Order Code RL34189
North Korean Refugees in China and Human
Rights Issues: International Response and
U.S. Policy Options
September 26, 2007
Rhoda Margesson, Coordinator
Specialist in International Humanitarian Assistance
Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division
Emma Chanlett-Avery
Analyst in Asian Affairs
Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division
Andorra Bruno
Specialist in Immigration Policy
Domestic Social Policy Division

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North Korean Refugees in China and Human Rights
Issues: International Response and
U.S. Policy Options
Summary
North Koreans have been crossing the border into China, many in search of
refuge, since the height of North Korea’s famine in the 1990s. The State Department
estimates that 30,000-50,000 North Korean refugees currently live in China (some
non-governmental organizations estimate the number is closer to 300,000) and
believes those who are repatriated may face punishment ranging from a few months
of “labor correction” to execution. A number of reports also document the difficult
conditions faced by North Koreans who remain in China. The plight of the North
Koreans focuses attention not only on those seeking refuge and their refugee status,
but also points to the factors driving their decision to leave, primarily food shortages,
deteriorating humanitarian conditions, and human rights violations. North Korea is
generally characterized as one of the world’s worst violators of human rights and
religious freedom, an issue that some Members of Congress and interest groups say
should assume greater importance in the formation of U.S. priorities towards North
Korea. Congressional concern about human rights in North Korea and conditions
faced by North Korean refugees led to the passage of the North Korean Human
Rights Act (NKHRA) in 2004.
This report examines both the situation of North Korean refugees in China and
human rights issues because they are frequently raised simultaneously, particularly
in a congressional context. Although the issues surrounding those North Koreans
seeking to leave their country and the situation for those who remain inside its
borders pose different questions and may call for separate responses, both also focus
on the nature of the regime in Pyongyang. Critics of the North Korean government
have raised both issues together to put pressure on the regime, particularly when
nuclear weapons program negotiations stalled. Some advocates decry the practice
of linking refugee and human rights issues, claiming that the former calls for a
quieter, cooperative approach, while the latter requires a more outspoken response
to the North Korean government’s practices. Although some policy experts insist
that the United States has a moral imperative to stand up for the oppressed, others say
that this creates obstacles in the nuclear disarmament negotiations. In 2007, the Bush
Administration entered into bilateral talks with North Korea and linked the prospect
of diplomatic relations and Pyongyang’s re-entry into the international community
with only the nuclear issue, leaving out human rights and refugee concerns.
Nevertheless, North Korean human rights and refugee issues remain significant
concerns and also have broader regional importance. China and South Korea want
to avoid a massive outflow of refugees, which they believe could trigger the
instability or collapse of North Korea. North Korean refugees seeking resettlement
often transit through other Asian countries, raising diplomatic, refugee, and security
concerns for those governments. South Korea, as the final destination of the vast
majority of North Koreans, struggles to accommodate new arrivals and does not want
to damage its relations with North Korea. This report will be updated as events
warrant.

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Contents
Overview . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Protecting Refugees . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
The U.N. Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) . . . . . . . . 3
Profile of North Korean Refugees . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
Scope of the Problem . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
Numbers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
Gender Representation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
Conditions in China . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
Crossing Point . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
Exploitation at the Border . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
Living Situation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
Push and Pull Factors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
Food Shortages . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
Human Rights Violations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
DPRK Policy Towards Those Seeking Refuge in China . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
Travel Limitations within DPRK . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
Border Security and Enforcement . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
China’s Policy Towards North Koreans Seeking Refuge . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
Application of the Refugee Convention and Protocol . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
The Status of North Koreans in China . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
China’s Policy Considerations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
Transit and Final Destinations for Refugees . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
The Role of Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
High-Profile Bids for Asylum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
South Korea . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14
Escape Routes Through Third Countries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14
Southeast Asia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14
Mongolia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
Congressional Response . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
Human Rights and Refugee Issues in Overall North Korea Policy . . . . . . . 15
The North Korean Human Rights Act . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16
Congressional Complaints on Pace of Implementation . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
Difficulties of Implementation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18
Funding . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18
Radio Broadcasting into North Korea . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19
Freedom House Conferences . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19
The Resettlement of North Korean Refugees in the United States . . . 20
Linking Security and Human Rights . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21
Regime Change as a Motivation? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22
Regional Responses to NKHRA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24

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South Korea . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24
China . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25
Japan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25
Options for Congress and Other Policymakers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26
Encourage Refugee Flows to Destabilize the North Korean Regime . . . . . 26
Provide Protection Versus Status to Refugees . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27
Resettle Larger Numbers of North Korean Refugees in the United States . 28
Implement the Responsibility to Protect . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28
Encourage North Korea and China to Honor International
Treaty Obligations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29
Call Attention to North Korea’s Human Rights Record . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30
Address Human Rights As Part of a Package Deal . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30
Conduct Quiet Diplomacy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31
Introduce Additional Legislation on Human Rights . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31
Appendix A. Overview of the U.S. Refugee Program . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33
Appendix B. Maps of North Korea . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35
List of Figures
Figure 1. Regional Perspective on North Korea and China . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35
Figure 2. North Korea: Administrative Divisions (as of 2005) . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36
Figure 3. Counties to Receive WFP Assistance 2006-2008 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37

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North Korean Refugees in China and
Human Rights Issues: International
Response and U.S. Policy Options
Overview
The increased international attention given to the situation of North Koreans
seeking refuge, primarily in China, has led Congress to take a greater interest in the
refugee situation and the underlying causes within North Korea and across its
borders.1 Food shortages, persecution, and human rights abuses have prompted
thousands and perhaps hundreds of thousands of North Koreans to go to China where
they often become victims of further abuse, neglect, and lack of protection. Those
who remain in North Korea (formally known as the Democratic Republic of North
Korea, or DPRK) also continue to suffer from a lack of food and other basic
humanitarian provisions.
Both the House and Senate have held hearings and passed resolutions addressing
the status of the refugees. Additionally, several Members of Congress have written
letters regarding the issue to the U.S. and Chinese governments. In 2004 the 108th
Congress passed, and President Bush signed, the North Korean Human Rights Act
(H.R. 4011; P.L. 108-333). The North Korean Human Rights Act (NKHRA)
authorizes the President new funds to support human rights efforts, improve the flow
of information, and to require the President to appoint a Special Envoy on human
rights in North Korea. It also identifies the need for humanitarian food assistance and
refugee care.
North Korea has been viewed as a threat to U.S. interests for a number of
important security reasons that go well beyond refugee concerns and human rights
issues. These include the pursuit of nuclear weapons and missile programs; a history
of proliferating missiles; reported threats to export parts of its self-declared nuclear
arsenal; and possible possession of chemical and biological weapons programs.2
North Korea is also on the U.S. list of states that sponsor terrorism.3 Amid an
atmosphere of continuing tensions over North Korea’s nuclear program, the potential
1 Use of the term "refugee" in this report does not connote that these persons would
necessarily meet the legal standard for being designated refugees as stipulated under the
1951 U.N. Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees and its 1967 Protocol. See
Appendix B, Figures 1 and 2, for maps of the region and of North Korea.
2 For more information, see CRS Report RL33590 North Korea’s Nuclear Weapons
Development and Diplomacy, by Larry Niksch.
3 For more information, see CRS Report RL30613 North Korea: Terrorism List Removal?,
by Larry Niksch and Raphael Perl.

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CRS-2
remains for worsening humanitarian conditions and a possible increase in North
Koreans fleeing the country. The situation raises the questions of what more, if
anything, can and should be done — by the United States and the international
community — not only to focus attention on the abuses of the DPRK regime, but to
alleviate the suffering of North Koreans. Increasingly, some argue it is the suffering
of ordinary North Koreans that brings into sharp relief the continuing violation of
fundamental rights — rights pertaining to food security, refugee status, and
individual freedoms — and raises questions about how those rights should be
protected and by whom.
Protecting Refugees
China generally refuses international agencies and non-governmental
organizations (NGOs) access to the North Koreans who cross its border; this and its
periodic practice of deportation, have led many to ask about international law and the
protection of refugees in China. China’s obligations under international refugee law
will be discussed later in the report.
The U.N. Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees
The international instruments that provide protection to refugees include the
1951 United Nations Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees (Refugee
Convention) and the 1967 Protocol to that Convention.4 A refugee is legally defined
in the Refugee Convention as a person fleeing his or her country because of
persecution or “owing to well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race,
religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion, is
outside the country of his nationality and is unable or, owing to such fear, is
unwilling to avail himself of the protection of that country....”5 Parties to the Refugee
Convention have an obligation to abide by the principle of “non-refoulement,” which
means that “No contracting State shall expel or return (“refouler”) a refugee in any
manner whatsoever to the frontiers of territories where his life or freedom would be
threatened on account of his race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular
social group or political opinion.”6 China and South Korea are parties to the Refugee
Convention and its 1967 Protocol; North Korea is not a party to either instrument.7
4 Under the 1951 Convention, mainly Europeans involved in events occurring before 1
January 1951 could apply for refugee status. In response to the emergence of large refugee
movements since 1951, the 1967 Protocol incorporates the measures in the original 1951
Convention but imposes no time or geographical limits. For texts, please see
[http://www.unhcr.org/protect/3c0762ea4.html].
5 Text of the 1951 United Nations Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees, Chapter
1, Article 1 (A) 2.
6 Text of the 1951 United Nations Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees, Chapter
1, Article 33.1. The issue of non-refoulement is also considered part of customary
international law.
7 Countries that are used as escape routes by North Koreans include Cambodia, which is a
(continued...)

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CRS-3
The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
(UNHCR)
The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) is the U.N.
agency dedicated to the protection of refugees and other populations displaced by
conflict, famine, and natural disasters.8 Its mandate is to lead and coordinate
international action for the protection of refugees and the resolution of refugee
problems worldwide. Refugees are granted a special status under international law.
Once an individual is considered a refugee, that individual automatically has certain
rights, and states that are parties to the Refugee Convention and its Protocol are
obligated to provide certain resources and protection. UNHCR ensures these rights,
works to find permanent, long-term solutions for refugees, and coordinates
emergency humanitarian relief for refugees and, increasingly, other persons of
concern.
Enforcement of the Refugee Convention can present challenges. For example,
the national laws of a state may not be developed sufficiently to allow full
implementation of the provisions of the Refugee Convention. Often becoming a
party to the Refugee Convention is a first step and UNHCR serves as an important
resource. Sometimes the Refugee Convention may contradict bilateral agreements
between states, such as the repatriation agreement between North Korea and China
described later in this report. From UNHCR’s point of view, international law
overrides other bilateral agreements, but governments may not agree. UNHCR may
try to assist in creating a solution or states may use ad hoc procedures to determine
whether an individual has a well-grounded fear of persecution and thus is protected
from deportation. UNHCR often works with governments behind the scenes in
asylum cases to push for application of the principles of the Refugee Convention and
protection of the rights of the individual, even though there may not be agreement on
legal jurisdiction.9
7 (...continued)
party to the Refugee Convention and its Protocol, and Laos, Vietnam, Burma, Thailand, and
Mongolia, all of which are not parties to either instrument.
8 UNHCR was established by the U.N. General Assembly Resolution 428 (V) of December
14, 1950, and made operational in 1951.
9 For more information, see CRS Report RL31690 United Nations High Commissioner for
Refugees (UNHCR) and International Crises and Disasters: U.S. Humanitarian Assistance,
Budget Trends, and Issues for Congress, by Rhoda Margesson, Specialist in International
Humanitarian Assistance.

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CRS-4
Profile of North Korean Refugees10
Scope of the Problem
Numbers. There is little reliable information on the size and composition of
the North Korean population located in China. Estimates range from as low as
10,000 (the official Chinese estimate) to 300,000 or more.11 Press reports commonly
cite a figure of 100,000 - 300,000. In 2006, the State Department estimated the
number to be between 30,000 and 50,000, down from the 75,000 to 125,000 range
it projected in 2000. UNHCR also uses the 2006 range (30,000 - 50,000) as a
working figure. UNHCR has not been given access to conduct a systematic survey.
Estimating the numbers is made more difficult because most North Koreans are in
hiding, some move back and forth across the border — either voluntarily to bring
food and or hard currency from China or North Korea — or because they are forcibly
repatriated. Amnesty International has estimated that, on average, each year about
10% of those who cross the border back to North Korea do so as a result of force.
A much smaller number is estimated to make their way to third countries.12 Clearly,
the refugees’ need to avoid detection, coupled with a lack of access by international
organizations, make it difficult to assess the full scope of the refugee problem;
however, based on anecdotal reports, the number of people crossing the border does
not seem to have overwhelmed the resources of the Chinese economy, in part because
the movement has been gradual.
Gender Representation. According to some recent reports, it is thought that
nearly 75 percent of the refugees are women.13 UNHCR says the number of males
may be underestimated and they may be in hiding, but the proportion of women
among those hoping eventually to resettle in South Korea is striking. Three years
ago, reportedly 50 percent of the refugees were women; four to five years ago, 20
percent were women. It has become a trend, but the reasons are unclear. In North
Korea the conditions of poverty and failed marriages could also be contributing
factors as to why women choose to leave. An element of family reunification for
men who left several years ago may also be a factor. Some also believe that men may
be more tied to their enterprises, which could make them less mobile.
Conditions in China
Crossing Point. Most North Koreans are believed to enter China from North
Korea’s northeastern provinces in search of food and/or employment. The
destination favored by most refugees, the Yanbian Korean Autonomous Prefecture
10 Some of the research for this section was provided by Tom Coipuram, Information
Research Specialist, Knowledge Services Group, CRS.
11 Seymour, James D., Commissioned by the United Nations High Commissioner for
Refugees, Protection Information Section, “China: Background Paper on the Situation of
North Koreans in China,” January 2005, p. 16
12 Seymour, p. 26.
13 Amnesty International Report 2007.

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CRS-5
of China, is home to an estimated one million Chinese of Korean descent. Many of
these ethnic Koreans have assisted their newly arrived North Korean kin, for a mix
of reasons, including family connections, financial motivations, a sense of altruism,
and a desire to reciprocate the help that North Koreans gave those Korean Chinese
who crossed the border during the political turbulence of China’s Cultural Revolution
in the 1960s and 1970s. It is unlikely that large numbers of North Korean refugees
are living elsewhere in China.
Exploitation at the Border. Reports express concern for those exploited at
the border, citing organized gangs and intermediaries who target the refugees.14
Human smuggling, trafficking, extortion and exploitation are thought to be a growing
problem. Women are particularly vulnerable to prostitution, rape, arranged
marriages, and bride traffickers; many otherwise face the option of imprisonment or
hunger in North Korea. The State Department rates North Korea as a Tier 3 country
in human trafficking, the poorest rating, due to the fact that it has not implemented
international standards or prosecuted trafficking.15 It has also engaged in forced
labor. It is reported that perhaps 80%-90% of North Koreans in China end up as
trafficking victims. There appears to be an increase in the numbers, but this could
also be attributed to greater awareness of the problem.16
Living Situation. North Koreans who remain in China (and their local
protectors) live in danger not only of being discovered by the Chinese authorities, but
by anyone who turns them in as undocumented immigrants for payment of a reward.
While northeast China is generally far more economically developed and stable than
North Korea, some non-governmental organizations (NGOs) report the poverty in the
broader region of northern China is extreme and that conditions for the poor in both
China and North Korea are roughly similar. Reports indicate that many refugees live
in dire conditions, forced to survive by working in menial, low-paying jobs.
14 Amnesty International Report 2007; State Department, 2006 Human Rights Report.
15 Since enactment of the Victims of Trafficking and Violence Protection Act of 2000 (P.L.
106-386) or TVPA, the Administration and Congress have given priority to the human
trafficking problem. In June 2001, the State Department issued its first congressionally-
mandated Trafficking in Persons (TIP) report. The State Department issued its seventh
congressionally mandated Trafficking in Persons (TIP) Report on June 12, 2007. Each
report categorized countries into four groups according to the efforts they were making to
combat trafficking. Those countries (Tier Three) that do not cooperate in the fight against
trafficking have been made subject to U.S. sanctions since 2003. The group named in 2007
includes a total of sixteen countries. They are: Algeria, Bahrain, Burma, Cuba, Equatorial
Guinea, Iran, Kuwait, Malaysia, North Korea, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Sudan, Syria,
Uzbekistan and Venezuela. The President must make a determination by mid-September
of a given year on whether to impose sanctions on any or all of these countries. Note: This
year the Presidential determination has been postponed until October 2007.
16 The Tier rankings for each can be found at [http://www.state.gov/g/tip/rls/tiprpt]. China
was on the Tier 2 watch list in 2006 and 2007. For more information on trafficking, see
CRS Report RL30545, Trafficking in Persons: U.S. Policy and Issues for Congress by Clare
Ribando, Analyst in Latin American Affairs.

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CRS-6
Push and Pull Factors
People cross borders for many different reasons — some choose to do so
voluntarily, others are forced to leave or flee as a matter of life or death. “Push” and
“Pull” factors are terms used to explain why people move. As in many refugee
situations, there are push and pull factors that influence certain people to leave their
country. The reasons North Koreans seek refuge in China may vary based on
individual circumstances, but despite limited access and information, it is clear that
two key elements driving North Koreans across the border into China include
deteriorating humanitarian conditions — mainly due to food shortages — and human
rights violations.
Food Shortages. Extreme poverty within the DPRK in general, and food
shortages in particular, appear to have a significant impact on movement across the
border into China. The DPRK began experiencing a food shortage of increasing
severity beginning in the early 1990s, after the collapse of the Soviet Union and the
resulting cut-off of economic benefits North Korea had received from the communist
bloc. Disastrous floods in the summer of 1995 plunged the country into a severe
famine that by some estimates was responsible for 600,000 to two million deaths,
approximately 5 to10 percent of North Korea’s population.17 Some argue food
shortages are inextricably linked to the regime itself, in part because food distribution
favors the ruling elite and military and is tied to the government’s ongoing broader
political and military motivations.18 In September 1995, North Korea appealed for
international food assistance, contradicting its national ideology of juche, or self-
reliance. Shortly thereafter, the United Nations World Food Program (WFP) moved
into North Korea, and its activities there gradually expanded to become at one point
the WFP’s largest single-country operation. Until 2005, the United States was by far
the largest donor to the WFP’s North Korea operation. China and South Korea
provided — and continue to provide — even larger amounts of food bilaterally to
North Korea.19
Though the famine apparently abated by 1997 and the DPRK made incremental
progress in agricultural production, the WFP says that food conditions worsened for
17 Although natural disasters were the immediate causes of the food crisis, several experts
have found the root causes of the famine in decades of economic and agricultural
mismanagement. For instance, see Andrew Natsios, The Great North Korean Famine (U.S.
Institute of Peace: Washington, DC, 2001), especially chapters 1 and 2. Among the cited
policies that over time led to the famine were excessive use of chemical fertilizers and the
excessive conversion of land into agricultural uses. The latter practice contributed to the
massive deforestation and soil erosion that led to increasingly severe annual floods.
Moreover, lack of agricultural machinery and inputs and a severe energy crisis also mean
that production remains well below standard.
18 See U.S. Committee for Human Rights in North Korea, “Hunger and Human Rights: The
Politics of Famine in North Korea,” by Stephen Haggard and Marcus Noland, 2005.
19 For more information, see CRS Report RS21835, U.S. Assistance to North Korea: Fact
Sheet by Mark Manyin, Specialist in Asian Affairs.

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CRS-7
most North Koreans after North Korea introduced economic reforms in 2002.20 By
2005 the WFP estimated that nearly half of North Korea’s 24 million people did not
have enough to eat and that more than a third of the population was chronically
malnourished.21 According to the WFP, food security continues to be a daily struggle
for one third to one half of all North Koreans. In March 2007, the WFP indicated
that the government had acknowledged an expected shortfall of one million metric
tons of food and the possibility of a willingness to increase food assistance.22
Flooding and reduced WFP and bilateral food assistance in 2006 only compounded
the problems that are ongoing in 2007. Torrential rains between August 7 and 14,
2007 caused significant and widespread flooding in nine provinces in central and
northern DPRK, and the international community is providing emergency relief and
conducting needs assessments.23
Human Rights Violations. The State Department’s Country Reports on
Human Rights Practice for 2006 and reports from private organizations have
portrayed a similar pattern of extreme human rights abuses by the North Korea
regime for many years.24 There appears to be no prospect of appreciable change at
least in the near future. The reports paint a grim picture of human rights conditions
and stress three general categories of abuse:
(1) A total denial of political, civil, and religious liberties: The regime’s list of
proscribed offenses is extensive, and severe punishments are established by
North Korean laws and the constitution. No dissent or criticism of Kim Jong-il
is allowed. The regime totally controls all media organs. Most North Koreans
have no access to media sources other than the official media.
20 A 2004 nutritional survey conducted jointly by the North Korean government and by the
United Nations (UNICEF and WFP) also indicated that, although malnutrition rates fell
significantly after the late 1990s, more than one-third of the population remained
malnourished and anemic. It concluded that people’s growth was stunted from lack of food
and nutrition. In this survey, among children, 37% were stunted, 23% were underweight,
and 7% were wasted. NAPSNET Special Report, “World Food Programme Press
Conference on the DPRK,” by Tony Banbury, WFP Regional Director for Asia, March 31,
2005.
21 WFP News Release, “6.5 Million Vulnerable North Koreans Still in Desperate Need of
Food Aid,” January 27, 2005.
22 World Food Programme, “WFP Concerned About Food Shortfalls in DPRK; Seeks to
Increase Aid,” March 28, 2007. See Appendix II, Figure 3 for WPF Assistance.
23 United Nations Office for Humanitarian Assistance, “DPR Korea Floods: Flash Appeal
2007), August 27, 2007. It is too soon to determine if the flooding will have a marked
impact. The situation is not addressed further in this report.
24 In the 1970s, Congress formalized the responsibility of the United States to promote
respect for international human rights standards in several ways, one of which was through
annual written country reports. Sections 116(d) and 502B(b) of the Foreign Assistance Act
of 1961, as amended, require the State Department annually to submit to Congress a report
on human rights conditions in all countries that receive U.S. assistance or are members of
the United Nations.

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CRS-8
(2) Severe physical abuse meted out to citizens who violate laws and
restrictions: The U.S. Committee for Human Rights in North Korea published
a lengthy report in 2003, describing a system of concentration camps, organized
like the Soviet “gulag” system, that houses an estimated 150,000 to 200,000
inmates, including many political prisoners.25 Reports from survivors and
escapees from the camps indicate that conditions in the camps for political
prisoners are extremely harsh and that many political prisoners do not survive.
(3) Other evidence of violations of human rights: The State Department’s 2006
report cites “anecdotal evidence from refugees” that North Korean refugees who
crossed into China for strictly economic reasons “were generally being treated
less harshly than in past years,” but that the regime continued to inflict severe
punishments for repatriated North Koreans who went to China for political
reasons, had contacts with South Korean groups (including religious groups),
and sought asylum in third countries.26 Recent reports by Amnesty International
and Human Rights Watch confirm the State Department’s description of human
rights conditions within North Korea. However, Human Rights Watch presents
a different description of North Korea’s policy toward refugees who went to
China for economic reasons. Human Rights Watch asserts that “North Korea
appears to be punishing its citizens with longer sentences in abusive prisons if
they are caught crossing the border to China or have been forcibly repatriated
by Beijing” and that this “ominous hardening of policy” since the summer of
2004 has been applied to all repatriated North Koreans regardless of their
reasons for going to China.27
The United Nations confirms these findings. The U.N. Special Rapporteur on
the DPRK (Special Rapporteur) states that despite some legislative improvements,
there are continuing reports of violations of basic freedoms such as security of the
person, humane treatment, and justice.28 According to the Special Rapporteur,
25 The U.S. Committee for Human Rights in North Korea, The Hidden Gulag: Exposing
North Korea’s Prison Camps,2003.
26 The State Department report on North Korea is more general in nature than for other
countries. Many of the specific incidents and events cited occurred in 2005 or previously.
This reflects the closed nature of North Korean society and the difficulty in securing
information on up-to-date events in the country. The 2006 report acknowledges the
difficulties in securing information, much of which comes from sources outside North
Korea.
27 Human Rights Watch, “North Korea: Border-Crossers Harshly Punished on Return,”
March 20, 2007, and “North Korea’s Cruelty,” March 17, 2007, by Kay Seok.
28 Vitit Muntarbhorn was appointed U.N. Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human
Rights in Democratic People’s Republic of Korea in 2004 by the former U.N. Commission
on Human Rights (now U.N. Human Rights Council) “to investigate and report to the
Commission and the General Assembly on the situation of human rights in the country,
including compliance with its obligations under both international human rights instruments
and international humanitarian law.” Annual reports examine a wide range of human rights
issues (civil, political, economic, social and cultural). For the latest report, see “Report of
the Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights in the DPRK, Vitit Muntarbhorn,”
(continued...)

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CRS-9
“despite [North Korea’s] formal commitment to human rights in various national
laws and under the human rights treaties mentioned, the human rights situation
remains grave in a number of areas.” Many violations of rights persist throughout
the country, and as well as in countries of first asylum.29 Some of these rights are the
focus of specific international treaties and conventions, to which North Korea and
China are each a party, and others are cited in numerous reports and discussions or
are part of evolving custom or practice between states. North Korea has not
cooperated with the Special Rapporteur despite repeated requests. In its response to
the Human Rights Council, China focused mostly on its unwillingness to view illegal
migrants as refugees.
DPRK Policy Towards Those Seeking Refuge in China
North Korea considers those who cross the border into China to be criminals,
though it is difficult to get a fuller sense of how North Korea views the problem. It
is possible that North Korean leaders have calculated that the refugee situation poses
little threat to the regime. Because the flows of refugees have been going on for
years, it is likely that the refugees have already been politically triaged, in that most
individuals of any political importance have either already left or been caught. New
border-crossers could be considered politically insignificant by North Korea’s
leadership. Indeed, in some sense, China’s provinces have provided North Korea
with a useful way to export its economic problems as the migration may have
protected thousands more people from starvation.
Travel Limitations within DPRK. Travel by North Koreans within and
outside of their country is strictly controlled, and violators who are caught are subject
to punishment. Any movement outside an individual’s home village requires a travel
pass, although in recent years the government has tended to turn a blind eye toward
those violating the travel rules in search of food. Officials and trusted celebrities,
such as athletes and artists, are the only people granted exit visas.
Border Security and Enforcement. According to reports, Article 47 of the
1987 North Korean penal code lists defection or attempted defection as a capital
crime, stating that a defector who is returned to North Korea “shall be committed to
a reform institution for not less than seven years. In cases where the person commits
an extremely grave concern, he or she shall be given the death penalty.”30 It is
unclear how “grave concern” is defined. Minor offenders appear to be subject to up
to six months imprisonment at labor training centers where conditions are extremely
harsh and inhumane.
28 (...continued)
7 February 2007, A/HRC/4/15.
29 In his report, the U.N. Special Rapporteur focuses on definitions of refugee status; the
response of the first asylum countries; the need for international burdensharing in finding
durable solutions; and links between patterns of arrivals of those seeking asylum and the
attitudes and practices of neighboring countries.
30 U.S. Committee for Refugees, World Refugee Survey 2002.

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CRS-10
Enforcement reportedly varies, in part due to rampant bribery and corruption
inside North Korea. Some repatriated North Koreans are subjected to brutal
treatment, including detention, torture, placement in concentration camps, forced
labor, and even execution. North Korean authorities are particularly brutal toward
those suspected of making contact with South Koreans, missionary groups, or other
foreigners. Returnees who cross the border in search of food reportedly receive
milder treatment. Many repatriated pregnant women carrying the children of Chinese
men — often husbands to whom the women were sold by human traffickers — are
reportedly subjected to forced abortions.
Whether or not an individual committed crimes in China, what the person has
done since leaving North Korea, and what he or she was trying to escape from, all
reportedly factor into the punishment of returnees to North Korea. UNHCR has
received reports that some people deported one to three times by China back to
North Korea receive little punishment while others endure hard labor or beatings.
Even if UNHCR could assess who is at risk before deportation, it would be difficult
to determine and weigh the risk factors and the seeming arbitrariness of the system
in North Korea. Families are classified by loyalty to the regime — those
“blacklisted” are more at risk. When a person is deported, if China passes along
information that indicates he or she was trying to get in touch with an embassy or
foreigners, there might be greater consequences.
China’s Policy Towards North Koreans
Seeking Refuge
Application of the Refugee Convention and Protocol
Despite being a party to the Refugee Convention and Protocol, China has not
allowed U.N. agencies, in particular UNHCR, to have access to North Koreans who
are residing in China because it views these individuals as economic migrants (rather
than political refugees) who cross the border illegally, primarily in search of food.31
UNHCR has therefore been unable to determine what percentage of these individuals
(North Koreans in China) qualify as refugees, but believes a number may meet that
31 China has been a party to both instruments since September 1982, but has not adopted
legislation to implement the treaties. For example, the entry and exit of aliens being granted
political asylum under Chinese law is based solely on the approval of “competent
authorities.” China’s policy towards refugees in general has varied over the decades. Two
large groups of foreigners in China who have claimed refugee status include the Vietnamese
and the Kachin Burmese. It is estimated that there are up to 300,000 people from Vietnam
residing in China, many of whom arrived during the Sino-Vietnam war in 1979. UNHCR
has provided some assistance to these refugees over time. They have mostly integrated and
been accepted by the Chinese, although not granted permanent status. Much less is known
about the Kachin Burmese, of which there could be hundreds of thousands in China, mainly
in the Yunnan Province. Other small groups of refugees that have been certified by UNHCR
have been allowed to stay; still others have been repatriated without UNHCR being granted
access. Under the 1951 Convention and the 1967 Protocol, contracting States agree to
cooperate with UNHCR and facilitate its supervisory function.

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CRS-11
definition.32 In 1995 UNHCR established an office in Beijing under an agreement
with China. At the time, issues were focused on limited numbers of refugees coming
from Vietnam. During visits to the northeast in the late 1990s, UNHCR determined
that some of the newly arrived North Koreans were refugees. But China saw the
problem as an internal matter and subsequently prohibited UNHCR from all direct
access to the border.33
The Chinese are suspicious of UNHCR’s intentions and have prevented aid
agencies from entering the region to monitor the situation and possibly set up refugee
camps. Although it continues to push its case for access, UNHCR cannot provide
assistance to the refugees in an open, transparent manner. First-hand information is
not available to UNHCR, which relies heavily on those “working on the ground.”
UNHCR officials interviewed for this report say that they have worked behind the
scenes with Chinese officials to assist with the challenges posed by refugees and
asylum seekers and believe this is the most productive way forward.
The Status of North Koreans in China
China does not usually allow North Koreans to apply for political asylum.34
Moreover, China indicates it is obliged under a bilateral1986 repatriation agreement
with North Korea to return all border crossers. Despite this agreement Chinese
officials have generally ignored the agreement, tolerating the inflows of refugees and
the activities of foreign NGOs so long as such activities were carried out quietly.
Definitions of status are not always easily determined and motivations — be
they economic or political — are not so easily separated. UNHCR recommends that
no one be deported until a determination of refugee status can be made.35 According
to UNHCR, even those who arrive in search of food may have a claim to refugee
status sur place because they would be at risk of persecution if they returned.36 Thus,
some experts argue that because it is known what might happen to North Koreans
32 Seymour, p. 21.
33 The UNHCR mandate in the 1995 agreement with China was not implemented because
of China’s objection to UNHCR involvement with the North Koreans in the Northeast.
34 Complementary forms of protection are occasionally available, usually negotiated on a
case-by-case basis, such as granting humanitarian status temporarily or arranging political
asylum in third countries. See “Complementary Forms of Protection: Their Nature and
Relationship to the International Refugee Protection Regime,” Executive Committee of the
High Commissioner’s Programme, 9 June 2000, and “Complementary Forms of Protection,”
Global Consultations on International Protection, 4 September 2001.
35 In addition, some experts have questioned whether the level of deprivation in North Korea
could be considered a reason to grant refugee status as the poverty is so extreme, and
perhaps no different from other political reasons that cause people to flee. While this gives
the Chinese explanation some basis, it is not directly linked to political persecution, but
rather to the conditions under which people are forced to try to survive. The general criteria
used to determine the status of a refugee have not been expanded to include this observation.
36 A person who was not a refugee when he or she left his or her country, but who later
becomes a refugee is considered a refugee sur place.

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CRS-12
who are deported, the North Koreans in essence become refugees. Furthermore,
China’s deportations raise the question of a violation of international law, that is,
China’s violation of its obligations to abide by the principle of non-refoulement under
the Refugee Convention and Protocol. In March 2006, these issues were raised for
the first time in high-level talks between the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees
and the Chinese Foreign Ministry.
The creation of a refugee program raises difficulties for China. It does not want
to provoke an ally, destabilize the Korean peninsula, or create a “pull”factor for
individuals wanting to cross into China. UNHCR is concerned, too, about the
treatment by North Korea and China of the victims who are repatriated and those
who become victims of exploitation at the border.
China’s Policy Considerations
In addition to being a formal ally with North Korea, the Chinese government
wants to avoid a situation that could destabilize the broader region, such as the
collapse of the North Korean regime. It believes such an event would bring
thousands of North Koreans across its border and have a huge impact on its economic
development, adding to the unemployment problem in its industrial Northeast.37
Moreover, it could strain China’s relations with North Korea, perhaps weakening
China’s influence over North Korea’s behavior in other matters, such as its nuclear
weapons program. Given North Korea’s ability to destabilize the region quickly
through military provocations, China may be reluctant to antagonize its neighbor.
Some experts also contend that China wants to maintain distance from the U.S.
troops in South Korea with North Korea serving as a buffer. China favors a peaceful
resolution to the border issues through dialogue and negotiation with North Korea.
Chinese officials undoubtedly are also concerned that allowing international groups
access could set an unwanted precedent that could be used in future refugee scenarios
involving other ethnic groups in other parts of China, such as Tibetans or Uighurs.
China is considered to have significant leverage over North Korea. It is North
Korea’s most important diplomatic and economic backer, and provides significant
food aid annually. China is also North Korea’s largest trade partner and supplies the
bulk of North Korea’s energy imports. However, China’s leverage is limited if the
DPRK sees any threat of withdrawing aid as empty, for it would only lead to
instability in North Korea.38
37 The official registered unemployment in China as a whole is about 4 percent. However,
substantially greater unemployment and underemployment exist in rural areas.
38 For more background information, see CRS Report RL33877, China-U.S. Relations:
Current Issues and Implications for U.S. Policy by Kerry Dumbaugh, Specialist in Asian
Affairs.

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CRS-13
Transit and Final Destinations for Refugees
The Role of Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs)
Because the influx of refugees across the border has been gradual, rather than
sudden, a network of South Korean, Japanese, U.S., and European NGOs have had
time to develop and to provide food, shelter, and employment. Smaller numbers of
North Koreans have also surfaced in Cambodia, Mongolia, Thailand, Vietnam, and
Laos, suggesting that these groups may have successfully set up escape routes akin
to the Underground Railroad in the United States for slaves seeking freedom in the
19th Century. NGOs assisting the refugees often adopt a low profile to avoid
detection by the Chinese authorities.39
High-Profile Bids for Asylum
According to NGOs assisting the refugees, for reasons that are not clear,
beginning in 2001 and away from the public eye, Chinese authorities began cracking
down on the North Korean refugee population and those who assisted them. This led
some individuals and NGOs, many of which were foreign, to begin orchestrating
high-profile rushes of North Koreans into foreign diplomatic compounds and into
schools, where the refugees requested asylum, with most seeking resettlement in
South Korea. The asylum bids were well publicized. In most of these high-profile
asylum cases, China decided on humanitarian grounds to allow the North Koreans
to travel to a third country and then transit to Seoul.40
As a consequence of the asylum bids, reports indicated that the Chinese were
arresting Korean-Chinese accused of helping North Koreans. (According to some
reports, there are apparently more than 1,000 ethnic Korean-Chinese helping the
North Koreans who cross over into China.) From time to time, the press mentioned
arrests of NGO workers. China increased roundups, repatriations, border patrols, and
security around foreign diplomatic buildings. The goal of this harsh response
appeared to be to discourage similar high-profile acts. The publicized actions of the
asylum seekers raised the visibility of the issue, but it alarmed China, and the
repressive solution on the part of the Chinese may have had a negative impact on a
far greater number of refugees than the relative few who sought asylum. At different
points like this, China has come under considerable international pressure — felt
most keenly by the Chinese Foreign Ministry — to recognize the North Koreans as
political refugees and allow the international community openly to assist them.
39 According to one source at InterAction, a coalition of more than 160 U.S.-based private
relief, development and refugee assistance agencies, many NGOs do not want to talk on the
record as further publicity is likely to prompt China to clamp down on their activities.
40 China claims that foreign diplomatic missions have no right to provide asylum on Chinese
territory and that embassies should not harbor refugees. The Refugee Convention is
supposed to override bilateral agreements between states. In practice, China continues to
allow virtually all asylum seekers who successfully enter foreign diplomatic compounds and
schools to quietly leave for South Korea via a third country.

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CRS-14
South Korea
South Korea remains the primary destination for North Korean refugees. In
addition to granting South Korean citizenship, the South Korean government
administers a resettlement program and provides cash and training for all defectors.41
In February 2007, South Korean government officials announced that the number of
North Korean defectors arriving in South Korea since the end of the Korean War in
1953 topped 10,000. What began as a trickle in the decades following the war
swelled beginning in the late 1990s due to the North Korea famine. According to the
South Korean Unification Ministry, up to 1,578 refugees arrived in 2006, exceeding
the previous record of 1,139 in 2002.42 However, there have also been reports about
problems in the integration of North Koreans resettled in South Korea with some
wanting to return to North Korea or resettle elsewhere. South Korea is party to the
Refugee Convention and its Protocol. UNHCR has an office in Seoul to provide
assistance to resettlement programs.
Some observers say that Seoul adjusted its stance on North Koreans to mollify
Pyongyang and that this was reinforced by two new measures announced by the
South Korean Unification Ministry in 2004: the traditional lump sum amount
provided to North Korean refugees was reduced by two-thirds (with the difference
going to job-training incentive programs), and screening of asylum seekers in
diplomatic missions was strengthened to identify possible criminals or spies. Critics
say the changes in policy are designed to discourage defections, but South Korean
officials defend the changes as necessary to discourage exploitative brokers who
charge the defectors for facilitating passage from North Korea. In addition, officials
claim, the enhanced screening prevents Korean-Chinese from gaining illegal entry
into South Korea.
Escape Routes Through Third Countries
Southeast Asia. It is believed that only a small percentage of North Koreans
in China make their way to third countries in order to seek asylum. North Korean
refugees seeking passage to a third country face largely uncooperative governments
even if they get through China. Cambodia, Laos, Vietnam and Burma have
diplomatic relations with both Seoul and Pyongyang. Fear of offending Pyongyang
and, for Vietnam and Laos, the shared characteristic of nominally communist
governments make them generally unwilling to assist defectors. After the
Vietnamese government allowed 480 North Korean defectors to fly into South Korea
on chartered planes in July 2004, the underground network for refugees in Vietnam
was reportedly nearly eliminated as an escape route because of Hanoi’s unwillingness
to upset North Korea again. However, Vietnam reportedly still plays a reduced role
41 A South Korean law grants automatic citizenship to all North Korean residents who defect
to the South.
42 “Number of N. Korean Defectors to S. Korea Tops 10,000,” KoreaNet.News. February
16, 2007.

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CRS-15
in the underground railroad that assists North Korean asylum-seekers.43 Cambodia
is party to the Refugee Convention and its Protocol; Laos, Vietnam, and Burma are
parties to neither, which means they are not obligated to provide resources and
protection to refugees.
Thailand’s reputation for relative tolerance for refugees, as well as crackdowns
in other recipient countries, has attracted an increasing number of North Korean
asylum-seekers. Media sources say that 1,000 North Koreans were detained in
Bangkok, and 500 were sent on to Seoul in 2006.44 Thailand has traditionally quietly
cooperated with sending the North Koreans on to South Korea for resettlement, but
by 2006 the rise in volume reportedly had strained the system and led Bangkok
authorities to intensify measures to prevent illegal entry by North Koreans. In an
indication of the Thai government’s fraying patience, the Foreign Ministry
complained in December 2006 that international and local NGOs — by shepherding
North Koreans to Thailand — were hurting its ability to prevent the illegal entry of
North Korean defectors. Activists claim that some North Koreans in Thailand may
be seeking resettlement in the United States. Thailand is not a party to the Refugee
Convention or its Protocol.
Mongolia. For some North Korean refugees, traveling north to Mongolia is
preferable as an escape route out of China. The Mongolian government maintains
a policy of not repatriating North Koreans and its practices are considered humane
by international refugee organizations. Although some advocates had been pushing
for the establishment of an official refugee camp in Mongolia, experts have since
concluded that camps would not be suitable, in part because North Koreans transit
through Mongolia so quickly. Mongolia’s official relations with both South Korea
and North Korea are strong, including a guest worker program with Pyongyang that
allows hundreds of North Koreans to work in mine and construction projects.
UNHCR maintains regular contact with the Mongolian government. Although
Mongolia is not a party to the Refugee Convention or its Protocol, it has been both
cooperative and diplomatic in dealing with the North Koreans, an approach that
appears to be acceptable to its neighbors.
Congressional Response
Human Rights and Refugee Issues in Overall North Korea
Policy
In general, under the Clinton Administration, security issues with North Korea
were explicitly separated from human rights concerns: the 1994 Agreed Framework
was limited to economic incentives in exchange for Pyongyang freezing its nuclear
43 “Perilous Journeys: The Plight of North Koreans in China and Beyond,” International
Crisis Group Report. October 26, 2006.
44 “Thailand Playing a Key Role in Aiding N. Korean Asylum Seekers,” The Nation
(Thailand). February 27, 2007; and “Land of Smiles for N. Korean Refugees,” Straits Times.
March 5, 2007.

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CRS-16
weapons program. The Bush Administration policy on North Korea has undergone
several shifts, from refusing to meet with the North Koreans to pushing aggressively
for a negotiated deal on dismantling the North’s nuclear weapons programs. Until
the 2007 Six-Party Agreement, the Bush Administration had regularly drawn
attention to North Korean human rights violations by supporting resolutions that
criticize the North Korean record at the United Nations Human Rights Council and
General Assembly. High-level officials, including the President and Secretary of
State, also periodically criticized the regime in Pyongyang for its human rights
practices. Some observers note that focus on human rights issues appears to have
increased during periods when nuclear weapons negotiations have stalled. With a
few exceptions, references to the refugee situation have generally been limited to
lower-level meetings.
As efforts to push forward the Six-Party talks have accelerated in 2007, the
Administration has not proposed any negotiations with North Korea over human
rights but has asserted that human rights is one of several issues to be settled with
North Korea after the nuclear issue is resolved. The Six-Party Agreement of
February 13, 2007, calls for the United States and North Korea to “start bilateral talks
aimed at resolving bilateral issues and moving toward full diplomatic relations.”
Prior to the Agreement in 2007, the Bush Administration held that it would not agree
to normalization of diplomatic relations with North Korea until there was progress
on human rights (presumably including refugees) and other issues. This position was
criticized by China and South Korea, which called on the Administration to offer
North Korea full diplomatic relations in exchange for a satisfactory nuclear
settlement. However, since the signing of the agreement in February, Assistant
Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs Christopher Hill increasingly has
linked normalization of U.S.-North Korean relations solely to a satisfactory
settlement of the nuclear issue.45
The North Korean Human Rights Act
Congressional attention to North Korean human rights and refugee issues has
been consistent and critical. Several hearings specifically devoted to the topics called
on expert witnesses as well as executive branch officials to testify about the
conditions faced by North Koreans, both those within the country and those
attempting to escape. The 108th Congress passed by voice vote, and President Bush
signed, the North Korean Human Rights Act of 2004 (NKHRA).46 The legislation
! authorizes up to $20 million for each of the fiscal years 2005-2008
for assistance to North Korean refugees, $2 million for promoting
human rights and democracy in North Korea and $2 million to
promote freedom of information inside North Korea;
45 “Pact with North Korea Draws Fire From a Wide Range of Critics in U.S.,” by Helene
Cooper and Jim Yardley, New York Times, February 14, 2007, p. A10; “No Partial
Solution,” New York Times, May 31, 2007, p. A14; and “North Korea ‘Prepared’ to Shut
Down Reactor, U.S. Envoy Says,” by Choe San Hun, New York Times, June 23, 2007, p. A5.
46 H.R. 4011; P.L. 108-333; and 22 U.S.C. 7801.

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CRS-17
! asserts that North Koreans are eligible for U.S. refugee status and
instructs the State Department to facilitate the submission of
applications by North Koreans seeking protection as refugees; and
! requires the President to appoint a Special Envoy to promote human
rights in North Korea.
The NKHRA also expresses the sense of the Congress that human rights should
remain a key element in negotiations with North Korea; all humanitarian aid to North
Korea shall be conditional upon improved monitoring mechanisms for the
distribution of food; support for radio broadcasting into North Korea should be
enhanced; and that China is obligated to provide UNHCR with unimpeded access to
North Koreans inside China.
Some have hailed the NKHRA as an important message that human rights will
play a central role in the formulation of U.S. policy towards North Korea. They
believe the issue should be addressed in the U.S.-North Korea normalization working
group established by the February 13, 2007 Six-Party Talks agreement. Passage of
the legislation was also driven by the argument that the United States has a moral
responsibility to stand up for human rights for those suffering under repressive
regimes. Advocates claim that, in addition to alleviating a major humanitarian crisis,
the NKHRA will ultimately enhance stability in Northeast Asia by promoting
international cooperation to deal with the problem of North Korean refugees.
Critics say the legislation risks upsetting relations with South Korea and China,
and ultimately the diplomatic unity necessary to make North Korea abandon its
nuclear weapons program through the Six-Party Talks. Further, they insist that the
legislation actually worsens the plight of North Korean refugees by drawing more
attention to them, leading to crackdowns by both North Korean and Chinese
authorities and reduced assistance by Southeast Asian countries concerned about
offending Pyongyang. They point to reports that Chinese soldiers nearly shut down
the border between China and North Korea following a series of embassy stormings
in 2002, preventing any further flow of refugees. Since passage of the NKHRA, it
does not appear that China has altered its practices in response to pressure from the
United States to deal more humanely with North Korean refugees.
Congressional Complaints on Pace of Implementation. Critics have
complained that implementation of NKHRA has been halting. Most publicly, no
North Korean refugees were resettled in the United States until May 2006 and Jay
Lefkowitz was not appointed as the Special Envoy for Human Rights in North Korea
until August 2005, ten months after President Bush signed the bill into law. At three
House hearings in the 108th Congress devoted to NKHRA, lawmakers repeatedly
expressed frustration at the pace and lack of robust implementation of NKHRA.
Others complained that the Administration did not request any of the annual $24
million authorized under NKHRA until $2 million was requested for FY2008. When
Ambassador Lefkowitz testified at the April 2006 hearing, a Member questioned him
on the number of hours he was able to devote to the issue, questioning whether he
could fulfill his duties as the Special Envoy as a part-time employee of the State
Department. Lawmakers also raised reports that U.S. embassy officials in China had

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CRS-18
turned away or discouraged North Koreans seeking asylum, an accusation made by
a witness at the October 2005 hearing.47
Difficulties of Implementation. Some observers contend that good-faith
implementation of NKHRA’s refugee provisions may be counterproductive. They
argue that the legislation on North Korean refugee admissions could send a
dangerous message to North Koreans that admission to the United States as a refugee
is assured, encouraging incursions into U.S. diplomatic missions overseas. State
Department officials say that given the tight security in place at U.S. facilities abroad,
unexpected stormings could result in injury or death for the refugees. Secondly,
granting of asylum status to North Korean refugees involves a complex vetting
process that is further complicated by the fact that the applicants originate from a
state with which the United States does not have official relations. In congressional
hearings, State Department officials have cautioned that effective implementation of
the NKHRA depends on close coordination with South Korea, particularly in
developing mechanisms to vet potential refugees given the dearth of information
available to U.S. immigration officials on North Koreans.48
Funding. The State Department has not requested funding explicitly under the
NKHRA, but officials assert that the mission of the NKHRA is fulfilled under a
number of existing programs. The State Department’s Population, Refugees, and
Migration (PRM) Bureau provided $7.56 million in FY2006 for UNHCR’s annual
regional budget for East Asia, which includes assistance for North Korean refugees,
among other refugee populations. PRM funds international organizations such as
UNHCR or the ICRC. For democracy promotion in North Korea, the State
Department’s Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor (DRL) Bureau gives grants to
U.S.-based organizations: in the FY2008 budget, DRL requested $1 million for North
Korea human rights programs, as well as $1 million for media freedom programs.
DRL also considers $1 million expended in FY2006 in the National Endowment of
Democracy account specific to North Korea as fulfilling part of the NKHRA’s
mission. In FY2008, the Broadcasting Board of Governors (BBG) requested $2.9
million for increased radio broadcasting into North Korea, according to the BBG
Congressional Budget Justification. The authorizations of the NKHRA expire in
FY2008.
Some government officials and NGO staff familiar with providing assistance to
North Korean refugees say that funding explicitly associated with the NKHRA is
problematic because of the need for discretion in reaching the vulnerable population.
Refugees are often hiding from authorities and regional governments do not wish to
draw attention to their role in transferring North Koreans, so funding is labeled under
47 Transcript of October 27, 2005 joint hearing of the Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific
and the Subcommittee on Africa, Global Human Rights, and International Operations
entitled, “An Update on the Implementation of the North Korean Human Rights Act,”
accessed at [http://www.foreignaffairs.house.gov/archives/109/24202.pdf].
48 Transcript of April 28, 2005 joint hearing of the Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific
and the Subcommittee on Africa, Global Human Rights, and International Operations
entitled, “The North Korean Human Rights Act: Issues and Implementation,” accessed at
[http://www.foreignaffairs.house.gov/archives/109/20919.pdf].

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more general assistance programs. In addition, many of the NGOs that help refugees
do not have the capacity to absorb large amounts of funding effectively because of
their small, grass roots nature.
Radio Broadcasting into North Korea. The NKHRA authorizes the
President to “take such actions as may be necessary to increase the availability of
information inside North Korea by increasing the availability of sources of
information not controlled by the Government of North Korea, including sources
such as radios capable of receiving broadcasting from outside North Korea” and
authorizes the appropriation of $2 million annually for this purpose.49 In the FY2008
budget request, the Broadcasting Board of Governors requested $2.9 million in order
to increase broadcasting into North Korea by establishing a 10-hour coordinated
stream of Voice of America (VOA) and Radio Free Asia (RFA) daily programming.
The radio broadcasts into North Korea, through medium- and short-wave, were
modestly enhanced beginning in 2006, and original programming was added in
FY2007. Content includes news briefs, particularly news involving the Korean
peninsula, interviews with North Korean defectors, and international commentary on
events happening inside North Korea. The BBG cites an InterMedia survey of
escaped defectors that indicates that North Koreans have some access to radios, many
of them altered to receive international broadcasts.50
Freedom House Conferences. In FY2005, $2 million was appropriated
to Freedom House51 to organize international conferences to raise awareness of
human rights conditions in North Korea. The second forum, held in Seoul in
December 2005, raised political tension between U.S. officials in attendance and the
South Korean government. As South Korean ruling party officials maintained a
distance from the event, opposition leaders and Special Envoy Lefkowitz called for
the Roh Administration to speak out against North Korea’s human rights abuses.
Lefkowitz also urged the South Korean government to tie its humanitarian aid
shipments to improvements in Pyongyang’s human rights record. A third conference
held in Brussels in March 2006, was attended by Lefkowitz, the Japanese Special
Envoy for Human Rights Issues Humiko Saigo, and several North Korean defectors.
The Brussels conference coincided with an unprecedented hearing on human rights
issues in a European Union parliamentary session, resulting in a resolution
condemning human rights conditions in North Korea. A second, similar resolution
was passed by the same body after the fourth Freedom House conference was held
in Rome in July 2006.52
49 Section 104, 22 U.S.C. 7814.
50 Broadcasting Board of Governors, Executive Summary of Fiscal Year 2008 Budget
Request.
51 Freedom House is a Washington, D.C.-based, independent, non-profit organization, non-
governmental but funded predominantly by the U.S. government, that supports civic
initiatives promoting human rights and democracy world-wide.
52 Texts of the two European Parliament resolutions can be found at
[http://www.nkfreedomhouse.org/resources/resolutions/].

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The Resettlement of North Korean Refugees in the United States.
The NKHRA states as one of its goals the resettlement of North Korean refugees in
the United States.53 Section 302 of the Act states that “North Koreans are not barred
from eligibility for refugee status or asylum in the United States on account of any
legal right to citizenship they may enjoy under the Constitution of the Republic of
Korea.” Given the quick availability of citizenship, as well as the presence of
historical and cultural ties and the provision of benefits to North Korean arrivals,
South Korea historically has been viewed by the United States and other countries
as the preferred resettlement country for North Koreans. Section 304 expresses the
sense of the Congress that UNHCR and its donor governments, including the United
States, “should persistently and at the highest levels continue to urge the Government
of China” to allow access to North Koreans within China to determine whether they
qualify for refugee protection.
More general in nature, Section 303 of the NKHRA directs the Secretary of
State to “undertake to facilitate the submission of applications” under the
Immigration and Nationality Act (INA) by prospective North Korean refugees. Some
of the challenges to implementing this provision were highlighted in a report the
NKHRA required the Secretary of State to submit to Congress. Noting opposition
by governments hosting North Korean refugees, particularly China, to U.S. refugee
admissions processing on their territory, the report stated:
Without cooperation of such governments, the multi-step, often-lengthy
admissions procedures leading to the departure of North Koreans for the United
States will not be possible in the region.
The report suggested, however, that it might be possible to admit some North Korean
refugees to the United States from South Korea “after appropriate vetting.” This
reference to vetting suggests another significant obstacle to North Korean refugee
resettlement in the United States — the difficulty in completing security checks. The
House International Relations Committee report on the bill that became the NKHRA
cited “genuine security concerns” related to North Korean refugee resettlement in the
United States. Acknowledging “the Department of Homeland Security’s obligation
and authority to assess North Koreans ... on a case-by case basis,” the report stated
that “such requirements may present natural limits to the number and pace of North
Korean refugee admissions into the United States.”
Challenges to North Korean refugee resettlement in the United States and efforts
to address them were discussed at an April 2005 hearing on implementation of the
NKHRA by the House International Relations Committee’s Subcommittees on Asia
and the Pacific, and on Africa, Global Human Rights and International Operations.
In written testimony, Arthur E. Dewey, then-Assistant Secretary of State for PRM,
described actions being taken to obtain access to North Koreans in China:
The State Department continues to fund UNHCR’s efforts to obtain access to,
protection of, and solutions for North Koreans. The United States consistently
53 For background, see CRS Report RL31269 Refugee Admissions and Resettlement Policy,
by Andorra Bruno, Specialist in American National Government.

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CRS-21
and at high levels continues to urge the PRC to adhere to its international
obligations....
At the same time, Assistant Secretary Dewey emphasized limits on the ability of the
United States to provide direct assistance. He maintained that direct U.S.
involvement with North Koreans in certain states could increase the vulnerability of
those individuals. With respect to security concerns, he noted that the U.S.
government lacked ready access to information about individual North Koreans
necessary to complete required background checks. He cited the need for a “reliable
mechanism” to complete these security checks and indicated that consultations with
governments in the region were essential to developing viable mechanisms to
facilitate applications of North Korean refugees for U.S. resettlement.
Testifying before the same subcommittees in April 2006, the Special Envoy, Jay
Lefkowitz, reported progress in addressing challenges to gain access to North Korean
refugees and conduct security screenings. In May 2006, the first six North Korean
refugees were admitted to the United States from an unidentified nation in Southeast
Asia. In written testimony prepared for a March 1, 2007 hearing of the House
Foreign Affairs Committee’s Subcommittee on Asia, the Pacific, and the Global
Environment, Special Envoy Lefkowitz stated that “our government has opened
America’s doors to North Korean refugees.” He further stated, “While we expect
that most North Korean refugees will continue to choose to resettle in South Korea,
we impose no quota or limit on the number we are willing to accept.”
As of July 2007, a total of 30 North Korean refugees had been admitted to the
United States from undisclosed transit states.
Linking Security and Human Rights
The Six-Party Talks remain focused primarily on the nuclear weapons issue and
Bush Administration negotiators in 2007 have linked establishing diplomatic
relations and facilitating Pyongyang’s re-entry into the international community with
only the nuclear weapons issue rather than human rights and other issues. The
appointment of a special envoy on human rights theoretically allows for a separate
track, but, according to many observers, the predominant attitude of the Bush
Administration in 2007 reflects the view that raising the profile of North Korea’s
human rights violations jeopardizes the progress of the nuclear disarmament
negotiations.54
The NKHRA pressures Executive Branch policymakers to link human rights
and overall negotiations with Pyongyang. The NKHRA conveys the Sense of
Congress that human rights should be a “key element” in talks with North Korea and
that the United States should pursue a human rights dialogue modeled on the
54 “U.S., in Shift, Plans Talk in North Korea on Arsenal,” by David Sanger and Norimitsu
Onishi, New York Times, June 21, 2007, p. A8; and “U.S. Envoy Outlines N. Korea Agenda
- Peace Process in Works by ‘08,” by Nicholas Kralev, Washington Times, June 26, 2007,
p. A1.

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CRS-22
Helsinki process with North Korea and other regional states.55 In addition to these
suggestions, the requirements for admission of refugees and the funds authorized to
aid human rights and refugee NGOs alters the diplomatic environment in which the
State Department has pursued talks with the North Koreans because of the reactions
of other regional powers.
Some observers disagree that a linkage policy based on the Helsinki process is
an effective approach to dealing with North Korea. They argue that several factors
that existed in Eastern European countries — a nascent civil society, minority groups,
semi-autonomous institutions such as the Catholic Church, dissident organizations,
armed uprisings against the rulers, deeper contacts with the outside world, and an
overall political “thaw” — were necessary prerequisites for the approach to take hold.
Few or none of these factors reportedly exist in the closed state of North Korea and,
as a result, outside NGOs have very limited local forces with whom to partner to
develop political movements.56
Regime Change as a Motivation?
Some critics of the NKHRA charge that a desire for regime change in
Pyongyang motivated the legislation. Passage of the NKHRA was driven in part by
the activities of a network of NGOs devoted to North Korean issues. The network
includes groups explicitly committed to precipitating the collapse of the regime in
Pyongyang. The predecessor to the NKHRA, the North Korean Freedom Act,57
proposed language that more harshly criticized South Korea and China, provided less
flexibility to the President to negotiate a security agreement, explicitly linked security
and human rights issues, and, according to some analysts, associated itself with
regime change.58 Critics of the regime-change approach point to some of Lefkowitz’s
public statements that characterize Pyongyang as “a government that inflicts on its
citizens repression reminiscent of the most cruel totalitarian rulers of the 20th
century...[and] is today counterfeiting U.S. currency, trafficking in narcotics, building
a nuclear arsenal, and threatening other nations.”59 In 2005 and 2006 critics
questioned whether the Administration was committed to working with the existing
55 The Final Act of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, known as the
Helsinki Final Act, Helsinki Accords or Helsinki Declaration, was the final act of the
Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe held in Helsinki, Finland in December,
1975 among the United States and Canada, the Soviet Union and the countries of Eastern
and Western Europe. The 33 signatories committed themselves to “respect human rights
and fundamental freedoms, including the freedom of thought, conscience, religion or belief,
for all without distinction as to race, sex, language, or religion.” The participating
governments further committed themselves to foster “freer movement and contacts,”
improved access to information, and cultural and educational exchanges.
56 Feffer, John. “The Forgotten Lessons of Helsinki Human Rights and U.S.-North Korean
Relations,” World Policy Journal. Fall 2004.
57 S. 1903, 109th Congress
58 Lee, Karin, “The North Korean Human Rights Act and Other Congressional Agendas.”
Nautilus Policy Forum Online. October 7, 2004.
59 Lefkowitz, Jay, “Freedom For All North Koreans,” Wall Street Journal, April 28, 2006.

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North Korean government in the Six-Party Talks if a high-level envoy could describe
the regime in Pyongyang in such negative terms. Lefkowitz also criticized aspects
of South Korea’s “sunshine policy” of engaging North Korea, words that some say
have periodically strained relations with Seoul. However, in 2007, the Bush
Administration entered into bilateral talks with North Korea, and Assistant Secretary
of State Hill visited Pyongyang in June 2007. The Administration also resolved
financial restrictions against banks in Macau that engaged in activities that were
implicated in North Korean counterfeiting operations. Lefkowitz, though still serving
as Special Envoy, has kept a lower profile in 2007.
The House International Relations Committee report accompanying the
NKHRA, however, explicitly disavowed an interest to bring down the Pyongyang
government: “[NKHRA] is motivated by a genuine desire for improvements in
human rights, refugee protection, and humanitarian transparency. It is not a pretext
for a hidden strategy to provoke regime collapse or to seek collateral advantage in
ongoing strategic negotiations.”60 Former Chairperson of the Subcommittee of Asia
and the Pacific James Leach reiterated at a congressional hearing in 2005 that “... I
would like to affirm that the motivations for the North Korean Rights Act (sic) were
and are solely humanitarian, not geo-strategic.... [NKHRA] is agnostic about regime
change, but emphatic about behavior change.”61
Despite this public statement, many observers say that securing cooperation
from China and South Korea to deal with North Korean human rights and refugee
issues is more difficult because of the distrust of the goals of some U.S. government
officials. South Korean Unification Minister Lee Jong-seok, for instance, told a
parliamentary committee in July 2006: “Personally, I oppose a Northeast Asian
version of the Helsinki Process.... Because there is a wide perception that the
Helsinki Process is premised on regime change, (applying the process to North
Korea) would have no effect,” adding that “In the U.S., the people who have been
calling for a change of the North Korean regime are raising the [human rights]
issue.”62
60 The full House Report (H.Rept. 108-478) can be found at [http://www.congress.gov/
cgi-lis/cpquery/R?cp108:FLD010:@1(hr478)].
61 Statement made at House International Relations Subcommittee on Africa, Global Human
Rights and International Operations and Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific joint hearing
on April 28, 2005.
62 “Seoul Refuses to Duplicate ‘Helsinki Process’ on N. Korea,” Yonhap English News. July
24, 2006.

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CRS-24
Regional Responses to NKHRA
South Korea
Passage of the NKHRA raised uncomfortable issues for South Korea, adding
another irritant to an increasingly strained U.S.-South Korea bilateral relationship.
Many observers say that NKHRA draws sharp attention to the plight of North Korean
citizens and refugees and illuminates the gulf between the U.S. and South Korean
approaches to dealing with North Korea. As part of its policy of increasing economic
integration and fostering warm ties with North Korea, South Korea has generally
refrained from criticizing Pyongyang’s human rights record and downplayed its
practice of accepting North Korean refugees. Until 2006, South Korea had abstained
from voting on several U.N. resolutions calling for improvement in North Korea’s
human rights practices. In an indication that Seoul’s position may have evolved, in
November 2006 South Korea for the first time voted in favor of a U.N. General
Assembly resolution that criticized North Korea for torture, public executions, past
abductions of foreigners, severe prison conditions, and failing to allow access to the
Special Rapporteur on North Korean human rights.63 The unprecedented vote by
Seoul may also have been a result of its former Foreign Minister Ban Ki-Moon being
designated as the next U.N. Secretary General; Ban had earlier called for North Korea
to make progress on its human rights and for South Korea to assist the international
community in pressuring Pyongyang to open up. It may also reflect a response to
U.S. pressure and to domestic criticism of South Korea’s approach following North
Korea’s nuclear missile tests in July 2006. However, the turn of Bush
Administration policy in 2007 has brought U.S. policy closer to South Korea’s
conciliation strategy. The Bush Administration expressed support for a North Korea
— South Korea summit announced in August 2007. There is no indication that the
Bush Administration will urge South Korean President Roh Moo-Hyun to raise
human rights or refugee issues when he goes to Pyongyang.
The tension between Washington and Seoul on human rights issues may
threaten bilateral cooperation on refugee problems. The admission of North Korean
refugees for resettlement in the United States could benefit from information sharing
with South Korean intelligence services for vetting purposes. It is unclear if South
Korea has been willing to provide cooperation in light of its reluctance to antagonize
Pyongyang. Complicating any U.S. effort to “burden-share” with South Korea by
accepting North Korean refugees is the South Korean law that grants automatic
citizenship to all North Korean residents who defect to the South. Shortly before the
acceptance of the first six refugees under the NKHRA, another North Korean
defector who had settled in South Korea in 1998 was granted asylum by a Los
Angeles immigration court. After South Korean officials, including then Foreign
Minister Ban Ki-Moon, criticized the ruling, unnamed State Department sources
explained that the case did not reflect U.S. refugee policy and did not fall under
NKHRA because of the established citizenship of the defector. Seoul officials have
chafed at the suggestion by some North Korean defectors that they are discriminated
against in South Korea because of their North Korean origins.
63 U.N. General Assembly Resolution GA/SHC/3874.

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China
Passage of the NKRHA, and the issue of human rights in general, raises difficult
issues with China, the host of the Six-Party Talks and a crucial part of the
Administration’s strategy to pressure North Korea into giving up its nuclear weapons.
NKHRA describes in harsh language the conditions refugees face in China and
Beijing’s policy of repatriation to North Korea. During hearings on NKHRA’s
implementation, several Members of Congress strongly criticized Beijing for its
policy on North Korean refugees, including the suggestion that the United States
should boycott the 2008 Olympics in protest. Beijing fears the NKHRA might serve
as a beacon to refugees and encourage a greater number of North Koreans to cross
the border into China.
Although the Bush Administration has spoken out on Chinese human rights
abuses, some analysts say that the criticism has been muted because of the need for
Beijing’s cooperation with the war on terrorism, the Six-Party Talks, and Iran.
However, the White House elevated one individual’s case to an unusually high
profile: Kim Chun Hee, a 31-year old North Korean who sought asylum at two
Korean schools in China before being deported to North Korea, according to various
press reports. With her fate uncertain, the White House issued a statement on March
30, 2006, expressing its grave concern for her and calling on China to honor its
obligations as a party to the Refugee Convention and Protocol. Urged on by activist
groups, including an influential church from Bush’s hometown, President Bush
raised the case directly with Chinese president Hu Jintao during their April 2006
summit. According to White House officials, Hu offered no response.
Japan
The United States and Japan have found common ground on the issue of
confronting North Korea on human rights violations. Since Kim Jong il’s 2002
admission that the Pyongyang government abducted Japanese nationals in the 1970s
and 1980s, the Japanese government has increasingly taken a tougher stance on North
Korea, including imposing strict sanctions on Pyongyang after the North’s 2006 tests
of missiles and then a nuclear device. Previous Prime Minister Shinzo Abe rose to
prominence based largely on his hardline stance toward North Korea, from insisting
on a full accounting of the abductees to stepping up military cooperation with the
United States in response to Pyongyang’s provocations.
Japan has maintained pressure on the United States to include the issue of
human rights in the ongoing Six-Party Talks. The North Korea-Japan normalization
working group, one of five established by the February 13, 2007 Six-Party Talks
agreement, focuses on resolution of the abduction issue as well as Pyongyang’s
historical grievances for the Japanese annexation of the Korean peninsula from
1910-1945. A provision of the agreement that states that the United States will
“begin the process of removing the designation of the DPRK as a state-sponsor of
terrorism” has alarmed Japan, which has urged the United States to keep North Korea
on the terrorism list until North Korea resolves Japan’s concerns over the
kidnappings. In 2004, the Administration noted that the kidnapping of Japanese

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CRS-26
citizens justified, in part, North Korea’s inclusion on the state sponsors of terrorism
list.
Japanese lawmakers passed their own version of the NKRHA in 2006. The
Japanese Act calls for greater awareness on North Korean human rights violations
in general, with an emphasis on the abductions of Japanese citizens, as well as
enhanced international coordination to prevent further human rights abuses by the
North Korean government. Solving the plight of North Korean refugees is
mentioned, but no specific measures to assist refugees are outlined. The law calls for
economic sanctions if human rights violations, specifically the abduction issue, fail
to improve, although similar sanctions are already applied for North Korea’s missile
and nuclear tests.
The Japanese abductee issue has been elevated in Congress. The NKHRA
includes a sense of the Congress that non-humanitarian aid be contingent on North
Korean progress in accounting for the Japanese abductees. A House hearing in April
2006 focused on North Korea’s abductions of foreign citizens, with testimony from
former abductees and their relatives. Among the witnesses was Sakie Yokota, the
mother of Megumi Yokota, abducted at the age of 13. The following day, President
Bush met with Yokota and other relatives of abductees, further emphasizing the link
between U.S. policy and Japan’s most pressing priority in its relations with North
Korea.
Options for Congress and Other Policymakers
Formulating policy toward North Korea has been characterized as deciding
among a range of bad options. The following outlines some basic approaches to
dealing with North Korea’s human rights and refugee issues advocated by various
constituencies, with an analysis of some of the possible diplomatic and security-
related ramifications. United States policy has adopted elements of several of these
strategies in the past and future policies will likely be a combination of approaches.
Encourage Refugee Flows to Destabilize the North Korean
Regime
Putting aside the significant humanitarian concerns about North Korean
refugees, some commentators have advocated the use of refugee flows for the
political ends of weakening the regime in Pyongyang. Liberal U.S. resettlement
policies and official encouragement to North Korean refugees to seek asylum at
American diplomatic posts in the region could act as a magnet for drawing larger
numbers of North Koreans over the border. If the United States weighed in as an
official advocate for fleeing North Koreans, it could arguably foster the underground
railroad system by pressuring Beijing to assist in the relocation process.64 Some
calculate that a large outflow could lead to the collapse of the precarious system of
64 See Nicholas Eberstadt and Christopher Griffin, “Saving North Korea’s Refugees: The
Case for Action,” International Herald Tribune. February 20, 2007.

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CRS-27
political control enforced by the North Korean government. Such advocates argue
that regime change in North Korea is the only solution given the scale of human
rights abuses in the country. Critics of this approach point out that the more likely
response to a massive movement of people across the border would be a bloody
crackdown by Chinese and North Korean authorities, not necessarily leading to a
regime collapse. In addition, some argue that a sudden political collapse would lead
to a chaotic aftermath in which human rights and lives would be direly threatened.
Provide Protection Versus Status to Refugees
The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees has examined the legal
aspects of who among the North Koreans in China qualifies for refugee status. South
Korea recognizes that once refugees are on South Korean territory, it has an
obligation to protect them; however, it cannot protect the North Korean refugees
while they are in China. Politically, it is both a domestic and bilateral problem for
China to acknowledge refugee status for the North Koreans. And given the
circumstances, UNHCR believes there may be overriding, practical reasons not to
do so. First, it is possible that there could be relatively few cases that might
technically qualify as refugees. Second, it is probable that granting refugee status
decreases China’s tolerance dramatically for the refugees in general, at least in the
short- and medium-term. The question thus becomes whether it is helpful to push the
refugee status issue or find another way to achieve the solution being sought: Protect
the North Korean refugees in China.
Granting some form of humanitarian status — rather than refugee status — is
one way to provide a broader definition of who can be helped that may be more
politically acceptable to China. The UNHCR Department of International Protection,
which is responsible for the agency’s core protection mandate, in March 2006
proposed a humanitarian program, or enclave, be developed with other humanitarian
agencies to make sure the refugees have or gain access to humanitarian services.
Discussions between UNHCR and representatives suggest that China could justify
a “good neighbor approach” on the one hand, without pushing human rights or
asylum, or on the other hand, pushing for deportation. China has expressed a
willingness to consider the option of protection in the form of such a humanitarian
enclave, but no further progress has been made.
UNHCR also believes there may be too much emphasis on the “pull factor” on
the part of China and others. Unfettered travel in North Korea is difficult and both
countries have demonstrated their ability to control their respective borders. China
clearly does not want a political confrontation or fallout with North Korea. UNHCR
has been opening the dialogue with China behind the scenes because it also views
open confrontation with China as unproductive, given China’s current political
structure. The proposal to give humanitarian status as a means of increasing
protection for the North Koreans in China is seen by some as far less provocative
than granting refugee status and as offering a practical solution that can be
implemented. Although not necessarily the approach sought by some high-profile
NGOs, UNHCR believes it has to minimize its visibility and publicity to make the
most progress.

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Resettle Larger Numbers of North Korean Refugees in the
United States
Some advocates support a program that builds considerably on the past
acceptance of a few dozen North Korean refugees. Advocates of granting U.S.
asylum to North Koreans say it would help share the burden of accepting the refugees
with the South Korean government. Some Korean-American groups have indicated
that their community is willing to facilitate increased resettlement in the United
States. Other supporters of the NKHRA applaud the admission of refugees but insist
that South Korea will remain the primary destination for defectors from the North.
Administration officials have cited reluctance by China and Southeast Asian
countries to be involved in transferring North Korean refugees to American officials,
as well as the complicated vetting procedure required by American immigration
officials, particularly for citizens from a country on the state sponsors of terrorism
list. Refugee experts have also voiced concern about North Koreans’ ability to adjust
to an American lifestyle, particularly if language skills are not strong upon arrival.
Implement the Responsibility to Protect
While the U.N. Charter obligates U.N. members to promote respect for human
rights and asserts as a primary purpose of the Organization is the promotion of
human rights and fundamental freedoms for all, it also recognizes the doctrine of
non-intervention. Thus, Article 2, Paragraph 7, of the U.N. Charter states that
“nothing in the Charter authorizes the United Nations to interfere in matters which
are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any state.” Because of the
traditional approach towards human rights as a matter exclusively within the
domestic jurisdiction of sovereign states, Article 2(7) has been viewed by some as
an obstacle to the implementation of the human rights provisions of the Charter.
States accused of human rights violations frequently cite this provision in response
to criticisms by other states (or international organizations) relating to human rights
conditions within their borders.
However, many advocates argue that there is substantial justification for state
responsibility for the protection of the human rights of individuals and for some level
of “interference” by the international community on behalf of those whose rights
have been infringed. Activity for the protection of human rights has been constantly
subjected to tension between state sovereignty as protected by the doctrine of non-
intervention and state obligations to protect human rights and fundamental freedoms.
Increasingly, protection of populations affected by conflict within a country is seen
as partly the responsibility of the international community. For example, some
observers have more recently argued that the DPRK government is a threat to its own
people and that North Korea has violated its responsibility to protect its own citizens
from crimes against humanity. They suggest that action by the international
community and the U.N. Security Council is warranted.65
65 U.S. Committee for Human Rights in North Korea, “Failure to Protect: A Call for the UN
Security Council to Act in North Korea,” October 30, 2006.

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At the 2005 U.N. World Summit, the “Responsibility to Protect” was
introduced, putting forward the idea that each state has a responsibility to protect its
people from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity and
that human rights violations committed in one state are the concern of all states.66 It
is an agreement in principle that speaks to the obligations of a state to protect its own
people and the obligations of all states when that fails, but this U.N. Resolution does
not make action easy or even probable. Lee Feinstein, Senior Fellow for U.S.
Foreign Policy and International Law at the Council on Foreign Relations, observes
that “Adoption of the responsibility to protect begins to resolve the historic tension
between human rights and states’ rights in favor of the individual. Where the state
had been erected to protect the individual from outsiders, the responsibility to protect
erects a fallback where individuals have a claim to seek assistance from outsiders in
order to substitute for or protect them from the state.”67 Still, as the case of North
Korean refugees demonstrates, translating principle into action remains an enormous
challenge.
Encourage North Korea and China to Honor International
Treaty Obligations
As members of the United Nations, both China and North Korea are bound by
the U.N. Charter. Both China and North Korea have ratified several key international
treaties that could be used as leverage to change their human rights practices. China
is party to the Refugee Convention and Protocol, which obligates China to cooperate
with UNHCR and prohibits China from repatriating refugees to any countries where
they are at risk for serious human rights abuses. China also ratified the U.N.
Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or
Punishment, which states that no government shall repatriate “a person to another
State where there are substantial grounds for believing that he would be in danger of
being subjected to torture.” In addition, China has ratified the Convention on the
Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, the International
Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, the
Convention on the Rights of the Child, and the International Covenant on Economic,
Social and Cultural Rights.
North Korea is party to two international treaties that prohibit human rights
violations: the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination
Against Women and the Convention on the Rights of the Child. It is also party to
two covenants: the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the
International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights. To the extent that
Beijing and Pyongyang wish to be acknowledged as legitimate members of the
international community, the argument that their governments have a responsibility
to uphold widely recognized human rights principles might be invoked.
66 General Assembly Resolution 60/1 and confirmed by the Security Council Resolution
1674 (2006).
67 Feinstein, Lee, “Darfur and Beyond: What is Needed to Prevent Mass Atrocities,” Council
on Foreign Relations, Council Special Report, No. 22, January 2007.

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Call Attention to North Korea’s Human Rights Record
Supporters of the NKHRA point out the value of having U.S. officials raise
human rights issues to the international community. Special Envoy Jay Lefkowitz
has been charged with leading this effort, and insists it can be done on a track parallel
to the security negotiations. Some analysts have dubbed this approach a “name and
shame” strategy that depends on the regime in North Korea feeling sufficient pressure
from the international community to curb its human rights practices. An extension
of this strategy may involve singling out the Chinese and South Korean governments
for their failure to publicly condemn Pyongyang’s human rights violations, therefore
pressuring officials in Beijing and Seoul to take a more proactive stance. Security
analysts warn that the high-profile nature of this approach threatens to derail existing
talks on the nuclear weapons issue given North Korea’s demonstrated sensitivity to
international criticism and past boycotts of the talks based on similar condemnation
from State Department human rights reports or statements from U.S. officials.
However, others point out that North Korea has used many issues as a pretext for
boycotting talks, and that the human rights issue will not be an insurmountable
obstacle if Kim Jong-il is committed to a deal.
Address Human Rights As Part of a Package Deal
The strategy of offering diplomatic recognition and other incentives in exchange
for dialogue on human rights and other issues has been adopted by European
countries. After establishing normalized relations with North Korea in 2001, the
European Union became a significant trade partner with North Korea, in addition to
offering food aid and technical and humanitarian assistance. Modest “human rights
dialogues” between Pyongyang officials and ambassadors from E.U. countries have
been held. Supporters of the policy argue that having regular exchanges and
embassies on the ground in Pyongyang may eventually build up the trust necessary
to make progress on human rights.68
By most accounts, North Korea’s human rights record has not demonstrably
improved since relations were established, although supporters of the approach point
to isolated cases of progress.69 Some observers insist that increased contact with
North Korean leadership is the only way to improve human rights in the state, and
argue as a result for early normalization of relations between the United States and
DPRK. However, the U.S. offer is conditional upon thorough and verifiable nuclear
disarmament.
68 See, for example, Roberta Cohen, “Talking Human Rights With North Korea,”
Washington Post opinion page. August 29, 2004.
69 For example, Pyongyang officials agreed to discuss individual human rights cases with
British diplomats and human rights experts, contingent upon “more trust and confidence.”
See Karin J. Lee, “The North Korean Human Rights Act and Other Congressional
Agendas,” Policy Forum Online, Nautilus Institute. October 7, 2004.

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Conduct Quiet Diplomacy
Some advocates argue that behind-the-scenes discussions with Pyongyang and
Beijing are the most effective way to improve human rights in North Korea. By
staying out of the public eye, the danger of appearing to be interfering in internal
affairs could be reduced. Although there were few direct exchanges between high-
level North Korean and U.S. officials when the Six-Party Talks stalled, a revival in
direct bilateral contact may provide more opportunities to discreetly raise human
rights concerns.
In terms of protecting individual North Korean refugees, some refugee
advocates argue that Beijing is receptive to their appeals to take small humanitarian
steps if the exchange remains out of the public eye. For example, China might be
convinced to quietly stop deportations and arrests, and perhaps even offer legal
resident status to North Koreans who have married Chinese nationals.70 High-level
U.S. officials could raise the issues quietly with their counterparts in bilateral talks.
In addition, quiet pressure on other regional countries not to repatriate North Korean
refugees and to streamline asylum seekers’ cases with the South Korean government
and UNHCR could help alleviate humanitarian concerns for fleeing North Koreans.
Introduce Additional Legislation on Human Rights
The Bush Administration’s hope that a normalization of diplomatic relations
between the United States and DPRK could begin after the successful elimination of
North Korea’s nuclear weapons and related programs is further demonstrated by
discussion of other plans, such as the negotiation of a permanent peace treaty on the
Korean peninsula, development of a multinational security organization for Northeast
Asia, and economic aid to North Korea.71 However, not mentioned in these headlines
are humanitarian and human rights issues, at least for the moment. Depending upon
the outcome of the current negotiations with North Korea and fulfillment of its
obligations, refocusing attention on the humanitarian and human rights issues may
support the need for additional legislation and oversight by Congress.
One option that Congress might consider is developing legislation that requires
North Korea to make progress on addressing human rights conditions in exchange
for diplomatic relations and an end to U.S. economic sanctions. For example,
although the political situations are very different in these two countries, the Burmese
Freedom and Democracy Act of 2003 could provide a useful model for such
legislation. Since 1988 the United States has imposed a wide range of sanctions
against Burma, which, by 2004, meant that nearly all economic relations with Burma
had terminated. The Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act bans imports from
Burma into the United States, which affects mainly imports of Burmese textiles. The
70 See Acts of Betrayal: The Challenge of Protecting North Koreans in China by Refugees
International, or at [http://www.refugeesinternational.org/content/publication/detail/5631/].
71 “Still Waiting on North Korea: The Bush Administration is Eager to Believe that Kim
Jong Il Will - For the First Time - Fulfill his Promises,” Washington Post, June 24, 2007,
p. B6.

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United States has not had an ambassador to Burma since 1992 when the Senate
Foreign Relations Committee refused to confirm the nomination of an ambassador
because of the human rights abuses. The conditions set forth in the Burmese
Freedom and Democracy Act for the lifting of sanctions show that the sentiment in
Congress favors maintaining the full range of U.S. sanctions (once again renewed in
August 2007) until the ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) and the
Burmese military terminate major human rights abuses and make fundamental
political concessions to the democratically elected government.72 It should be noted,
however, that the President has the authority to exercise these options under existing
legislation.
72 For more information on Burma, see CRS Report Rl33479, Burma-U.S. Relations by
Larry A. Niksch, Specialist in Asian Affairs.

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Appendix A. Overview of the U.S. Refugee Program
The admission of refugees to the United States and their resettlement here are
authorized by the Immigration and Nationality Act (INA), as amended.73 Under the
INA, a refugee is a person who is outside his or her country and who is unable or
unwilling to return because of persecution or a well-founded fear of persecution on
account of race, religion, nationality, membership in a particular social group, or
political opinion. In special circumstances, a refugee also may be a person who is
within his or her country and who is persecuted or has a well-founded fear of
persecution on account of race, religion, nationality, membership in a particular
social group, or political opinion. Excluded from the INA definition of a refugee is
any person who participated in the persecution of another.
Each fiscal year, following consultations with Congress, the President issues a
presidential determination setting the refugee admissions ceiling and regional
allocations for that year. For FY2007, the worldwide refugee ceiling is 70,000. This
total includes 50,000 “admissions numbers” allocated among the regions of the world
and an unallocated reserve of 20,000 “numbers.” An unallocated reserve is to be
used if, and where, a need develops for refugee slots in excess of the allocated
numbers.
Refugees are processed and admitted to the United States from abroad. The
State Department handles overseas processing of refugees, which is conducted
through a system of three priorities for admission. These priorities are separate and
distinct from whether such persons qualify for refugee status. Priority assignment,
however, reflects an assessment of the urgency with which such persons need to be
resettled. Priority One (P-1) covers compelling protection cases and individuals for
whom no durable solution exists, who are referred to the U.S. refugee program by
UNHCR, a U.S. embassy, or a non-governmental organization (NGO). North
Koreans, like all nationalities, are eligible for P-1 processing. Priority Two (P-2)
covers groups of special humanitarian concern to the United States. It includes
specific groups within certain nationalities, clans, or ethnic groups, such as Iranian
religious minorities. North Koreans are not among those eligible for P-2 processing.
Priority Three (P-3) comprises family reunification cases involving spouses,
unmarried children under age 21, and parents of persons who were admitted to the
United States as refugees or granted asylum. Seventeen nationalities, including
North Koreans, are eligible for P-3 processing in FY2007.
All refugee applicants are checked through the State Department’s Consular
Lookout and Support System (CLASS).74 In addition, the State Department must
73 Act of June 27, 1952, ch. 477; 8 U.S.C. 1101 et seq. The Refugee Act (P.L. 96-212,
March 17, 1980) amended the INA to establish procedures for the admission of refugees to
the United States. For additional information on the U.S. refugee program, see CRS Report
RL31269, Refugee Admissions and Resettlement Policy, by Andorra Bruno, Specialist in
American National Government.
74 CLASS contains records on people ineligible to receive visas, including individuals who
are suspected or known terrorists and their associates or who are associated with suspected
(continued...)

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obtain a Security Advisory Opinion (SAO) from the Federal Bureau of Investigation
on certain applicants, including certain males from specified countries. In the SAO
process, additional databases are checked for information on the individual.
Individuals who are preliminarily determined to qualify for a processing priority
are presented to the Department of Homeland Security’s U.S. Citizenship and
Immigration Services (DHS/USCIS) for an in-person interview. USCIS makes
determinations about whether individuals are eligible for refugee status and are
otherwise admissible to the United States.
74 (...continued)
or known terrorist organizations.

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Appendix B. Maps of North Korea
Figure 1. Regional Perspective on North Korea and China

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Figure 2. North Korea: Administrative Divisions (as of 2005)
Source: Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) provided by Relief Web; see [http://www.reliefweb.int/rw/
rwb.nsf/db900sid/LPAA-6RUPAJ?OpenDocument&rc=3&cc=prk].

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Figure 3. Counties to Receive WFP Assistance 2006-2008
Source: World Food Programme (WFP), DPR Korea, map provided to CRS, April 2007.

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