some prominent IAF members wanted to
boycott the election, but were overruled by pro-government moderates.
Approximately 199 female candidates ran in November; seven won. Under a quota system,13 six
seats are reserved for women, nine for Christians, and three for the Circassian and Chechen
minorities.14 Only one woman, a dentist named Falak al-Jamaani, won outside the six-seat quota
system. Al-Jamaani is an incumbent lawmaker who won a quota seat in the 2003 polls. Tujan
Faisal, Jordan’s first female member of parliament (served from 1993 to 1997), had her candidacy
rejected by the government due to a 2002 military court conviction in which the government
accused her of slandering Jordan’s image and accusing officials of corruption. Although King
Abdullah II pardoned Faisal, a vocal critic of the royal family, her previous conviction was used
to justify the rejection of her candidacy. Faisal responded by saying, “They do not want
lawmakers who enjoy popularity and fight corruption in Jordan. They want pro-government
legislators. The authorities are ready to do anything to prevent me from running in the
elections.”15
The Jordanian Muslim Brotherhood
The Jordanian Muslim Brotherhood has long been integrated into the political mainstream due to
its acceptance of the legitimacy of Hashemite monarchy, although relations between the
Brotherhood and the Palace have fluctuated over the years. The Brotherhood presence in Jordan
dates back to the 1930s, as it has been tacitly recognized first as a charitable organization and
later as a quasi-political organization, which has openly fielded candidates in parliamentary
elections albeit under a different name (Islamic Action Front, IAF). The relationship between the
Brotherhood and the Palace has been mutually beneficial over the years. Successive Jordanian
monarchs have found that the Brotherhood has been more useful politically as an ally than as an
opponent (as opposed to the Brotherhood in Egypt), as it secured Islamist support in countering
Arab nationalist interference during the 1950’s and 1960’s and secular Palestinian nationalism in
the 1970s. The Brotherhood’s educational, social, and health services have grown so extensive

12 The July municipal elections marked the first time that voters elected all municipal council members (half of whom
were previously selected by the king), with the exception of the capital Amman, where all were elected and support for
the IAF is particularly strong. The IAF seemed poised to participate in the election only to withdraw hours before the
polls opened.
13 A six-seat quota for women was established prior to the 2003 parliamentary election. According to Jordanian
officials, women comprise only 4% of cabinet ministers and 7% each in upper and lower house. In addition, women
make up only 14% of the labor market. However, Jordan now has 48 female judges compared to none in 1996.
14 In the 2003 election, not a single female candidate won outside of the quota system.
15 “Jordan’s First Woman MP Barred from Seeking Re-election,” Agence France Presse, October 23, 2007.
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over the years that some experts believe that the Brotherhood’s budget for services rivals that of
the Jordanian government.
Like other Islamist parties in the region, the Islamic Action Front, the Muslim Brotherhood’s
political wing, operates in a tight political space, wedged between a government which seeks to
limit its influence and a disillusioned constituency impatient for reform. In Jordan’s poorer
neighborhoods, the Brotherhood uses its social services to attract support, though it must compete
with the growing allure of militant Islam, emanating both from within Jordan and from
neighboring Iraq. The IAF markets itself as beyond the culture of corruption found in Jordanian
politics, and while this message may resonate with the average supporter, it is unclear what the
party’s platform is aside from its slogan of “Islam is the solution.”
With the government seeking to limit its activities and having performed poorly in the 2007
parliamentary elections, the Brotherhood reorganized in 2008 and internally elected Dr. Hamam
Said (alt. sp. Himman Said/Hammam Sa’id /Hamam Sa’id/Hammam Saaed) as the movement’s
new general guide. Press reports have described the new leader as a “hawk,” stressing his
Palestinian origins and possible ties to Hamas. It is unclear whether the internal electoral victory
of Dr. Said, a law professor and former member of parliament, represents a change in direction
for the Brotherhood away from limited cooperation with the monarchy and toward closer ties to
Hamas as some analysts suggest.16 The Brotherhood’s Shura Council elected a more moderate
figure, Abd al-Latif Arabiyat, to serve as its head. Some experts assert that having a more
confrontational figure, such as Dr. Said, as the public face of the Brotherhood actually bolsters the
international image of the monarchy as a moderating force.
For several years now, the Jordanian government has taken additional steps to curb the
Brotherhood’s influence in domestic politics. Violence in neighboring Iraq, the 2005 Amman
hotel bombings which killed 58 people, and the 2007 Hamas takeover of the Gaza Strip all have
made the Jordanian authorities more cautious of the Brotherhood’s political and charitable
activities. After the recent Israel-Hamas war in Gaza (see below), authorities banned several
clerics associated the Brotherhood from delivering Friday sermons.
The Military and Security Establishment
Many tribal East Bank Jordanians or their descendants form the backbone of Jordan’s armed
forces and internal security establishment. Most observers agree that with the possible exception
of Syria, Jordan faces few conventional threats from its neighbors and that the greatest threats to
its security are internal and asymmetrical. In general, counter-terrorism and homeland security
policies are carried out by a number of institutions, most notably the security services under direct
palace control, the military, and the Interior Ministry. The General Intelligence Directorate (GID)
reports directly to King Abdullah II and is responsible for both covert operations abroad and
internal security. The military’s elite special forces units also are directly involved in countering
threats to internal security and were reportedly used to thwart a chemical weapons plot in April
2004. The Interior Ministry controls all civilian police forces and civil defense units through a
branch agency known as the Public Security Directorate (PSD).

16 Yaron Eisenberg and Malcolm James, “Hardliners Assume Leadership of Jordan’s Muslim Brotherhood,” Terrorism
Focus
, volume 6, issue 22, published by the Jamestown Foundation, June 10, 2008.
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Reform
The reform process in Jordan largely comes from the top down, as King Abdullah II has worked
hard at cultivating a progressive image for both himself and the government. Nevertheless, the
pace of reforms, particularly democratic reform, remains slow by Western standards; for every
step forward on issues such as women’s rights, economic liberalization, and education, there are
steps backward on press freedoms and institutional reforms.17 For example, last year the
parliament passed The Law on Societies 2008, which provides the Ministry of Social
Development with vast powers to regulate local non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and
restricts their ability to receive foreign funding. According to Sarah Leah Whitson, Middle East
director at Human Rights Watch, the law shows “Jordan’s intolerance for critical debate in a
democracy.... Jordan is trying to put a legal veneer on its efforts to stifle civil society.”18
Jordanian officials have been adamant in insisting that they be allowed to institute social changes
at their own pace, asserting that society has changed dramatically over the past century from a
desert tribal society into a modern nation state. The Jordanian government believes that some
portions of its population are suspicious of U.S. intentions in the region and that local leaders
would consider some U.S. democratic reform proposals to be antithetical to Jordan’s conservative
Islamic and tribal social culture.
Overall, analysts have widely documented a culture of political apathy in Jordan, where citizens
are angry over corruption, unemployment, and rising inflation, but are largely complacent when it
comes to taking political action. According to one observer:
Most Jordanians accept this system, or at least do not actively resist or challenge it. The vital
democratic principle of “the consent of the governed” has been adjusted to “the acquiescence
of the governed,” who do not take political governance too seriously because they appreciate
what the system offers them in comparison with many other Arab countries. The system
shuns severe abuses of citizen rights and human dignity—no mass graves have ever been
found in Jordan, nobody disappears forever in the middle of the night. Unable to shape
policy, citizens instead value stability—the opportunity to raise their children in safety, travel
freely, work in any field they wish, educate themselves profusely, and be afforded a chance
to improve their position in life.19
In December 2008, the International Republican Institute (IRI) released the results of its sixth
national poll taken in August 2008. Among its findings, the poll indicated that an overwhelming
majority of Jordanians are pessimistic about the economy and describe a downward trend in their
economic fortunes during the past 12 months. In addition, Jordanians express very low
satisfaction rates across an array of quality of life indicators, such as standard of living, jobs,
future financial security, their children’s future and the state of the nation.20

17 According to the U.S. State Department’s 2007 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices-Jordan, “While the
government respected human rights in some areas, its overall record continued to reflect problems. The government
restricted citizens’ right to change their government. Domestic and international NGOs reported torture, arbitrary
arrest, and prolonged detention. Impunity, denial of due process of law, and limited judicial independence remained
problems.” Available online at http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2007/100598.htm.
18 Human Rights Watch, Jordan: Scrap New Laws That Stifle Democracy, June 30, 2008.
19 Rami G. Khouri, “Jordan’s Benign, Stable Authoritarianism,” Daily Star (Beirut), December 12, 2007.
20 The full results of the poll are available online at http://www.iri.org/mena/jordan/2008-12-01-Jordan.asp
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The Economy
With few natural resources21 and a small industrial base, Jordan has an economy which is heavily
dependent on external aid from abroad, tourism, expatriate worker remittances,22 and the service
sector. Among the longstanding problems Jordan faces are poverty (15%-30%), corruption, slow
economic growth, and high levels of unemployment, nominally around 13% but thought by many
analysts to be in the 25%-30% range.23 Corruption, common in most developing nations, is
particularly pronounced in Jordan. Use of intermediaries, referred to in Arabic as “Wasta
(connections), is widespread, and many young Jordanians have grown frustrated by the lack of
social and economic mobility that corruption engenders. Each year, thousands of Jordanians go
abroad in search of better jobs and opportunities. Like many poor countries, Jordan suffers from a
“brain drain” of its most talented workers, and the government has struggled to develop
incentives to keep its well-educated, highly skilled workers close to home. The government is by
far the largest employer with between one-third to two-thirds of all workers on the state’s payroll.
National Budget
Jordan’s 2009 national budget projects spending to total nearly $8.6 billion. Energy imports are a
major drain on the country’s budget. In 2008, the government spent an estimated $3.5 billion
importing oil, gas and electricity, equivalent to well over 25% of the national budget. In 2009, the
budget deficit is estimated at $1.5 billion. U.S. economic assistance and cash grants from other
donors helps to reduce annual budget deficits. According to several reports, the government is
planning to cut expenditures for its 2010 budget.
Jordan and the Global Financial Crisis
The current global economic crisis has affected the Jordanian economy in several ways. From a
positive standpoint, thousands of expatriate workers from the Gulf are expected to return home
this year, which should temporarily lead to a spike in domestic spending. Inflation, which had
spiraled upward between 2006 and 2008 is expected to drop from a high of 14% in 2008 to
around 4% in 2009, reflecting the downward change in oil and food prices. Nevertheless,
economists predict a difficult time ahead for the economy. The London-based Economist
Intelligence Unit
estimates that growth will slow from an estimated 5.8% in 2008 to 3.5% in 2009
and 3% in 2010. Tourism revenue is expected to drop, as are textile exports. In addition, foreign
investment, which reached $3.2 billion in 2008 (mostly from the wealthier Arab Gulf states), is
expected to decrease.

21 Jordan possesses substantial reserves of phosphates and potash. No significant oil and gas fields have been
discovered. However, Jordan has one of world’s largest reserves of oil shale. Officials estimate that the country
contains the world’s fourth-largest oil shale reserves. In 2006, Shell signed an oil shale exploration agreement with the
Jordanian government. See, “Amman Unlocks Energy Potential, Middle East Economic Digest, August 7, 2009.
22 It is estimated that up to 20%of GDP comes from remittances. Nearly 10% of Jordan’s population (600,000 est.)
reside and work in Arab Gulf countries.
23 One factor that exacerbates the unemployment situation in Jordan is the social stigma attached to menial labor jobs.
Referred to as the “culture of shame,” Jordanian tribal traditions look down on certain types of employment such as
construction. In fact, the government estimates that there are approximately 300,000 to 400,000 foreign laborers in
Jordan working as domestic laborers, bricklayers, and other tasks.
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Water Shortages & Jordan’s Nuclear Program
Jordan is one of the ten most water deprived countries in the world and is in constant search of
new water resources. Most of the country’s drinking water is secured from underground wells,
and excessive pumping over decades has led water levels to drop precipitously. The agricultural
sector uses an estimated 60% to 70% of all water resources, but only accounts for about 3% of
GDP. A series of recent droughts has exacerbated existing shortages, and experts have warned that
the Kingdom’s overall water situation is deteriorating.
In addition, the Dead Sea, which abuts both Jordan and Israel, is losing water at an estimated
three feet per year, and some scientists suggest that without significant action it will be gone by
2050. Jordan has been exploring new water development projects, including the feasibility of
pumping water from the Red Sea, desalinating it, and then transferring it down to the Dead Sea.
This project, referred to as the Red-Dead Canal, is being studied by the government and
international lenders. For more information on the project, see CRS Report RS22876, The “Red-
Dead” Canal: Israeli-Arab Efforts to Restore the Dead Sea
, by Jeremy M. Sharp.
Nuclear Plans
In order to address chronic water shortages, Jordan requires energy-intensive desalination plants
and the electric power to fuel them. For the past two years, the kingdom has moved ahead with
plans to develop a domestic civilian nuclear energy program. In a January 2007 interview with an
Israeli newspaper, King Abdullah II announced his country’s plans to construct a nuclear-powered
reactor for peaceful purposes. Most analysts believe that Jordan, like other Arab countries, is
using the specter of a looming Iranian nuclear threat to generate international support for a
nuclear program which, in Jordan’s case, will mainly alleviate electricity and fuel shortages
needed to power new desalination plants. Between 2017 and 2030, the government aims to have
between 20% and 30% of its annual electricity generated by nuclear power. Nonetheless,
financing a nuclear program may be cost prohibitive without significant international support. In
September 2007 at a nuclear energy summit in Vienna, Austria, the United States and Jordan
signed a memorandum of understanding outlining potential U.S.-Jordanian cooperation on
developing requirements for appropriate power reactors, fuel service arrangements, civilian
training, nuclear safety, and energy technology. In addition, Jordan has signed nuclear cooperative
agreements or had extensive discussions with the U.S., British, French, Canadian, Russian,
Romanian, Spanish, Argentinean, South Korean, Japanese, and Chinese governments. In 2008,
the Jordan Atomic Energy Commission (JAEC) signed a uranium24 exploration agreement with
the French company Areva for joint exploration of uranium in central Jordan. Several months
later, JAEC signed a memorandum of understanding (MoU) covering exploration and mining of
uranium and other ores with British-Australian mining company Rio Tinto.
Some Israeli officials are concerned that a potential Jordanian nuclear power plant could be built
too close to the Dead Sea Rift, an area prone to earthquakes. Israeli officials assert that an
earthquake could cause radioactive leaks that could then damage the nearby Israeli city Eilat.
They have asked the Jordanian government to locate any reactor in a more geologically-stable
location, such as the cliffs above the coastal southern city of Aqaba.25

24 Jordan accounts for 2% of the world's uranium reserves.
25 Open Source Center, "Israeli Officials Fear Jordanian Nuclear Plant on Earthquake-Prone Dead Sea Rift," Yedi'ot
(continued...)
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Current Issues in U.S.-Jordanian Relations
Promoting Peace in the Middle East
Finding a peaceful solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is the utmost priority of the
Jordanian government. Although Jordan joined other neighboring Arab states in a series of
military conflicts against Israel between 1948 and 1973, the late King Hussein (ruled 1952-1999)
ultimately concluded that peace with Israel was in Jordan’s strategic interests due to Israel’s
conventional military superiority, the development of an independent Palestinian national
movement that threatened both Jordanian and Israeli security, and Jordan’s support for Saddam
Hussein in the first Gulf War which isolated it from the West.26 Consequently, in 1994 Jordan and
Israel signed a peace treaty,27 and King Abdullah II has used his country’s semi-cordial official
relationship with Israel to improve Jordan’s standing with Western governments and international
financial institutions, on which it relies heavily for external support and aid.
Nevertheless, the continuation of conflict continues to be a major obstacle to Jordan’s
development. The issue of Palestinian rights resonates with much of the population, as more than
half of all Jordanian citizens originate from either the West Bank or the pre-1967 borders of
Israel. There are an estimated 1.9 million United Nations-registered Palestinian refugees in
Jordan, and, while many no longer regard their stay in Jordan as temporary, they have retained
their refugee status both as a symbolic sign of support for Palestinians living under Israeli
occupation and in hope of being included in any future settlement.28 Furthermore, for King
Abdullah II and the royal Hashemite family, who are of Arab Bedouin descent and rely politically
on the support of East Bank tribal families, finding a solution to the conflict is considered a
matter of political survival since the government cannot afford to ignore an issue of critical
importance to a majority of its citizens. The royal family and their tribal constituents vehemently
reject periodic Israeli calls for the reunification of the West Bank with Jordan proper (dubbed the
“Jordanian Option”), a maneuver that could inevitably alter the political status quo in Jordan.
Like his father before him, King Abdullah II has repeated the mantra that “Jordan is Jordan and
Palestine is Palestine.”

(...continued)
Aharonot (in Hebrew), October 1, 2009, Document ID# GMP20091001735011.
26 In 1991, Congress suspended the delivery of U.S. economic and military aid to Jordan. See Section 502 of P.L. 102-
27, the Dire Emergency Supplemental Appropriations for Consequences of Operation Desert Shield/Desert Storm,
Food Stamps, Unemployment Compensation Administration, Veterans Compensation and Pensions, and Urgent Needs
for the Fiscal Year Ending September 30, 1991 and For Other Purposes.
27 Jordan and Israel signed a peace treaty on October 26, 1994. Later, the two countries exchanged ambassadors; Israel
returned approximately 131 square miles of territory near the Rift Valley to Jordan; the parliament repealed laws
banning contacts with Israel; and the two countries signed a number of bilateral agreements between 1994 and 1996 to
normalize economic and cultural links. Water sharing, a recurring problem, was partially resolved in May 1997 when
the two countries reached an interim arrangement under which Israel began pumping 72,000 cubic meters of water
from Lake Tiberias (the Sea of Galilee) to Jordan per day (equivalent to 26.3 million cubic meters per year—a little
over half the target amount envisioned in an annex to the peace treaty).
28 The United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) maintains a large
presence in Jordan. UNRWA has 7,000 staff in Jordan, comprising mostly teachers, doctors, and engineers. It operates
174 schools in Jordan (providing education through 10th grade, then the remainder provided by government).
According to UNRWA officials, their budget is $104 million a year. At this point, 83% of all U.N.-registered refugees
live outside of UNRWA camps.
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Opposition to Normalization
King Abdullah’s efforts to normalize relations with Israel have faced significant resistance within
Jordan, particularly among Islamic fundamentalist groups, parts of the Palestinian community,
and influential trade and professional organizations. Among many mainstream Jordanians, there
is some disappointment that peace with Israel has not brought more tangible economic benefits to
them so far. Opponents of normalization have repeatedly called on Jordanians to boycott contacts
with Israel, and activists among them have compiled “black lists” of Jordanian individuals and
companies that deal with Israel. The Jordanian government has arrested organizers of these lists,
but courts have upheld their right to publish them. In addition, IAF parliamentarians periodically
propose legislation to prohibit cooperation with Israel in various sectors. The IAF also has
proposed legislation to abrogate Jordan’s 1994 peace treaty with Israel.
Reviving the Arab-Israeli Peace Process
For nearly a decade, King Abdullah II has attempted to convince U.S. policy makers and
Congress to become more actively involved in mediating between Israelis and Palestinians. King
Abdullah II is a strong supporter of a Saudi initiative, dubbed the “Arab Peace Initiative,” which
calls for Israel’s full withdrawal from all occupied territories and the establishment of a
Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza Strip in exchange for full normalization of relations
with all Arab states in the region. In a March 2007 address to a joint session of Congress, King
Abdullah II pleaded for U.S. leadership in the peace process, which he called the “core issue in
the Middle East.” He suggested that the Arab Peace Initiative is a path to achieve a collective
peace treaty. Jordanian officials also have repeatedly condemned Israeli settlement activities in
the West Bank, especially in Jerusalem, claiming that they violate international law and heighten
tensions in the region.
King Abdullah II supported the convening of the U.S.-sponsored peace conference in Annapolis,
Maryland in November 2007, and he has encouraged the United States to push for Israeli-
Palestinian negotiations over core issues (status of Jerusalem, refugees, and borders). He has
warned repeatedly that, without a settlement to the conflict, armed Islamist movements like
Hamas and Hezbollah will grow in strength and radicalize Jordan’s own Islamist movements.
According to King Abdullah II:
The process that started in Annapolis is, from our perspective, a positive development, but it
also may be our last chance for peace for many, many years to come.... For us to fully realize
the benefits of reform, we need to be able to exchange goods and services with our neighbors
and facilitate the movement of people.... So in that respect, conflict holds everyone up, and
the longer we delay conflict resolution, the more we risk greater instability down the road.29
Jordan-Hamas Relations
For two decades, Jordan has had an on-again, off-again relationship with Hamas, the Palestinian
militant group and U.S. State Department-designated Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTO).
Throughout the 1990s, the late King Hussein tolerated a Hamas presence in his kingdom.30 Upon

29 “Jordan’s King Warns that Annapolis Conference Last Chance for Palestinians,” Associated Press, February 10,
2008.
30 In 1997, Israeli agents disguised as Canadian tourists attempted to poison Khaled Meshaal, head of the Hamas
(continued...)
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his accession to the throne in 1999, King Abdullah II, perhaps realizing that Jordan’s relationship
with Hamas was a political liability, reversed his late father’s longstanding policy of tolerating
Hamas and closed its Jordan offices permanently.
Since then, Jordan has been a strong backer of Palestinian moderates (such as the Fatah party)
loyal to President Mahmoud Abbas and has been determined to bolster the capacity of the
Palestinian Authority (PA) in the West Bank in order to prevent Hamas from gaining strength
there. Jordan has provided training for several battalions of U.S.-screened Palestinian recruits to
serve in an overhauled Palestinian Authority National Security Force.31 The training is conducted
by Jordanian police at the Jordanian International Police Training Center near Amman.
Toward the end of 2008, perhaps in order to hedge against the prospect of yet another round of
failed Israeli-Palestinian peace negotiations, Jordan opened a dialogue with Hamas officials. Led
by General Muhammad Dahabi, Jordan reportedly discussed “political and security issues” with
their Hamas counterparts (Muhammad Nazzal). Most analysts have interpreted this limited
engagement as a pragmatic Jordanian maneuver designed to open channels of communication
with an emboldened Hamas now in firm control of the Gaza Strip. Jordan may be seeking a
pledge from Hamas not to interfere in Jordanian domestic politics. According to one observer,
“Hamas wants to talk with Jordan and Jordan wants to listen to what Hamas has to say. And it is
in Jordan’s interest today to communicate with all and sundry—north, south, east, and west,
without changing the underlying fundamentals of its policies, instead of concentrating on an
alliance with only two states, the United States and Israel.”32
Since the 2006 Hamas victory in Palestinian Authority legislative elections, the Jordanian
government has been placed in a difficult position. Much of its citizenry sympathizes with Hamas
and Jordan’s own Islamist party, the Islamic Action Front (IAF), reportedly maintains close ties to
Hamas. The IAF has been careful to downplay these ties and, in August 2009, three high ranking
moderate Brotherhood figures resigned from the group’s leadership bureau in protest over
Hamas-Jordanian Brotherhood ties. According to one recent IAF statement, “Abbas is the
legitimate Palestinian president and Hamas’s battle should be with the Zionist enemy, not other
Palestinians, so we ask them to return to a policy of dialogue and to restore the institutions in
Gaza.”33 Some critics of King Abdullah II assert that the Hamas threat to Jordan is a specter used
by the royal family to consolidate its rule and repress potential opposition.

(...continued)
political bureau and one of its founding members. The agents were captured by Jordanian authorities, and Israel was
forced to release a number of high profile Hamas members in order to secure the return of their operatives. King
Hussein had reportedly threatened to abrogate the Israel-Jordan 1994 peace treaty if Israel failed to provide an antidote
and release other Hamas prisoners.
31 “Palestinian Forces Enter Jordan for Training Under U.S. Program,” Ha’aretz, January 24, 2008 and “500 Palestinian
Security Force Members Head to Jordan for U.S.-funded Training,” Ha’aretz, September 18, 2008. Jordan has helped
train 3,000 Palestinian cadets at the U.S.-funded Jordan International Police Training Center (JIPTC).
32 “Report on Jordan-Hamas Talks,” Al-Hayat (London), accessed via Open Source Center, Document ID#
GMP20080817837001, August 17, 2008.
33 “Egypt and Jordan Quietly Back Abbas, Too,” Christian Science Monitor, June 20, 2007.
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The 2008-2009 Israel-Hamas War in Gaza
The Jordanian public and some government officials were extremely critical of Israel’s recent
military operations against Hamas (Operation Cast Lead) in the Gaza Strip. During the month-
long war, hundreds of protests broke out across the country. Most public demonstrations were
small in size, but in early January 2009, the Muslim Brotherhood organized an estimated 50,000-
person rally at an Amman sports complex. During the event, Dr. Hamam Said, the Brotherhood’s
new general guide, stated that the rally’s large size indicated that “this is a vote on the peace
treaty with Israel,” as protesters chanted, “no Israeli embassy on Jordanian land.”34 Media
coverage focused largely on the Palestinian humanitarian dimension of the conflict. Some
protesters tried to approach the Israeli Embassy in Amman but were met by riot police and were
dispersed without any major incident.35
At the official level, some Jordanian lawmakers burnt an Israeli flag during a parliamentary
session. Lawmakers set the flag aflame inside the lower house chamber during a special session
of parliament dedicated to the Gaza war. Other parliamentarians called on the king to sever
diplomatic ties with Israel and expel its ambassador. Some members of Jordan’s professional
associations also held a demonstration where they burnt Israeli and American consumer products.
At a press conference in Egypt following a January cease-fire, King Abdullah II reiterated the
need for a negotiated two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, stating that “If we do
not take action towards a permanent solution based on the two-state solution, the world leaders
will find themselves once again forced to convene to address a new Israeli aggression on the
Palestinians.”36 The King also reportedly dismissed the director of the Jordanian General
Intelligence Department (GID) General Muhammad Dahabi during the war, perhaps as an
indication that the kingdom would not be further strengthening its relations with Hamas. As noted
above, General Dahabi had conducted talks with Hamas leaders just months before the war.
At the height of the conflict, some experts feared that the war in Gaza would destabilize moderate
Arab governments like Egypt and Jordan which have respective peace treaties with Israel.
Because Jordan has a high percentage of citizens of Palestinian origin, any outbreak in Israeli-
Palestinian violence is typically accompanied by speculation over Jordan’s (and the monarchy’s)
stability. Nevertheless, though public anger ran high during the war, authorities managed to
prevent any large-scale outbreak in violence. In Jordan, the right to assemble and hold
demonstrations requires a government permit, and though many spontaneous protests broke out
during the war, most Jordanians kept within the bounds of permitted political activity.
The Road Ahead
Jordan’s pro-peace regional foreign policy may continue to face obstacles in the months and years
ahead due to the domestic political situation amongst Israelis and Palestinians respectively. Some
Jordanians fear that the new largely right wing Israeli government led by Prime Minister
Benjamin Netanyahu will table Israeli-Palestinian peace talks indefinitely. Meanwhile, the lack of
a Palestinian unity government also will continue to stall progress on peace talks as many
countries refuse to deal with Hamas until it renounces violence and recognizes Israel. Senator

34 “Tens of Thousands Participate in Weekend Rallies,” Jordan Times, January 4, 2009.
35 Open Source Center, “State PAO: Jordanian Media Highlights for 16-19 Jan 2009,” Amman US Embassy Public
Affairs Office
, January 19, 2009, p. Document ID# GMP20090119644008.
36 “We don’t Need an all New Peace Process,” Jordan Times, January 19, 2009.
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George J. Mitchell, the new U.S. Special Envoy for Middle East Peace, has traveled to Jordan and
may return there soon for additional consultations.
Iraq
Jordan’s relations with Iraq during the Saddam Hussein era were strong. In 2003, Jordan publicly
opposed military action against Iraq, but it informally and quietly provided logistical support to
the U.S.-led campaign to oust Saddam Hussein. Since 2003, Jordanians have repeatedly criticized
what they perceive to be the political marginalization of Iraq’s Sunni Arab population. Unlike
Iraq’s other neighbors, Jordan has a limited ability to intervene in Iraq’s affairs at present, and,
since 2003, Jordanian leaders have been far more concerned with Iraq’s influence on the
kingdom’s own politics, trade, and internal security.
In 2008, as the situation in Iraq stabilized, Jordan moved to normalize its relations with the
predominately Shiite Iraqi government. In August 2008, perhaps as a response to U.S. demands
that Arab states end their isolation of Iraq, King Abdullah II became the first Arab leader to visit
Iraq since the fall of the Saddam Hussein regime in 2003. Earlier in the year, Jordan announced
that it had appointed an ambassador to Baghdad, the first nation to do so since all Arab
governments withdrew their ambassadors after the 2005 kidnapping and murder of Egypt’s
former envoy.37
Prospects for Improved Relations
At the official level, government-to-government relations between Jordan and Iraq are likely to
improve as long as Iraq remains stable and relatively free of sectarian bloodshed. Nevertheless,
Jordan’s Sunni tribal Arab elite had strong ties to the Saddam Hussein regime, and few analysts
expect Jordan-Iraqi relations to revert back to earlier times. In the months and years ahead, both
sides will have to tackle the Iraqi refugee issue, energy deals, border security, and, most
importantly, their relationship with Iran. Jordan, like other Sunni Arab states, is suspicious of
Iranian intentions in the region.
Oil
Jordan has consistently sought to reap tangible benefits from relations with its larger, oil-rich
neighbor. During the Saddam Hussein regime, Iraq provided nearly all of Jordan’s domestic oil
needs, half of it free of charge.38 After the U.S. invasion in 2003 and until 2008, Jordan was
forced to receive or purchase its oil elsewhere, as its relationship with a fledgling, Shiite-
dominated Iraqi government in the throes of an insurgency and civil war hindered the

37 In August 2003, 17 people were killed outside the Jordanian embassy in an insurgent attack designed to deter Arab
cooperation with coalition forces.
38 During the decade preceding Operation Iraqi Freedom while Iraq was under an international economic embargo,
Jordan imported between 70,000 and 95,000 barrels per day of oil and oil products from Iraq. Jordan bought the oil at
discounted prices, and actual payments were made in commodities rather than cash, through shipments of humanitarian
goods from Jordan to Iraq. These transactions were outside the U.N.-approved oil-for-food program; however, the
United Nations “took note” of Jordan’s position that it had no other source of oil, and U.S. administrations waived
legislation that would have penalized Jordan for these transactions on this basis.
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normalization of bilateral ties. The two sides did reach a tentative oil deal in August 2006;
however, security and logistical concerns prevented the resumption of oil shipments.
After years of delay, Iraqi crude oil shipments began arriving in Jordan in September 2008. Under
the original terms of their agreement, Jordan was to receive approximately 10,000 barrels of oil
per day (roughly 10% of their daily consumption) from Iraq, at a price between $10-$18 per
barrel. This quantity would increase to 30,000 barrels at a later stage, based on the memorandum
of understanding signed between the two countries. Due to spiraling global oil prices, Iraq revised
the agreement in 2008 to provide crude oil to Jordan at $22 per barrel—still a substantial discount
from the international market price for Brent crude oil.
Jordan and Iraq had discussed the construction of a pipeline from Iraq to the Jordanian port of
Aqaba but cost projections have scuttled this proposal. Reportedly, the Jordanian government is
now seeking international financing for the construction of a 600-mile railroad system to ferry
Iraqi crude oil directly to Jordan’s sole refinery in the industrial town of Zarqa.39
Iraqi Refugees in Jordan
With over half of Jordan’s population claiming Palestinian descent, the kingdom has coped with
refugee issues for decades. Nevertheless, the estimated 400,000-500,000 Iraqis living in Jordan
have not been welcomed by the government and face difficult day-to-day circumstances there.
For a small, relatively poor country such as Jordan, the Iraqi influx is creating profound changes
in Jordan’s economy and society. Since 2003, the influx of hundreds of thousands of Iraqi
refugees into greater Amman has caused housing shortages and led to rising rents and real estate
prices. By some accounts, Amman is now one of the most expensive Arab capital cities in the
region. Inflation has soared, creating hardships for middle class Jordanians of all backgrounds. In
early 2007, Jordan sealed its borders and has since tried to stop any further inflow of Iraqis into
the capital Amman and its environs.
In addition to concerns over absorbing more Iraqis, the Jordanian government may be treating the
steady inflow of Iraqi refugees as a national security issue. Jordanian authorities have imposed
restrictions on young Iraqi males to prevent their entering the country in response to security
concerns. The Jordanian government classifies displaced Iraqis living in Jordan as “visitors” or
“guests,” not refugees, as Jordan does not have a domestic refugee law, nor is it a party to the
1951 UN refugees’ convention.40 Iraqis who are able to deposit $150,000 in Amman banks are
granted residency almost instantly, while the vast majority of Iraqis in Jordan have become illegal
aliens due to the expiration of their visitor visas.41
Jordan’s positive relationships with Western donor countries and international organizations have
enabled it to receive some outside assistance for coping with its large Iraqi refugee population.
The FY2007 Supplemental Appropriations Act (P.L. 110-28) provided $45 million to Jordan for
assistance to Iraqi refugees and an additional $10.3 million in economic assistance for Jordanian

39 “Jordan Plans Regional Railway, Oil Link with Iraq,” Agence France Presse, July 27, 2008.
40 According to the UNHCR’s representative in Jordan, Robert Breen, “The term ‘refugee’ has political implications for
the government and Iraqis because of the Palestinian question.... Most Iraqis, who represent a very diverse group here,
don’t view themselves as refugees.” See, “Uncertain Future for Jordan’s ‘Guests,’” Financial Times, March 12, 2007.
41 Many Iraqis in Jordan lack valid residency permits or visas altogether. “Uneasy Havens Await Those Who Flee
Iraq,” New York Times, December 8, 2006.
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communities hosting large refugee populations. P.L. 110-161, the FY2008 Consolidated
Appropriations Act, also provided bilateral aid to Jordan to be used to address social and
economic development needs, including for Iraqis seeking refuge in Jordan. P.L. 110-252, the
FY2008 Supplemental Appropriations Act, also specified up to $175 million in economic aid for
Jordan to meet the needs of Iraqi refugees.
Al Qaeda-Inspired Terrorism
As violence continues in Iraq, Jordan continues to be both a source of foreign fighters joining the
Sunni insurgency and a target of Al Qaeda-inspired terrorist groups. The industrial town of Zarqa,
several miles northeast of Amman, has been well documented as a source of Sunni militancy, as
dozens of its young men have traveled to Iraq to die as suicide bombers. According to one
Islamist community leader in Zarqa, “Most of the young people here in Zarqa are very
religious.... And when they see the news and what is going on in the Islamic countries, they
themselves feel that they have to go to fight jihad. Today, you don’t need anyone to tell the young
men that they should go to jihad. They themselves want to be martyrs.”42
Potential threats from transnational terrorism also dominates Jordan’s Iraq policy agenda. Despite
the killing of Jordanian terrorist mastermind Abu Musab al Zarqawi in June 2006 by U.S. and
Iraqi forces (reportedly with assistance from Jordanian intelligence), the threat of Al Qaeda-
affiliated or inspired terrorists using Iraq’s predominately Sunni Al Anbar Province as a launching
pad to destabilize Jordan remains high. On November 9, 2005, near simultaneous explosions at
three Western-owned hotels in Amman killed 58 persons and seriously wounded approximately
100 others. Al Qaeda in Iraq claimed responsibility for the attacks. In late 2006, Jordanian
intelligence authorities thwarted a potential bomb attack against foreign tourists traveling through
Queen Alia Airport in Amman. Several of the convicted conspirators were Iraqis, and one of the
ringleaders of the plot reportedly had sought to place a bomb in a sports bag using the explosive
PE-4A which is used by insurgents in Iraq.43
Terrorism
Jordan is a key partner in fighting international Islamic terrorist groups, as its main intelligence
organization, the General Intelligence Directorate (GID), is considered one of the most effective
organizations in the region at infiltrating Jihadist networks.44 Jordanian intelligence reportedly
played a role in assisting U.S. forces in killing Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, the fugitive Jordanian
terrorist mastermind who headed the Al Qaeda in Iraq organization until his death in June 2006.

42 “In Jihadist Haven, a Goal: To Kill and Die in Iraq,” New York Times, May 4, 2007.
43 “Militants Widen Reach as Terror Seeps Out of Iraq,” New York Times, May 28, 2007.
44 For years, some experts have speculated that Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) support to the GID has been
substantial. One expert wrote that “the agency created a Jordanian intelligence service, which lives today as its liaison
to much of the Arab world.” See, Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, New York, Anchor Books, 2008. In addition, there is a
long history of U.S.-Jordanian intelligence cooperation. According to Jane’s Intelligence Digest, the GID collaborated
with the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency in the early 1980s to disrupt the Abu Nidal organization and in 1999 was
instrumental in foiling Al-Qaeda’s ‘millennium plot.’ It also may have been responsible for foiling planned bombings
of the US, Jordanian and British embassies in Beirut in 2001 as well as the US embassy in Amman in 2004. See,
“Jordanian-US intelligence co-operation: Iraq and beyond,” Jane’s Intelligence Digest, November 9, 2007.
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Jordan’s cooperative relationship with the United States has made it vulnerable to terrorist
attacks, particularly from organizations operating from Iraq. On November 9, 2005, near
simultaneous explosions at three western-owned hotels in Amman (the Radisson, Grand Hyatt,
and Days Inn) killed 58 persons and seriously wounded approximately 100 others. The terrorist
organization Al Qaeda in Iraq, formerly headed by Zarqawi, claimed responsibility for the act.
Many Jordanians, even some who disagree with their government’s support for U.S. Middle East
policies, have condemned the hotel bombings, which killed many Jordanians, and denounced
Zarqawi’s actions. King Abdullah II has said the attacks were aimed at ordinary Jordanians, not
foreigners, noting that the hotels, though western owned, were frequented by local citizens. On
November 15, 2005, Jordan’s Minister of the Interior announced new security regulations
designed to keep foreign militants from operating covertly in Jordan, including a requirement for
Jordanians to notify authorities within 48 hours of renting an apartment or a house to foreigners.
Other recent terrorist activity in Jordan include the following:
• On October 28, 2002, Lawrence Foley, a U.S. diplomat assigned to the U.S.
Agency for International Development (USAID) program in Jordan, was shot
and killed by an unknown assailant as Foley was leaving for work from his
residence. A Jordanian military court convicted and sentenced to death eight
Islamic militants linked to Al Qaeda and presumably involved in the Foley
murder; the court sentenced two others to jail terms and acquitted one defendant.
Six of the eight sentenced to death were tried in absentia, including Zarqawi, and
two more were executed on March 11, 2006.
• In April 2004, Jordanian authorities reportedly uncovered a plot by a terrorist cell
linked to Zarqawi which planned to launch a chemical attack in the Jordanian
capital of Amman. According to press reports, in January 2004, one of the would-
be perpetrators visited Iraq, where he obtained $170,000, which Zarqawi had
collected from Syrian donors to pay for the attack. The plot was reportedly foiled
by Jordanian police and elite special forces units in a series of operations in
Amman.
• On August 19, 2005, rockets apparently aimed at two U.S. amphibious warfare
ships visiting the Jordanian port of Aqaba narrowly missed their targets, one
hitting a nearby warehouse and another landing near a hospital; a third rocket
struck near the airport at the neighboring Israeli port of Eilat. A Jordanian soldier
was killed and another injured in the attack. There were two claims of
responsibility, both from groups believed to be affiliated with Zarqawi.
• On September 4, 2006, a lone gunman opened fire on a group of Western tourists
visiting the historic Roman amphitheater in downtown Amman, killing a British
man and wounding six others, including a Jordanian policeman. The assailant
was a 38-year old Jordanian named Nabeel Jaoura, who claimed his attack was in
retaliation for the murder of his two brothers in 1982 at the hands of Israeli
soldiers during the war in southern Lebanon. According to the New York Times,
Jaoura had worked in Israel, where he was arrested two years ago for overstaying
his visa. Jordanian security officials believe his incarceration may have further
radicalized him.45

45 “Typical of a New Terror Threat: Anger of a Gunman in Jordan,” New York Times, September 6, 2006.
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Allegations of Torture
As media scrutiny over the CIA’s alleged practice of transporting terrorism suspects to detention
facilities abroad has grown in recent years, Jordan’s General Intelligence Department (GID) has
been accused of detaining and torturing CIA prisoners captured in other countries. According to a
recent Washington Post article on the GID, “Its [GID] interrogators had a reputation for
persuading tight-lipped suspects to talk, even if that meant using abusive tactics that could violate
U.S. or international law.”46 In July 2006, the human rights group Amnesty International accused
the Jordanian security establishment of torturing terrorist suspects on behalf of the United States
government. Amnesty International identified 10 suspected cases of men subjected to rendition
from U.S. custody to interrogation centers in Jordan.47 A second report, released by Human Rights
Watch
in September 2006, claimed that the GID carries out arbitrary arrests and abuses suspects
in its own detention facility. The report studied the cases of 16 men whom the GID had arrested
and found that in 14 of the 16 cases, detainees were tortured or ill-treated. In response, the GID
denied any wrongdoing. Finally, in a January 2007 report, Manfred Nowak, the United Nations
Special Rapporteur on Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment,
concluded that “the practice of torture persists in Jordan because of a lack of awareness of the
problem, and because of institutionalized impunity.” In April 2008, three prisoners were killed
and dozens of others injured during a riot at Muwaqqar prison. According to the Jordanian
National Centre for Human Rights (NCHR), “Mistreatment and beatings of inmates by some
policemen at the Muaqqar prison led to the rioting.”
Despite government denials or statements suggesting that reforms are underway, international
monitoring groups continue to charge that torture in the Jordanian prison system is widespread.
An October 2008 Human Rights Watch report alleged that despite an amendment to the penal
code to make torture a crime, Jordan’s measures have been insufficient and the practice continues.
According to Sarah Leah Whitson, Middle East director at Human Rights Watch, “Torture in
Jordan’s prison system is widespread even two years after King Abdullah II called for reforms to
stop it once and for all.... The mechanisms for preventing torture by holding torturers accountable
are simply not working.”48
U.S. Aid, Trade, and Military Cooperation
U.S. Foreign Assistance to Jordan
The United States has provided economic and military aid, respectively, to Jordan since 1951 and
1957. Total U.S. aid to Jordan through FY2009 amounted to approximately $10.72 billion. Levels
of aid have fluctuated, increasing in response to threats faced by Jordan and decreasing during
periods of political differences or worldwide curbs on aid funding.
In the last decade, annual U.S. assistance to Jordan has more than quadrupled, from a total of
$223 million in FY1998 to an estimated $912 million in FY2008. Since FY2003, Jordan’s total
assistance package has averaged over $700 million per fiscal year. This higher figure is due in

46 “Jordan’s Spy Agency: Holding Cell for the CIA,” Washington Post, December 1, 2007.
47 “Group: Jordan Tortures Suspects for U.S.,” Associated Press, July 24, 2006.
48 “Jordan: Torture in Prisons Routine and Widespread,” Human Rights Watch, October 8, 2008.
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part to large allocations for Jordan in subsequent supplemental appropriations acts (a total of
$1.78 billion since FY2003).49 In addition to the preceding funds specifically earmarked for
Jordan, emergency supplemental bills also have contained funds to reimburse Pakistan, Jordan,
and other key cooperation states for logistical expenses in support of U.S. military operations.
Increased U.S. aid has reflected the Bush Administration’s appreciation for Jordan’s role in
combating terrorism and rebuilding Iraq. It also may be an acknowledgment of Jordan’s
vulnerabilities in a region made more volatile by instability in Iraq and conflict between Israelis
and Palestinians.
A New Five-Year Aid Deal
For several years, the Jordanian government has sought a multi-year aid package from the
Administration, similar to U.S. deals reached with other regional allies. On September 22, 2008,
the U.S. and Jordanian governments reached an agreement whereby the United States will
provide a total of $660 million in annual foreign assistance to Jordan over a five-year period.
Under the terms their non-binding Memorandum of Understanding (MOU), this first-of-its-kind
deal commits the United States, subject to future Congressional appropriation and availability of
funds, to providing $360 million per year in Economic Support Funds (ESF) and $300 million per
year in Foreign Military Financing (FMF).50 According to the Jordanian government, the
agreement “reaffirms the strategic partnership and cooperation between the two countries.” At a
time when the overall budget for foreign aid has been constrained by U.S. operations in Iraq and
Afghanistan, the deal is a testament to strong U.S.-Jordanian relations.
Economic Assistance
The United States provides economic aid to Jordan as both a cash transfer and for USAID
programs in Jordan. The Jordanian government uses cash transfers to service its foreign debt
(approximately $7.4 billion). Approximately 45% of Jordan’s ESF allotment each year goes
toward the cash transfer. USAID programs in Jordan focus on a variety of sectors including
democracy assistance, water preservation, and education. In the democracy sector, U.S. assistance
supports capacity building programs for the parliament’s support offices, the Jordanian Judicial
Council, Judicial Institute, and the Ministry of Justice. The International Republican Institute, the
National Democratic Institute also receive U.S. grants to train, among other groups, some
Jordanian political parties. In the water sector, the bulk of U.S. economic assistance is devoted to
optimizing the management of scarce water resources, as Jordan is one of the most water-
deprived countries in the world. USAID is currently subsidizing several waste treatment and
water distribution projects in the Jordanian cities of Amman, Aqaba, and Irbid.

49 The following supplemental appropriations bills have contained bilateral assistance aid to Jordan: FY2003
Emergency Supplemental Appropriations Act ($1.1 billion in P.L. 108-11), FY2004 Emergency Supplemental
Appropriations Act for Defense and for the Reconstruction of Iraq and Afghanistan ($100 million in P.L. 108-106),
FY2005 Supplemental Appropriations Act ($200 million in P.L. 109-13), FY2006 Emergency Supplemental Act ($50
million in P.L. 109-234), FY2007 Supplemental Appropriations Act ($85.3 million in P.L. 110-28), and the FY2008
Spring Supplemental Appropriations and FY2009 Bridge Appropriations for Military Operations, International Affairs,
and Other Purposes ($250 million in P.L. 110-252).
50 Under the terms of the MOU, annual foreign aid (non-supplemental) to Jordan would rise by nearly 50%, from an
estimated $460 million per year to $660 million.
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The United States government may periodically assist Jordan with other forms of indirect
economic aid. For example, in July 2008 the Overseas Private Investment Corporation signed a
$250 million loan deal with three Jordanian banks to help them extend long-term mortgage
lending to low-income citizens. These loans were in support of the king’s plan to construct
100,000 houses over the next five years to help cash-strapped Jordanians.
Millennium Challenge Account (MCA)
In FY2006, Jordan was listed by the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) as a Threshold
country in the lower middle-income bracket. On September 12, 2006, the MCC’s Board of
Directors approved up to $25 million in Threshold Program assistance for Jordan. Even prior to
the selection, the possible choice of Jordan had come under severe criticism. Freedom House, the
organization whose annual Index of Freedom is drawn upon for two of the “Ruling Justly”
indicators, had urged the MCC Board to bypass countries that had low scores on political rights
and civil liberties. It argued that countries like Jordan that fall below 4 out of a possible 7 on its
index should be automatically disqualified. Jordan, however, did well on three of the six other
indicators in this category. Several development analysts further argued that Jordan should not be
selected, because the MCA is not an appropriate funding source. They assert that Jordan already
is one of the largest recipients of U.S. aid, has access to private sector capital, and is not a
democracy. In selecting Jordan, the MCC Board appears not to have been swayed by these
arguments.
Jordan’s Threshold assistance is being used to improve water access and quality. USAID is the
main U.S. government agency charged with implementing the Jordan Threshold Program.
According to the last update from the MCC in January 2009, the Jordanian government, through a
consultative process, has identified increased water-use efficiency as a possible source of joint
MCC-Jordanian cooperation. Jordan also completed a successful project to modernize customs
and will complete a project to strengthen local governance mechanisms in nine municipalities by
September 2009. The Jordanian government only recently submitted its Compact proposal and
funding considerations will most likely be postponed until 2010.
Military Assistance
U.S. military assistance is primarily directed toward upgrading Jordan’s air force, as recent
purchases include upgrades to U.S.-made F-16 fighters, air-to-air missiles, and radar systems.
FMF grants also provide financing for Jordan’s purchase of U.S. Blackhawk helicopters in order
to enhance Jordan’s border monitoring and counter-terror capability. Jordan is currently the single
largest provider of civilian police personnel and fifth largest provider of military personnel to UN
peacekeeping operations worldwide. In additional to large scale military aid grants for
conventional weapons purchases, Jordan also receives small grants of U.S. antiterrorism
assistance from the Nonproliferation, Anti-Terrorism, Demining, and Related Programs account
(NADR).51

51 Since FY2002, Jordan has received an annual average of approximately $2 million in NADR appropriations from
Congress. NADR funds helps train civilian security and law enforcement personnel from friendly governments in
police procedures that deal with terrorism.
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Trade
Jordan ranked 84th among U.S. trading partners in volume of trade with the United States in 2008.
According to the United States Trade Commission, in 2008 Jordan exported $1.13 billion in
goods and services to the United States; nearly 60% of which consisted of apparel and clothing
accessories. In 2008, Jordan imports from the United States reached $940 million, a notable
increase from previous years. Principal U.S. commodities imported by Jordan consisted of
aircraft parts, machinery and appliances, vehicles, and cereals. Two measures, in particular, have
helped expand U.S.-Jordanian trade ties and could create more opportunities for U.S. investment
in Jordan.
Free Trade Agreement
On October 24, 2000, then President Clinton and King Abdullah II witnessed the signing of a
U.S.-Jordanian Free Trade Agreement, which eliminated duties and commercial barriers to
bilateral trade in goods and services originating in the two countries. Earlier, in a report released
on September 26, 2000, the U.S. International Trade Commission concluded that a U.S.-Jordan
Free Trade Agreement would have no measurable impact on total U.S. imports or exports, U.S.
production, or U.S. employment. Under the agreement, the two countries agreed to enforce
existing laws concerning worker rights and environmental protection. On January 6, 2001, then-
President Clinton transmitted to the 107th Congress a proposal to implement the Free Trade
Agreement. On July 23, then-U.S. Trade Representative Zoellick and then-Jordanian Ambassador
Marwan Muasher exchanged letters pledging that the two sides would “make every effort” to
resolve disputes without recourse to sanctions and other formal procedures. These letters were
designed to allay concerns on the part of some Republican Members over the possible use of
sanctions to enforce labor and environmental provisions of the treaty. President Bush signed H.R.
2603, which implemented the FTA as P.L. 107-43 on September 28, 2001, during King
Abdullah’s visit to Washington following the September 11, 2001, attacks. For additional
information, see CRS Report RL30652, U.S.-Jordan Free Trade Agreement, by Mary Jane Bolle.
Qualifying Industrial Zones
One outgrowth of the Jordanian-Israeli peace treaty was the establishment of “Qualifying
Industrial Zones” (QIZs), under which goods produced with specified levels of Jordanian and
Israeli input can enter the United States duty free, under the provisions of P.L. 104-234. This act
amended previous legislation so as to grant the President authority to extend the U.S.-Israel free
trade area to cover products from QIZs between Israel and Jordan or between Israel and Egypt.
QIZs were designed both to help the Jordanian economy and to serve as a vehicle for expanding
commercial ties between Jordan and Israel. Although QIZs have succeeded in boosting U.S.-
Jordanian trade, there has been only a modest increase in Jordanian-Israeli trade.
Currently there are 13 QIZs in Jordan employing approximately 43,000 people (working 8 hour
days/6 days a week), 74% of whom are foreign workers from South East Asian nations like
Pakistan, India, Bangladesh, and Sri Lanka. In general, foreign laborers are generally viewed as
more skilled and productive than local Jordanians. In addition, it is difficult for employers to
recruit local Jordanians since workers typically live on site, and many are hesitant to separate
from their families, though in some areas local Jordanians are provided with free transportation to
the QIZs. According to one Jordanian labor leader, foreign workers are attractive to employers
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because “They are like slaves. They work them day and night.”52 Labor rights activists also have
complained that Jordanian workers in the QIZs are excluded from a new minimum wage law.
Sweat Shop Allegations
On May 3, 2006, the National Labor Committee (NLC), a New York-based human rights
advocacy group, issued a report alleging sweatshop-like conditions in 28 out of 100 Qualified
Industrial Zone (QIZ) plants in Jordan. The government subsequently acknowledged that it had
failed in some instances to enforce its own labor laws and has taken action since to close down
factories in violation of the law. The NLC has recognized the government’s recent actions, though
it has suggested that violations of worker rights may continue in smaller factories. Foreign
companies with operations inside QIZs must provide food and housing for workers. Conditions in
worker dormitories are reportedly inspected by retail garment buyers, and the government
provides medical clinics and security for the zones.
In 2008, the Jordanian government signed an agreement with the International Labor
Organization and International Finance Corporation to establish a voluntary monitoring program
to check conditions in close to 100 apparel factories operating in the QIZs. According to Charles
Kernaghan of the NLC, “A lot of people seem to be trying to get this thing straight, but in a
country where you don’t have a vibrant civil society and unions are not dealing with workers, and
workers have virtually no voice, it is going to be problematic.” For additional information, see
CRS Report RS22002, Qualifying Industrial Zones in Jordan and Egypt, by Mary Jane Bolle,
Jeremy M. Sharp, and Alfred B. Prados.
Military Cooperation
Military Sales
The United States is helping Jordan to modernize its armed forces, which have been the
traditional mainstay of the regime. The Jordanian military forces, though well trained and
disciplined, are outnumbered and outgunned by each of Jordan’s neighboring forces. In recent
years, Jordan has used U.S. military assistance grants to purchase Advanced Medium Range Air-
to-Air Missiles, upgrades for its fleet of F-16 fighters (approximately 70-80), and BlackHawk
helicopters. The United States also delivered three Patriot anti-missile batteries to Jordan in early
2003 prior to the start of U.S. military operations in Iraq.
Table 1. Recent Foreign Military Sales to Jordan
Fiscal Year
Weapon System
$ Value of Sale
Prime Contractor
FY2006
National Command & Control System
$450 million
Northrop Grumman Corporation
FY2006
Black Hawk Helicopters
$60 million
Sikorsky Co. and General Electric
FY2006
Armored Personnel Carriers
$156 million
BAE Company
FY2008
Border Security System
$390 million
DRS Technologies Corp

52 “Industrial Zones Create Little Work for Jordanians,” Financial Times, February 9, 2009.
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Source: Defense Security Cooperation Agency (DSCA).
Joint Exercises and Training
A U.S.-Jordanian Joint Military Commission has functioned since 1974. More than 300 Jordanian
military personnel study in the United States each year. Combined training exercises by U.S. and
Jordanian military units continue to take place in Jordan (dubbed “Early Victor”), at least on an
annual basis and sometimes more often. The above-mentioned courses conducted by Jordan for
Iraqi military personnel are reportedly being funded by the United States under a program called
the New Iraqi Army Training Project.53 In addition, the United States has supported the
construction of the King Abdullah II Center for Special Operations Training (KASOTC). The
center, which has been partially financed by the United States including with $99 million in
appropriations from the FY2005 Emergency Supplemental Act (P.L. 109-13), serves as a regional
headquarters for counter-terrorism training.54 In 2003, Jordan built a Special Operations
Command and the Anti-Terrorism Center in order to boost counter-terrorism capabilities within
the military.
Other Activities
Under the provisions of Section 517 of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 as amended, then
President Clinton designated Jordan as a major non-NATO ally of the United States, effective on
November 13, 1996. According to a State Department spokesman, this status “makes Jordan
eligible for priority consideration for transfer of excess defense articles, the use of already
appropriated military assistance funds for procurement through commercial leases, the
stockpiling of U.S. military material, and the purchase of depleted uranium munitions.”
According to U.S. and Jordanian officials, Jordan has deployed two military hospitals to
Afghanistan and Iraq, respectively, and has committed almost 600 health care professionals to the
two facilities. Both facilities provide critical health care to numerous patients, including civilians.
The hospital in Afghanistan cares for more than 650 patients a day, having treated more than
500,000 since it was first deployed in December 2001. The one in Iraq has treated more than four
million people, and surgeons have performed 1,638 operations. Jordan also regularly contributes
peacekeeping forces to United Nations missions abroad.55 In November 2006, a Jordanian United
Nations peacekeeping patrol in the Haitian capital, Port-au-Prince, was killed while on patrol.
Jordan has about 1,500 troops in the Brazilian-led U.N. force, which includes more than 8,000
soldiers and police supported by some 1,000 civilian personnel. Two other Jordanian soldiers
were killed in January 2006. In 2009, five more Jordanian peacekeepers were killed in a plane
crash during border surveillance mission while serving in Haiti.

53 Riad Kahwaji, “Forging a New Iraqi Army—in Jordan,” Defense News, February 9, 2004, p. 8.
54 According to one description of the new U.S.-Jordanian facility, “If special forces have to conduct house-to-house
searches, KASOTC provides that infrastructure in a training environment.... If they have to rescue hostages on an
airplane, KASOTC provides the plane. If they have to rescue hostages from an embassy, KASOTC provides an
embassy structure.” See, Joan Kibler, “KASOTC,” Special Operations Technology Online Edition, volume 6, issue 2,
March 19, 2008.
55 To date, the Jordanian Armed Forces (JAF) have contributed 57,000 troops to 18 different United Nations
peacekeeping missions.
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Table 2. Annual U.S. Aid to Jordan Since the Gulf Crisis
($ in millions)
Economic Assistance
Military Assistance
Fiscal Year (FY)
Totals
EconSpt Food Devel PeaceCp FMF
IMET
1991 35.0a 0 0
0 20.0a 1.3
56.30
1992 30.0b 20.0
0
0
20.0b .6
70.60
1993c 5.0
30.0
0
0
9.0
.5
44.50
1994d 9.0
15.0
4.0
0
9.0
.8
37.80
1995 7.2
15.0
6.7
0
7.3
1.0
37.20
1996 7.2
21.0
7.9
0
200.0e 1.2
237.30
1997f 112.2
2.6
4.5
1.1
30.0
1.7
152.10
1998f 150.0
0
0
1.2
75.0g 1.6
227.80
1999 150.0
0
0
1.4
70.0g 1.6
223.00
1999 (Wye)
50.0
0
0
0
50.0
0
100.00
2000 150.0
0
0
1.7
75.0
1.6
228.30
2000 (Wye)
50.0
0
0
0
150.0
0
200.00h
2001 150.0
0
0
1.7
75.0
1.7
228.40
2002 150.0
0
0
1.6
75.0
2.0
228.60
2002 (Suppl.)
100.0
0
0
0
25.0
0
125.00
2003 250.0
0
0
1.0
198.0
2.4
451.40
2003 (Suppl.)
700.0
0
0
0
406.0
0
1,106.00
2004 250.0
0
0
2.3
206.0
2.9
461.20
2004 (Suppl.)
100.0
0
0
0
0
0
100.00
2005 250.0
0
0
1.6
206.0
3.0
460.60
2005 (Suppl.)
100.0
0
0
0
100.0
0
200.00
2006 247.5
0
0
1.6
207.9
3.0
460.00
2006 (Suppl.)
50.0
0
0
0
0
0
50.00
2007 245.0
0
0
0
206.0
3.1
454.10
2007 (Suppl.)
10.3
0
0
0
45.0
0
55.30i
2008 361.4
0
0
0
298.3
2.9
662.60
2008 (Suppl.)
200.0
0
0
0
50.0
0
250.00
2009
263.5
0
0
0
235.0
3.1
501.60
2009 (Suppl.)
100.0
0
0
0
100.0
0
200.00
Note: These figures do not include debt relief subsidy appropriations or smal amounts for de-mining assistance
and counter-terrorism assistance.
a. Suspended in April 1991 under P.L. 102-27; released in early 1993.
b. Released in late July 1993.
c. Restrictions on FY1993 funds waived by Presidential Determination (PD) 93-39, Sept. 17, 1993.
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d. FY1994 funds released by PD 94-11, Jan. 13, 1994, waiving restrictions under P.L. 103-87.
e. Three components: $30 million (Administration’s original request); $70 million in additional FMF under
FY1996 appropriation (P.L. 104-134) to cover balance of F-16 aircraft package; and $100 million in special
drawdown authority (P.L. 104-107).
f.
These figures include $100 million in economic assistance under the President’s Middle East Peace and
Stability Fund ($100 million in FY1997, $116 million in FY1998).
g. For each of these two years, FMF figure includes $25 million in drawdown authority.
h. Some of these funds were obligated in later years (FY2001 or FY2002).
i.
Total FY2007 supplemental aid to Jordan was $85.3 million. The above chart does not include $25 million in
NADR funds.


Author Contact Information

Jeremy M. Sharp

Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs
jsharp@crs.loc.gov, 7-8687




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