Order Code RS21998
Updated March 30, 2006
CRS Report for Congress
Received through the CRS Web
The European Parliament
Kristin Archick
Specialist in European Affairs
Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division
Summary
The 732-member, directly-elected European Parliament (EP) is a key institution of
the 25-member European Union (EU). Once limited to being a consultative assembly,
the EP has accumulated more power over time. Currently, it plays a role in the EU’s
legislative and budgeting processes, and exercises general supervision over other EU
bodies. The EP continues to face several challenges, however, especially in relation to
its democratic legitimacy and operational costs. The most recent EP elections were held
in June 2004. This report will be updated as events warrant. Also see CRS Report
RS21372, The European Union: Questions and Answers, by Kristin Archick.
Role of the European Parliament
The 732-member, directly-elected European Parliament is a key institution of the
European Union. The EU is a treaty-based, institutional framework that defines and
manages economic and political cooperation among its 25 member states (Austria,
Belgium, Cyprus, the Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany,
Greece, Hungary, Ireland, Italy, Latvia, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Malta, the Netherlands,
Poland, Portugal, Slovakia, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden, and the United Kingdom). Once
limited to being a consultative assembly, the EP has accumulated more power over time.
Currently, it plays a role in the EU’s legislative and budgeting processes, and exercises
general supervision over the work of the two other main EU bodies, the Council of the
European Union (Council of Ministers) and the European Commission. However, the EP
is not a legislative body in the traditional sense. The EP cannot initiate legislation; that
right rests solely with the Commission, which functions as the EU’s executive and
guarantor of the EU treaties. The Council, the EU’s main decision-making body
comprised of ministers from the national governments, enacts legislation based on
Commission proposals, after it consults with the Parliament.
Legislative Process. The role of the European Parliament in the legislative
process has expanded steadily over time as the scope of EU policy has grown. As more
decisions within the Council of Ministers have become subject to qualified majority
voting rather than unanimity to allow for greater speed and efficiency of decision-making,
the Parliament has come to be viewed as an increasingly important democratic
Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress

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counterweight at the European level
The “Co-decision Procedure”
to the Commission and Council.
The EU’s “co-decision procedure” can be
The Amsterdam Treaty of 1997,
summarized as follows: (1) if Parliament and the
Council of Ministers agree on a Commission proposal,
which entered into force in May
it is approved; (2) if they disagree, the Council forms a
1999, extended the “co-decision
common position; the EP can then either accept the
procedure” to many additional
Council’s common position, or reject or amend it, by an
policy areas (ranging from the
absolute majority of its members; (3) if the Council
environment to social policy). In the
cannot accept the EP’s amendments, a conciliation
meeting is convened, after which the EP and the Council
“co-decision procedure,” the EP and
approve an agreement if one can be reached. If they are
the Council share legislative power
unable to agree, the proposal is not adopted.
and must both approve a
Commission proposal for it to
become EU law. Reportedly, the EP currently has a say in about 80% of the legislation
passed in the EU.1 Tax matters and foreign policy, however, are among the areas to which
the “co-decision procedure” does not apply (the Parliament may give a non-binding
opinion). In June 2004, EU leaders concluded a new constitutional treaty that would
roughly double the Parliament’s right of “co-decision” to 80 policy areas, including
agriculture and home affairs issues, such as asylum and immigration. The future of the
constitutional treaty, however, has since been thrown in doubt following its rejection by
French and Dutch voters in May and June 2005. Most observers believe the constitutional
treaty is now effectively on hold until at least mid-2007, after the next French elections.2
Budget. The EP and the Council exercise joint powers in determining the EU’s
annual budget of nearly $125 billion. The budgetary procedure begins with the
Commission proposing a preliminary draft budget to the Council. The Council prepares
another draft, which the EP may approve or modify in its first reading. On “compulsory”
expenditures — mainly agriculture — the Council currently has the final say, but the EP
has the last word on “non-compulsory” expenditures such as structural funds and
development aid. The Council may amend the EP’s draft and send it back to the EP for
a second reading. The EP can re-amend these Council changes, and must then adopt or
reject the budget. The new EU constitutional treaty, if ultimately ratified, would eliminate
the distinction between “compulsory” and “non-compulsory” expenditures, and would
thus give the EP more control over agricultural spending. The EP’s budgetary power is
considerably greater than that exercised by most parliaments in EU member states.
Other Responsibilities. The Parliament also plays a supervisory role over the
European Commission and the Council of Ministers. The EP votes on the Commission’s
program and monitors the management of EU policies, in particular through oral and
written questions to the Commission and the Council. The EP has the right to dismiss the
entire Commission through a vote of censure. Although the EP has never exercised this
power, in March 1999, the Commission opted to resign rather than face a formal censure
by the EP over alleged corruption charges.
Since 1995, the EP has held U.S. Senate-style confirmation hearings for newly
appointed Commissioners, who are chosen by the member states for five-year terms. The
1 “Why Citizens Should Care About Who Is in the Parliament,” EuroNews, June 9, 2004.
2 For more information, see CRS Report RS21618, The European Union’s Constitution, by
Kristin Archick.

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EP has the power to accept or reject a newly-proposed Commission as a whole, rather
than individual nominees. In October 2004, some Members of the European Parliament
(MEPs) threatened to veto the incoming Commission headed by President-designate José
Manuel Barroso because of a controversy over its proposed composition. Many left-
leaning MEPs objected to the choice of a conservative Italian for the position of Justice
and Home Affairs Commissioner because of his views on homosexuality and women’s
rights. They also opposed several other nominated Commissioners, and demanded either
a re-shuffling of Commission posts or new appointments. Barroso withdrew his proposed
team in order to avoid rejection by the EP, and revamped it to ensure parliamentary
approval; Barroso’s task was eased when the Italian nominee subsequently stepped down.
Some observers cite this unprecedented stand by the EP as a sign of its growing political
clout and influence.3 Parliament approved the reorganized Commission on November 18,
2004; the new Commission took office on November 22, three weeks after it was
originally scheduled to have started work.
Among its other responsibilities, the EP must approve the accession of new EU
member states and the conclusion of all official agreements with third parties, such as
association and trade agreements with non-member states. If the Parliament does not
consent, such agreements cannot enter into force.
Organization of the European Parliament
Members of the European Parliament serve five-year terms and have been directly
elected since 1979.4 The number of MEPs in each member state is based on population
size. The most recent EP elections were held in June 2004, and were the first since the
EU’s enlargement from 15 to 25 members on May 1, 2004. Voter turnout, however, was
the lowest ever at roughly 45%. Average turnout in the ten newest members was only
29%, compared to 49% in the EU’s older 15 members.5
Political Groups. The EP currently has seven political groups, which are based
on ideology rather than nationality or political party, plus some “non-attached” or
independent members. In the June 2004 election, the center-right European People’s
Party and European Democrats (EPP-ED) retained its position as the largest political
group. The Party of European Socialists (PES) came in second. Euroskeptic candidates
made significant gains in some countries, such as the United Kingdom, and formed a new
Independence and Democracy group (IND). The IND is composed of both moderates,
who support greater transparency and control over the EU bureaucracy, and radicals, who
advocate withdrawal from the EU; both wings of the IND, however, oppose the EU’s new
constitutional treaty.6 As no single group in the EP has an overall majority, however, each
must compromise to secure changes to legislation.
3 George Parker, “Euphoric Mood in Strasbourg,” Financial Times, October 28, 2004.
4 Prior to direct elections, MEPs were appointed by their national parliaments.
5 “Apathy Rules Among Newest Member States,” Financial Times, June 15, 2004.
6 “Eurosceptics Form Anti-Constitution Group,” EUObserver.com, June 29, 2004.

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Political Groups and Seats in the European Parliament, 2004-2009 (732 seats total)
European People’s Party-European Democrats (EPP-ED; center-right)
264
Party of European Socialists (PES; center-left/socialists)
200
Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (ALDE; liberals)
90
Greens/European Free Alliance (Greens/EFA; greens and regionalists)
42
European United Left/Nordic Green Left (EUL/NGL; far left and former communists)
41
Union for Europe of the Nations (UEN; nationalists)
30
Independence and Democracy (IND; euroskeptics)
22
Non-attached members
43
The EP President. The President of the EP is Josep Borrell, a Spanish MEP in
the PES group. Borrell is the first EP president who has not previously served as an MEP.
He is a former Spanish government official and one of Spain’s delegates to the convention
that drafted the first version of the EU constitutional treaty. Borrell was chosen as EP
President as the result of a power-sharing deal struck between the PES and the EPP-ED;
he will serve as president for the first half of the new Parliament’s term, until January
2007, and will then likely be succeeded by EPP-ED leader Hans-Gert Pottering of
Germany for the remaining 30 months. Part of the deal also guaranteed the PES’ support
for Barroso, a conservative former Portuguese prime minister, as President of the
European Commission. A key Borrell priority is to increase the EU’s transparency and
democratic legitimacy — an ongoing problem for the EU, but one further highlighted by
the poor voter turnout for the EP election. Borrell opposed the U.S.-led war in Iraq and
believes that the EU must develop a stronger common foreign and security policy in order
to increase its weight and role in world affairs.7
Committees. The EP has 20 standing committees. These committees are key
actors in the adoption of EU legislation. Each committee appoints a chairman, three vice-
chairmen, and has a secretariat. The appropriate committee (e.g., the Committee on the
Environment, Public Health, and Food Safety would deal with legislation on pollution)
appoints a Member as “rapporteur” to draft a report on the Commission proposal under
consideration. The rapporteur submits a draft report to the committee for discussion,
which is then voted on and possibly amended. The committee’s report is then considered
in plenary, amended, and put to a vote. The EP thus adopts its position on the issue. In
terms of their importance and strength, EP committees rival those in the U.S. Congress
and surpass the role of committees in most national European legislatures. Ad hoc
committees may also be established to investigate or oversee specific issues.
Location. Strasbourg, France is the official seat of the EP; plenary sessions are
held there for one week a month. For two weeks a month, the EP’s standing committees
meet 300 miles to the northwest in Brussels, Belgium, where the European Commission
and the Council of Ministers are located. Generally, there is also one “part plenary”
session (two days) in Brussels each month. One week is set aside for meetings of the
political groups, which are usually held in Brussels. MEPs must have offices and
lodgings in both cities. Meanwhile, the EP’s Secretariat is based in Luxembourg, about
7 “Spaniard To Head European Parliament,” Associated Press, July 20, 2004; Raphael Minder,
“Parliament Presidency Depends on Parties’ Deal,” Financial Times, July 17, 2004.

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mid-way between Strasbourg and Brussels. Most EP staff, however, live in Brussels and
either commute to France or communicate via telephone or e-mail during full plenary
sessions. The costs of having three addresses are high in terms of both time and money,
and continues to be a contentious issue (see below).
Languages. Simultaneous interpretation of all parliamentary and committee
debates is provided in the EU’s 20 official languages. All parliamentary documents are
translated into and published in these languages.
Challenges
The European Parliament faces several challenges. Chief among these is the issue
of the EP’s legitimacy, despite being a directly-elected body. Skeptics contend that the
Parliament is a largely ineffective actor impeded by an overly complex legislative process,
a high MEP turnover rate and absenteeism, and limited public interest and understanding.
To them, it symbolizes the democratic deficit and lack of transparency within the EU. On
the other hand, EP champions suggest that “co-decision” has enhanced the Parliament’s
influence, and as the only directly-elected EU institution, the EP increasingly plays an
important checks-and-balances role, as seen for example by its recent insistence on
changes in the composition of the incoming Commission. Moreover, supporters claim
that the EP’s influence is growing even in strictly consultative areas such as the EU’s
common foreign policy where the “co-decision procedure” does not apply. They assert
that the EP has become a forum for debate on international issues, and uses its power of
assent on cooperation accords with third parties, as well as Parliamentary resolutions, to
promote human rights. Yet critics argue that EP views on international relations — such
as EP opposition to lifting the EU arms embargo on China — may have little effect
because foreign policy decisions rest with the member states.
Closely related to the question of the EP’s legitimacy is the issue of whether MEPs
reflect national or European interests. The Parliament claims to represent the people of
Europe, while the Council speaks for the governments. But some observers contend that
MEPs often promote parochial national interests. Past examples include Italian and
Spanish MEPs defending olive growers, and British and Irish MEPs joining forces to
oppose tax harmonization measures. And many MEPs campaign for the Parliament on
national rather than European issues. Others argue that voting behavior in the EP
indicates that ideology holds greater influence than nationality, with MEPs voting with
their party groups almost 90% of the time.8
Another major concern is costs, which the EP has been under public pressure to
reduce. The fact that MEPs and their staffs shuttle among three cities leads to travel and
hotel bills that, in the past, have consumed roughly 15-20% of the EP’s budget. Yet the
suggestion that the EP should consolidate its operations in one city has met with
opposition in the host countries of France, Belgium, and Luxembourg, which fear losing
economic benefits and jobs. Strasbourg was chosen originally as the seat of the EP to
serve as a symbol of peace between France and Germany, and both countries argue it
should continue to do so. Construction of multi-million dollar buildings in Brussels and
8 See Simon Hix, Abdul Noury, and Gerard Roland, How MEPs Vote (Brighton, U.K.: Economic
and Social Research Council), November 2002.

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Strasbourg in the late 1990s to accommodate the growth in MEPs following EU
enlargement also stirred controversy. Critics complain that the EP is “Europe’s most
expensive dining club for an elite of pampered politicians.”9
After many years and several failed attempts, MEPs recently succeeded in reforming
the Parliament’s salary and expense regime. Some MEPs had long complained about pay
disparities because they receive the same salary as members of their respective national
parliaments. For example, Italian MEPs currently earn roughly three times more than
their Spanish counterparts. Previous efforts to reform the Parliament’s pay system had
foundered on the concerns of some member states about the costs of the reforms. In June
2005, MEPs approved a deal to pay all MEPS the same amount in exchange for instituting
a reimbursable system for MEPs’ business and travel expenses; currently, MEPs receive
a flat-rate travel allowance that does not require receipts and contributes to the
Parliament’s “gravy train” image. The new expense regime will not be implemented until
2009.
The European Parliament and the U.S. Congress
Ties between the EP and the U.S. Congress date back to 1972, when a U.S.
Congressional delegation first visited the EP in Brussels and Luxembourg. Since then,
Congressional-EP exchanges have taken place at least once a year, and have provided the
opportunity for sustained dialogue. The U.S. Congress-EP exchange is the oldest and
most prestigious of the EU’s interparliamentary delegations, which seek to develop and
maintain close ties with countries outside the EU.
In 1999, the EP and the U.S. Congress launched the Transatlantic Legislators’
Dialogue (TLD) as their official response to the U.S.-EU commitment in the 1995 New
Transatlantic Agenda to enhance parliamentary ties between the EU and the United States.
With the TLD, the two sides have committed to regular meetings twice a year to discuss
a wide range of topical political and economic issues. The EP TLD delegation is led by
a chairman, who is elected by the delegation’s members and has responsibilities equal to
those of a committee chair. The most recent TLD meeting took place in December 2005
in London.
Congress and the EP have also initiated a series of video conferences on specific
areas of mutual concern (recent video conferences have focused on the exchange of
passenger data, financial services, and U.S. restrictions of steel imports). Some MEPs
have called for making the TLD more “operational,” however, by creating a formal early
warning system to allow each side to weigh in on legislation-in-progress that could
adversely affect their interests.10
9 Nicholas Rufford, “Meps Pick Up 36% Pay Raise,” Sunday Times, July 1, 2001.
10 For more information, see the European Parliament’s website on the Transatlantic Legislators’
Dialogue [http://www.europarl.eu.int/intcoop/tld/welcome_en.htm].

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