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The fifth Summit of the Americas in Port of Spain, Trinidad and Tobago, which is scheduled to be
held April 17-19, 2009, will be the first hemispheric forum for President Barack Obama to engage
with leaders from across Latin America and the Caribbean. The Port of Spain Summit will also be
the first meeting of all 34 democratic heads of government from Latin America, the Caribbean,
Canada, and the United States since the contentious 2005 Summit in Mar del Plata, Argentina.
Taking place less than four months after the U.S. presidential inauguration, the Summit could set
the tone for hemispheric relations during the early stages of the Obama Administration.
There have been four Summits of the Americas, two Special Summits of the Americas, and a
number of ministerial-level summits held since 1994. Past Summits have led to a number of
successful initiatives in the region, including the creation of the Inter-American Democratic
Charter, reductions in the cost of remittance transfers, and increased provision of anti-retroviral
therapy to victims of HIV/AIDS. Although some view the most recent Summit as a failure
because of its divisiveness, it too produced a number of important initiatives, including support
for Haiti’s democracy, improved infrastructure, and reductions in child labor.
Despite these accomplishments, many observers have criticized the Summits of the Americas.
Civil society representatives contend that the Summits lack transparency and believe their
organizations should play larger roles in the Summit process. Some observers have questioned the
Summits’ effectiveness, drawing attention to the fact that the majority of Summit goals have
never been met. Other analysts doubt the Summits’ ability to advance U.S. interests and argue
that the United States should pursue its own priorities outside of the Summit process.
The theme for the Port of Spain Summit is, “Securing our citizens’ future by promoting human
prosperity, energy security, and environmental sustainability.” Summit organizers have stressed
the need to refocus the hemisphere’s priorities, set achievable goals, and create the institutions
necessary to hold countries accountable for implementing the Summits’ mandates. Some issues
not on the official agenda, such as the global financial crisis and U.S policy toward Cuba, are also
likely to be discussed. Although there is a possibility of divisiveness, most analysts believe the
Summit will be successful in setting a new tone for hemispheric relations.
On March 31, 2009, the Senate approved S.Res. 90 (Kerry) expressing support for the fifth
Summit of the Americas and calling on the United States to reinvigorate and strengthen its
engagement with the hemisphere, especially concerning the financial crisis, energy security, and
public safety. The resolution also declared that the United States was prepared to work with the
rest of the region to advance an agenda of human prosperity, implement a regional energy
strategy, encourage the participation of non governmental organizations in the Summit process,
and strengthen the Summit follow-up mechanisms.
This report will be updated following the Summit.

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Background on Previous Summits of the Americas: From Miami to Mar del Plata ....................... 1
Achievements of the Summits of the Americas............................................................................... 2
Political ..................................................................................................................................... 2
Economic .................................................................................................................................. 3
Social......................................................................................................................................... 3
Criticism of the Summits of the Americas ...................................................................................... 4
Transparency ............................................................................................................................. 4
Effectiveness ............................................................................................................................. 4
Ability to Further U.S. Interests ................................................................................................ 5
2009 Port of Spain Summit ............................................................................................................. 5
Official Agenda ......................................................................................................................... 5
Promoting Human Prosperity ............................................................................................. 6
Promoting Energy Security................................................................................................. 6
Promoting Environmental Sustainability ............................................................................ 6
Strengthening Public Security............................................................................................. 7
Strengthening Democratic Governance .............................................................................. 7
Strengthening the Summit Process and Implementation .................................................... 7
Other Likely Topics of Discussion............................................................................................ 7
Global Financial Crisis ....................................................................................................... 7
U.S. Policy Toward Cuba.................................................................................................... 8
Energy Partnership for the Americas .................................................................................. 8
Expectations .............................................................................................................................. 9

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Author Contact Information .......................................................................................................... 10

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By the early 1990s, after decades of civil war and military rule in parts of the hemisphere, 34 of
the 35 governments in the region were elected civilian democracies. Likewise, most of the
countries in the region discarded statist economic policies in favor of economic liberalization. In
order to build on these values shared by the United States and Latin America as well as develop
an agenda for the hemisphere’s future, President Clinton organized the first modern Summit of
the Americas. Held in Miami in 1994, the Summit was the first meeting of the region’s leaders
since 1967 and was attended by all 34 democratically elected heads of government in the region,
excluding only Fidel Castro of Cuba. After much discussion, the region’s leaders approved a
comprehensive Plan of Action with 23 separate initiatives under four major themes: preserving
and strengthening the community of democracies of the Americas, promoting prosperity through
economic integration and free trade, eradicating poverty and discrimination in the hemisphere,
and guaranteeing sustainable development and conserving the natural environment for future
generations. One of the most important initiatives to emerge from the Miami Summit was the
agreement to work towards the creation of a Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA), which was
to be completed by January 1, 2005.1
Since the 1994 Miami Summit, there have been three Summits of the Americas and two Special
Summits of the Americas, each introducing new initiatives and producing extensive Plans of
Action. In 1996, a Special Summit on Sustainable Development was held in Santa Cruz, Bolivia,
focusing on environmental issues in the hemisphere. In 1998, Santiago, Chile hosted the second
Summit of the Americas. The Santiago Summit focused on education, but also marked the
initiation of negotiations for the FTAA. Quebec City, Canada hosted the third Summit of the
Americas in 2001. The Quebec City Summit produced a commitment to democracy, led to the
creation of the Inter-American Democratic Charter, and generated a preliminary draft of the
FTAA. Another Special Summit of the Americas was held in Monterrey, Mexico in 2004. The
Monterrey Summit produced the Declaration of Nuevo León, which reaffirmed the region’s
commitment to implementing the Quebec City Plan of Action.2 These Summits have been
complemented by regular meetings of the ministers of defense, education, finance, justice, labor,
and trade of the countries of the region. The Summit of the Americas process has been gradually
institutionalized by the Organization of American States (OAS), with the third Summit
designating the OAS as the Secretariat of the Summit Process.3

1 For more information on the Free Trade Area of the Americas, see CRS Report RS20864, A Free Trade Area of the
Americas: Major Policy Issues and Status of Negotiations, by J. F. Hornbeck.
2 For more information on the Summits of 1998, 2001, and 2004, see CRS Report 98-330, Summit of the Americas II,
April 18-19, 1998: Background, Objectives, and Expectations, by K. Larry Storrs; CRS Report RL30936, Summit of the
Americas III, Quebec City, Canada, April 20-22, 2001: Background, Objectives, and Results, by K. Larry Storrs and
M. Angeles Villarreal; and CRS Report RS21700, Special Summit of the Americas - Monterrey, Mexico, January 2004:
Background, Objectives, and Results, by Clare Ribando Seelke.
3 Organization of American States, Summits of the Americas Secretariat, “The Summit of the Americas Process,” 2008.
For more information about the OAS, see CRS Report RS22095, Organization of American States: A Primer, by Clare
Ribando Seelke.
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The most recent Summit of the Americas was held in Mar del Plata, Argentina in November
2005. Although the theme of the Summit was “Creating jobs to fight poverty and strengthen
democratic governance,” debate largely centered around the Bush Administration’s proposal to
resume negotiations on the FTAA. President Hugo Chávez of Venezuela led the opposition to the
proposal, speaking to protesters at the so-called ‘People’s Summit,’ who gathered to
demonstrate—sometimes violently—against President Bush, U.S. military involvement in Iraq,
and the FTAA. Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay, and Paraguay—member countries of the Common
Market of the South (Mercosur)—also opposed the resumption of talks on the FTAA.4 The
Mercosur countries opposed the continuation of U.S. agricultural subsidies and argued that talks
should not resume until after conclusion of the World Trade Organization’s (WTO) Doha
Development Round, when there may be a greater possibility of achieving what they would
consider a balanced and equitable agreement. Despite consensus among 29 of the 34 democratic
leaders that FTAA talks should resume, the economic weight of the dissenting countries led to the
adoption of the first Summit declaration to acknowledge a lack of unanimous agreement among
the countries in the region concerning the desirability of the FTAA.5
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According to some observers, one of the greatest political accomplishments of the Summit
process has been the Inter-American Democratic Charter. In the Declaration of Quebec City, the
leaders of the Americas committed to a democracy clause, which led to the creation of the Inter-
American Democratic Charter in September 2001. The Charter affirms the peoples of the
Americas’ universal right to democracy and asserts that the governments of the region have an
obligation to promote and defend democracy. Though it has produced somewhat mixed results,
the Inter-American Democratic Charter has been invoked on several occasions following
challenges to democratic institutions in the region, such as the attempted coup against President
Hugo Chávez of Venezuela in 2002 and the removal of President Lucio Guttierez from office by
Ecuador’s Congress in 2005.6
The Plan of Action adopted at the most recent Summit of the Americas in Mar del Plata,
Argentina in 2005, called on the countries of the region to act in solidarity with the Haitian people
to improve democratic institutions. Since the Summit, the OAS Special Mission for Strengthening
Democracy in Haiti has worked with the Provisional Electoral Council of Haiti to develop a
stronger electoral system. The OAS and the Haitian government completed a mass registration
and identity card distribution campaign, which integrated the citizen identity card issuing process,
electoral process, and the Civil Status Registry in order to better organize and secure population
information, establish stronger electoral institutions, and provide the government with better

4 For more information on Mercosur, see CRS Report RL33620, Mercosur: Evolution and Implications for U.S. Trade
Policy, by J. F. Hornbeck.
5 “Americas Summit Ends in Polite Dissent Over Resumption of FTAA Talks,” Latin News Weekly Report, November
8, 2005; Declaration of Mar Del Plata, IV Summit of the Americas, November 5, 2005.
6 Barry S. Levitt, “A Desultory Defense of Democracy: OAS Resolution 1080 and the Inter-American Democratic
Charter,” Latin American Politics and Society,Volume 48 (3), 2006; Craig Arceneaux & David Pion-Berlin, “Issues,
Threats, and institutions: Explaining OAS Responses to Democratic Dilemmas in Latin America,” Latin American
Politics and Society, Volume 49 (2), 2007.
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information to improve the efficiency of its services. Approximately 3.56 million of the 4.4
million Haitians over the age of 18 were registered.7
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The Summits have also led to several important economic initiatives in the hemisphere. In the
Declaration of Nuevo León, the leaders of the hemisphere committed to reducing the average cost
of remittance transfers by at least 50% by 2008. Between 2000 and 2006, transaction costs to
send remittances were reduced from 15% to 5.6%, allowing $5 billion more to reach recipient
families.8 The United States has played a large role in reducing the transaction costs of
remittances by encouraging competition, eliminating excess regulations, and promoting the use of
new technology. The cost of sending remittances through some corridors between the United
States and Mexico has fallen by 50% and the United States has begun to partner with other
countries like Guatemala in hopes of achieving similar cost reductions.9
The Mar del Plata Plan of Action states that countries should promote investment in
infrastructure. President Bush proposed the Infrastructure Facility of the Americas (IFA) at the
Summit, which encourages private sector investment by reducing the cost of identifying worthy
projects through the establishment of a fund for feasibility assessments. The U.S. Trade and
Development Agency invested $10.4 million in 2006 to support infrastructure development in 14
countries in the region. The funds supported a variety of projects, including road pavement in
Paraguay, water re-use in Brazil, and a refinery expansion in Colombia.10
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In addition to political and economic initiatives, the Summits of the Americas have prompted
some successful social programs. The Declaration of Nuevo León set the goal of providing anti-
retroviral therapy to 600,000 people living with HIV/AIDS in the hemisphere by 2005. As a result
of funding from a variety of multilateral, bilateral, and domestic initiatives, over 640,000 people
in the region were receiving treatment by the time of the 2005 Mar del Plata Summit, exceeding
the Nuevo León goal. These initiatives included the President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief
(PEPFAR) and the Global Fund to Fight HIV/AIDS, Tuberculosis, and Malaria.11 Additionally,
the U.S. government has helped over 400,000 people in the region get tested for HIV and spent
over $552 million on HIV/AIDS programs in the hemisphere between 2001 and 2007. This
represented a substantial increase in funding, rising from just $22 million in 2001 to over $153
million in 2007.12

7 Joint Summit Working Group, “Achievements of the Summits of the Americas: Progress since Mar del Plata,” 2007.
8 Summits of the Americas Secretariat, “National Report of the United States of America on the Implementation of
Commitments from the Fourth Summit of the Americas,” 2007.
9 Summits of the Americas Secretariat, “Achievements of the Summits of the Americas: National Accomplishments,”
2004.
10 Summits of the Americas Secretariat, “National Report of the United States of America on the Implementation of
Commitments from the Fourth Summit of the Americas,” 2007.
11 Summits of the Americas Secretariat, “Achievements of the Summits of the Americas: National Accomplishments,”
2004; For more information on the President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief, see CRS Report RL34192, PEPFAR:
Policy Issues from FY2004 through FY2008, by Tiaji Salaam-Blyther.
12 Summits of the Americas Secretariat, “National Report of the United States of America on the Implementation of
(continued...)
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The Plan of Action of the Mar del Plata Summit called for the eradication of the worst forms of
child labor by 2020. The U.S. Department of Labor took the lead in working toward achieving
this goal by funding $22 million in anti-child labor projects throughout the region in 2004 and
providing an additional $16 million in 2005. The projects reduced child labor in hazardous
agricultural and industrial sectors and improved access to basic education for victims of child
labor.13 These programs were responsible for withdrawing and preventing more than 40,000
children from the worst forms of child labor in countries throughout the region.14
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The Summits of the Americas process has drawn criticism throughout its brief history. Civil
society and anti-globalization organizations contend that the Summits lack openness and
transparency. These groups argue that important discussions that affect the welfare of all people
in the region should not be held behind closed doors and that the Summits should be open to civil
society representatives. The exclusivity of the Summits and the large role that negotiations over
the FTAA have played at each of the Summits have led some civil society groups to assert that the
Summits promote the expansion of corporate power while ignoring social welfare, environmental
protection, and citizens’ rights.15 Although the countries of the region agreed in the Declaration of
Quebec City that the Summits must be open, transparent, and include civil society, many civil
society groups contend that little has been done to increase their participation.16
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A number of observers have also criticized the Summits of the Americas for producing overly-
ambitious documents that repeatedly mandate new initiatives while largely ignoring the status of
implementation of previous Summit commitments. Since the first Summit of the Americas, over
600 initiatives have been introduced.17 Many of these mandates provide no criteria for measuring
their implementation. Likewise, there are few mechanisms to enforce implementation of those
initiatives that are measurable. Furthermore, many countries lack the organizational capacity,
political will, or financial resources to implement the Summits’ mandates. As a result, most

(...continued)
Commitments from the Fourth Summit of the Americas,” 2007.
13 Summits of the Americas Secretariat, “Achievements of the Summits of the Americas: National Accomplishments,”
2004.
14 Summits of the Americas Secretariat, “National Report of the United States of America on the Implementation of
Commitments from the Fourth Summit of the Americas,” 2007.
15 “Trade Summit Spurs Peaceful Protest,” Washington Times, April 21, 2001; “Counter-Summit to Summit of the
Americas Showcases Opposition to U.S., Neoliberal Economics,” Latin America Data Base NotiSur, December 2,
2005; “Caribbean Sub-Regional Civil Society Forum Underscores OAS Emphasis on Inclusion, Ahead of Summit of
the Americas,” US Fed News, November 3, 2008.
16 Peter Richards, “Politics: Civil Society Groups Demand Voice at Americas Summit,” Inter Press Service, November
5, 2008.
17 Peter Richards, “Politics: Civil Society Groups Demand Voice at Americas Summit,” Inter Press Service, November
5, 2008; Racquel Smith, “Summit Reform and Civil Society: Taking a Deeper Look,” FOCAL Point, August 2008.
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Summit commitments have never been met.18 The failure of many countries to implement the
Summits’ mandates has cast doubt upon the effectiveness of the Summit process and called into
question the credibility of the Summits of the Americas as an mechanism for achieving tangible
results in the hemisphere.
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Some analysts, acknowledging the divergence of economic values among countries of the region,
have begun to question whether the Summit of the Americas process is worth continuing.
Whereas the Summit process was initiated in a spirit of cooperation by like-minded leaders in
Miami in 1994, the hemisphere is now more divided than at any time since the Cold War. The
dismissal of the Bush Administration’s proposal to resume talks on the FTAA at the Mar del Plata
Summit was a clear manifestation of the increasing number of leaders and countries in the region
that reject neoliberal economic policies. Indeed, the most recent Latinobarómetro survey found
that while 56% of Latin Americans agree that a market economy is the only path to development,
only 32% are satisfied with services that have been privatized and majorities in every Latin
American nation believe their countries should rely more on state solutions than market solutions
to resolve societal problems.19 Given these economic divisions and the movement of the Summit
agenda away from the FTAA and toward state-based development programs, some analysts
believe the interests of the United States would be better served by focusing instead on finalizing
bilateral and multilateral agreements with those countries that still share the U.S. commitment to
free trade.20
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The fifth Summit of the Americas is scheduled to be held April 17-19, 2009 in Port of Spain,
Trinidad and Tobago. All 34 democratically elected leaders of the hemisphere are scheduled to
attend the Summit, many of whom will be attending for the first time, including President Obama
and Presidents Fernández de Kirchner of Argentina, Morales of Bolivia, Bachelet of Chile, Arias
of Costa Rica, Correa of Ecuador, Colom of Guatemala, Zelaya of Honduras, Calderón of
Mexico, Ortega of Nicaragua, Lugo of Paraguay, and García of Peru. Although Raúl Castro
officially succeeded his brother Fidel as President of Cuba in February 2008, the country’s
communist government has once again ensured that it will be the only country in the region not
invited to attend the Summit, which is limited to democratic nations.
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The theme of the Port of Spain Summit is, “Securing our citizens’ future by promoting human
prosperity, energy security, and environmental sustainability.”21 In July 2008, The Summit

18 Richard E. Feinberg, Summitry in the Americas: A Progress Report, Institute for International Economics, April
1997; Juan Cruz Diaz, “The 2009 Summit of the Americas: A New Opportunity,” Council of the Americas, July 22,
2008.
19 Corporación Latinobarómetro, Informe 2008, 2008.
20 James M. Roberts, “Rethinking the Summit of the Americas and Advancing Free Trade in Latin America,” The
Heritage Foundation, August 8, 2008.
21 Summit Implementation Review Group, Draft Declaration of Commitment, July 21, 2008.
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Implementation Review Group (SIRG, a planning and review committee with representation from
all nations participating in the Summit) issued a “Draft Declaration of Commitment” for the Port
of Spain Summit. The Draft Declaration of Commitment combines the traditional Summit
Declaration and Plan of Action into a single document, and proposes 65 commitments under six
themes: promoting human prosperity, promoting energy security, promoting environmental
sustainability, strengthening public security, strengthening democratic governance, and
strengthening the Summit of the Americas follow up and implementation effectiveness.
Negotiations concerning the official Summit Declaration—a consensus document that has been
discussed by the participating countries for several months—have been completed and the
document is expected to be released prior to the Summit.22
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According to the Draft Declaration, countries will reaffirm their support for a number of past
commitments regarding human prosperity, such as halving poverty by 2015 and eradicating child
labor by 2020. Among the new national commitments of governments are goals to increase
investment in research and development to a minimum of 1% of GDP by 2015, increase public
spending on health to at least 5% of GDP by 2015, increase secondary education enrollment to
75% by 2010, and increase enrollment in tertiary education to at least 40% by 2020. Additionally,
the countries of the region will call on multilateral organizations to address a number of issues.
The Draft Declaration calls on the World Bank, Inter-American Development Bank (IDB), and
other regional banks to double lending to micro, small, and medium-sized enterprises and triple
the number of enterprises accessing credit by 2012. The Draft also directs the Pan American
Health Organization (PAHO) to prepare a regional contingency plan that contains new
international health regulations to address the spread of vector borne diseases by the end of 2009.
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The energy security section of the Draft Declaration sets a number of specific goals for the
countries of the Americas. These include generating a minimum of 50% of national primary
energy demands with renewable and low-carbon energy sources by 2050, and ensuring universal
access to accurate and reliable information on energy and environmental issues by 2012. The
energy section also calls for hemispheric cooperation in creating cross-border renewable energy
infrastructure, encouraging the development of next-generation biofuels, and developing a
strategy for international cooperation on issues related to energy.
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The environmental sustainability section of the Draft Declaration presents a wide variety of
commitments, but offers very little in terms of immediate action on environmental issues.
Countries will commit to ensure the eventual stabilization of greenhouse gas concentrations in the
atmosphere at a level that will not seriously affect Earth’s climate and weather systems and work
toward a global agreement on Climate Change at the United Nations Framework Conventions on
Climate Change (UNFCCC) meeting in Copenhagen, Denmark in November and December of
2009. The Draft Declaration also directs Ministers responsible for sustainable development in

22 U.S. Department of State, “U.S. Amb. Davidow Holds State Department News Briefing on the Summit of the
Americas,” CQ Congressional Transcripts, April 6, 2009.
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their countries to work with the World Bank and IDB to undertake comprehensive studies of the
potential impacts of climate change on each of the nations of the Americas and develop “plans of
action” to mitigate those impacts by 2011.
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In terms of public security, governments of the region will commit to cooperate with one another
to combat terrorist and criminal organizations, prevent them from operating across borders, and
deny them resources. Countries will also direct the OAS Secretariat for Multi-Dimensional
Security to develop a regional strategy for dealing with criminal gangs that gives special attention
to the region’s youth.
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The nations of the Americas reaffirm their commitments to a variety of regional democratic
initiatives in the Draft Declaration. They commit to uphold and apply the values of the Inter-
American Democratic Charter and the Inter-American Conventional Against Corruption as well
as to strengthen the Inter-American System of Human Rights. Countries will also commit to
conclude negotiations on the proposed Social Charter of the Americas and its Plan of Action—
which were proposed by Venezuela and recognize a wide variety of social, community, economic,
cultural, and indigenous rights—and adopt them before the end of 2009.
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In order to improve the effectiveness of the Summit of the Americas and ensure that the
commitments made at the Summit are met, the Draft Declaration proposes a number of reforms to
the Summit process. Countries will agree to hold the Summits of the Americas on a regular basis,
at least every three years. They will also call on multilateral financial institutions to work with
Ministers of Finance to ensure that countries have the technical and fiscal resources to implement
the Summits’ mandates. Likewise, the Draft Declaration encourages countries to increase the
participation of civil society and business groups in the Summit process and instructs the OAS
and SIRG to report annually on the progress made toward achieving the goals of the Summits.
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The upcoming Summit is taking place during a time in which many Latin American and
Caribbean nations, much like countries around the world, are struggling to contend with the
consequences of the global financial crisis and the U.S. recession. Although nearly every country
in the region is better prepared to withstand the impact of these external shocks than in the past,
the economic downturn will have serious consequences throughout the hemisphere. Economic
growth for the region overall is expected to slow to just 0.3%, according to the World Bank, but
several countries will face far more difficult economic situations.23 The Mexican economy,

23 "How Latin America fits into the ‘New World Order’ and the challenges ahead," Latin American Weekly Report,
April 8, 2009.
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closely linked to the U.S. economy, is expected to contract 2% in 2009. Likewise, most countries
in the Caribbean and Central America have economies that are closely linked to the U.S.
economy in terms of trade, investment, and remittances, and will face severe economic downturns
as a result of the U.S. recession. A protracted period of economic hardship could threaten to erase
the social gains of recent years and potentially produce dramatic political shifts.24 Indeed, citizens
of 17 of the 18 Latin American countries surveyed by Latinobarómetro in 2008 listed economic
problems as the most important challenges facing their countries, with 53% of all Latin
Americans saying they would be willing to live under an undemocratic government if it could
solve their countries’ economic problems.25 While some Latin American leaders at the Summit
may express resentment toward the United States for the economic crisis, a number of analysts
maintain that the crisis will make Latin America’s cooperation with the United States all the more
important and contribute to the productivity of the Summit.26 The countries of the hemisphere
will likely try to build on the agreements reached at the April 2009 G-20 Summit, in which five
countries from the hemisphere—Argentina, Brazil, Canada, Mexico, and the United States—took
part.
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There is a strong likelihood that U.S. policy toward Cuba will be raised by Latin American
leaders at the upcoming Summit. Countries in the region increasingly have sought to integrate
Cuba into the hemisphere. Since December 2008, when Cuba was incorporated into the
multilateral organization known as the Rio Group, 10 Latin American heads of state have traveled
to the country. Likewise, Costa Rica’s March 2009 announcement that it will restore ties with
Cuba and the promise of El Salvador’s president-elect to do the same, will leave the United States
as the only country in the hemisphere without diplomatic relations with Cuba. A number of
regional leaders have promised to raise the issue of Cuba at the Summit, hoping to convince the
United States to end its economic sanctions and allow Cuba back into the OAS.27 While observers
expect President Obama to ease restrictions on family travel and remittances to Cuba before the
Summit, the Obama Administration has indicated that it will maintain the embargo and maintains
that Cuba should not be a principal focus of discussion.28
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Some analysts believe the “Energy Partnership of the Americas” that President Obama proposed
during his electoral campaign may play a large role in the Administration’s engagement with the
region.29 The proposal—which could be introduced at the Summit—would increase research and
development in green energy sources, coordinate regional energy transport, and move the

24 “A Second Chance: U.S. Policy in the Americas,” Inter-American Dialogue, March 2009.
25 Corporación Latinobarómetro, Informe 2008, 2008.
26 Peter Hakim, “No Surprise: the Spotline Will Be On Obama in Trinidad and Tobago,” Infolatam, March 3, 2009.
27 “Obama’s first regional summit sees Cuba on the agenda,” Latin American Security & Strategic Review, March
2009; Lesley Clark, “U.S.-Cuba policy watched as Americas summit nears; President Barack Obama is expected to
address Cuba travel policy as pressure mounts leading up to the Summit of the Americas,” Miami Herald, April 7,
2009.
28 U.S. Department of State, “U.S. Amb. Davidow Holds State Department News Briefing on the Summit of the
Americas,” CQ Congressional Transcripts, April 6, 2009.
29 Andres Oppenheimer, “Obama’s Latin American priority: energy,” Miami Herald, January 18, 2009.
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hemisphere toward energy independence.30 Although it was initially conceived as a regional
arrangement, the Obama Administration has reframed the partnership as an open exchange of
information, scientists, and best practices, in which individual countries would work with the
United States on particular energy issues of interest to them.31 The energy partnership also
coincides with a number commitments in the Port of Spain Summit’s Draft Declaration and
several of the proposals in S. 587 (Lugar), the Western Hemisphere Energy Compact, which was
introduced in March 2009.32 Such a commitment to regional energy development would mark a
significant shift in U.S. policy in the hemisphere, which has largely focused on free trade
agreements and anti-drug efforts in recent years.
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The Port of Spain Summit comes at a difficult time in hemispheric relations. The 2005 Mar del
Plata Summit was often confrontational and in 2007, Latin America and the Caribbean was the
only region that was incapable of selecting a consensus candidate for a temporary seat on the
U.N. Security Council.33 The United States has become ever more isolated from the rest of the
region as well. Favorable opinions of the United States in Latin America fell from 73%, following
the attacks of September 11, 2001, to 58% in 2008.34 Both Venezuela and Bolivia expelled U.S.
Ambassadors from their countries in September 2008, and relations with both countries remain
strained. Likewise, in two recent crises in the hemisphere—the Colombian airstrike of a
Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) camp inside Ecuador and the ongoing social
and political conflict in Bolivia—the United States and the regional body to which it belongs, the
OAS, played minor roles while regional bodies that exclude the United States, the Rio Group and
the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR), took the leads.35 Additionally, the first Latin
America and Caribbean Integration and Development Summit, held in Salvador de Bahia Brazil
on December 16, 2008, hosted 31 heads of government from the Hemisphere, including Cuba but
excluding the United States.36
Given these divisions, some observers caution that President Obama needs to be careful not to let
the Summit turn into a political circus led by those leaders, such as Venezuelan President Hugo
Chávez, with an anti-U.S. agenda.37 President Chávez has scheduled a meeting of the countries
involved in his Bolivarian Alternative for the Americas—a socially oriented trade block—for the
days preceding the Summit in order to prepare a common front. He has also stated that he is
attending the upcoming summit in order to “defend the integration of the Caribbean and Latin

30 “Renewing U.S. Leadership in the Americas,” Obama for America, 2008.
31 Andres Oppenheimer, “Obama moving fast on Hispanics, slow on region, Miami Herald, February 8, 2009; U.S.
Department of State, “U.S. Amb. Davidow Holds State Department News Briefing on the Summit of the Americas,”
CQ Congressional Transcripts, April 6, 2009.
32 Senator Lugar had introduced a similar measure in the 110th Congress, S. 1007, reported out of the Senate Foreign
Relations Committee on September 23, 2008; Summit Implementation Review Group, Draft Declaration of
Commitment, July 21, 2008; Andres Oppenheimer, “Obama’s Latin American priority: energy,” Miami Herald, January
18, 2009.
33 Peter Hakim, “Why We Are Together,” FOCAL Point, August 2008.
34 Corporación Latinobarómetro, Informe 2008, 2008.
35 “Latin America Goes It Alone as Bolivian Conflict Explodes,” Latin News Weekly Report, September 18, 2008.
36 Alexi Barrionuevo “At Meeting in Brazil, Washington is Scorned,” New York Times, December 17, 2008.
37 House Committee on Foreign Affairs, Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere, “U.S. Policy Toward Latin
America in 2009 and Beyond,” CQ Congressional Transcripts, February 4, 2009.
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America and demand that the empire Obama leads lift its blockade of Cuba, abide by UN
resolutions, and condemn Israel.”38 As noted above, the fourth Summit of the Americas held in
Argentina in 2005, was marred by protestors demonstrating against U.S. policy in Iraq and U.S.
support for the FTAA. A parallel “People’s Summit” will also be held in Trinidad and Tobago,
and Port of Spain police are preparing for violence similar to what occurred at the April 2009 G-
20 Summit.39
Despite these challenges, a number of analysts are optimistic about the Summit. Some are
encouraged by the scope and depth of the Port of Spain Draft Declaration of Commitment. Rather
than focusing on the more divisive topics in the hemisphere, the Port of Spain agenda is built
around issues where there is already broad consensus. The Draft Declaration also addresses past
criticisms by identifying specific, measurable, and attainable targets for proposed initiatives as
well as institutions to assist in their implementation. A number of analysts believe that structuring
the official agenda around largely non-controversial issues should allow leaders to engage in
greater cooperation and that the increased focus on implementation should make the Summit
Process more effective.40
Likewise, some observers believe that since President Obama is widely popular throughout Latin
America, his attendance at the Summit alone will help reverse the negative views of the United
States that have grown over the last several years. Indeed, several Latin American leaders have
expressed hope for improved relations with the United States since President Obama’s election,
and even President Chávez has said he would like to bring U.S.-Venezuelan relations back to a
“rational level.”41 Given this openness to dialogue, some maintain that President Obama will have
an opportunity to strike a new tone in U.S. relations with the region. While the Summit is unlikely
to lead to any new initiatives or immediate policy changes, some analysts believe it may set the
foundation for successful hemispheric interactions in the future.42

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Peter J. Meyer

Analyst in Latin American Affairs
pmeyer@crs.loc.gov, 7-5474

38 “‘Couldn’t care less’ about meeting Obama: Chavez,” Agence France Presse, February 27, 2009.
39 Aretha Welch, “Riot Cops Fly In,” Trinidad & Tobago Express, April 7, 2009.
40 Richard Feinberg, “Making the Fifth Summit the Finest So Far,” FOCAL Point, July-August 2008.
41 Jack Chang, “Obama win brings high hopes to the hemisphere,” Miami Herald, November 6, 2008; Rachel Jones,
“Chavez says he wants to ‘reset’ relations with US,” Associated Press, April 4, 2009; “Mensaje conciliador de Taiana
en EE.UU,” La Nacion (Argentina), April 7, 2009.
42 Michael Shifter, “The Promise of Port of Spain,” El Tiempo, April 8, 2009.
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